La nouvelle Commission européenne veut ouvrir des « centres de retour » dans des pays tiers, pour faciliter les expulsions des demandeurs d'asile déboutés. Les pays des Balkans occidentaux pourraient être au cœur de ce dispositif controversé. Explications.
- Articles / Migrants Balkans, Bosnie-Herzégovine, Courrier des Balkans, Albanie, Croatie, KosovoLe premier Centre régional de cybersécurité a ouvert ses portes lundi au Monténégro. Le WB3C, soutenu par la France et la Slovénie, doit améliorer les capacités de résistance des Balkans occidentaux face aux cybermenaces de plus en plus nombreuses.
- Le fil de l'Info / Monténégro, Défense, police et justice, Questions européennes, Courrier des BalkansGermany was heavily involved in international crisis management in Mali for ten years, from 2013 to 2023. Important lessons can be drawn for effective and adaptive foreign and security policy, in particular concerning Germany’s internal structures and processes. Germany’s engagement in Mali was shaped by its commitments to allies and the United Nations. This was a legitimate interest, but left Berlin without strategic goals of its own in Mali. The lack of strategic and political orientation has resulted in less than optimal use of the very substantial resources invested. Interministerial cooperation failed to meet expectations, despite a number of new instruments (including in security force assistance) and institutional innovations (the Sahel Task Force, CIVAD). Although Germany’s participation in MINUSMA was operationally successful, it was inadequately anchored politically and strategically. MINUSMA as a whole failed to achieve its political goals. In the field of crisis management, Germany’s organisational learning processes occur mainly from one deployment to the next, less so during a given operation. Despite the duration of the Mali engagement, learning and adjustment processes occurred only at the operational-tactical level. Fundamental course corrections were not made, despite the obvious need to do so. Interministerial cooperation was insufficient to facilitate effective strategy-building. The learning culture within and between government departments proved inadequate.
In numerous countries, more restrictive regulations on abortions have recently led to a weakening of sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR). These legislative developments at the national level are reflected in the discussions at international forums, as they hinge upon human rights standards and access to health services. Although Germany has always advocated for the broad protection of SRHR, it is striking that the German government is not very active in international forums when it comes to addressing the content of this set of rights. This approach of diplomatic restraint carries the risk of providing those who oppose a broad interpretation of SRHR – be they governments, organisations or individuals – with a means to undermine the concept. If the German government wants to pursue its international commitment to human rights and individual freedoms in global health as well, more active advocacy is required.