Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

In der neuen Regierung des türkischen Präsidenten Recep Tayyip Erdoğan wurde Mehmet Şimşek zum Finanzminister ernannt, während die Managerin Hafize Gaye Erkan an die Spitze der Zentralbank rückte. Beide gelten als erfahrene Experten und Vertreter einer rationalen Ökonomie. Ihre Berufung hat daher Hoffnungen geweckt, Ankara könnte künftig wieder auf eine orthodoxe Wirtschaftspolitik setzen. Doch Zweifel daran bleiben. Ohnehin wäre ein entsprechender Kurswechsel kein Freiticket aus der Wirtschaftskrise des Landes, solange er nicht durch strukturelle Reformen flankiert würde. Der Türkei drohen eine Inflationsspirale und ein Konjunktureinbruch, wodurch sie nicht nur innenpolitisch destabilisiert würde, sondern auch sicherheitspolitisch geschwächt – vor allem gegenüber Russlands Einflussstreben im regionalen Umfeld. Die Konsequenzen für die EU wären enorm. Notwendig ist daher eine wirtschafts- und sicherheitspolitische Zusammenarbeit, die das Land stabilisiert, ohne das autokratische Regime Erdoğans zu legitimieren.

Entrenched positions, particularly between industrialised countries and some major emerging economies, dominated negotiations at June’s UN Climate Change Conference in Bonn. Disagreements over the interpretation of “common but differentiated responsibilities” and the principle of equity hindered substantial progress. Preparations for the first Global Stocktake (GST) to ratchet up the ambition under the Paris Agreement (2015), which will conclude at the 28th Conference of the Parties (COP28) in Dubai in December, did not meet expectations. At the same time, some emerging economies, notably China, attempted to lessen the significance of the IPCC’s Sixth Assessment Report (AR6) as a common scientific basis. Should China maintain this position, it could result in negative consequences for the multilateral climate process well beyond COP28.

Die deutsche und europäische Migrationspolitik befindet sich im perma­nenten Krisenmodus. Plötzliche Anstiege ungeregelter Zuwanderung nähren ein Gefühl von Kontrollverlust, das wiederum von populistischen Kräften instrumentalisiert wird. Daher hat die Politik großes Interesse an quantitativen Migrationsprognosen. Besondere Erwartungen wecken KI-gestützte Instrumente zur Vorhersage ungeregelter Wanderungsbewegungen, wie sie zurzeit entwickelt werden. Die Anwendungsfelder dieser Instrumente sind vielfältig. Sie reichen von einer Stärkung der Aufnahmekapazitäten in der EU über die präventive Verschärfung von Grenzschutzmaßnahmen und eine bedarfsgerechte Bereitstellung von Ressourcen in humanitären Krisen bis zur längerfristigen entwicklungspolitischen Programmplanung. Allerdings besteht eine deutliche Kluft zwischen den Erwartungen an die neuen Instrumente und ihrem praktischen Mehrwert. Zum einen sind die technischen Möglichkeiten begrenzt, und mittelfristige Vorhersagen zu ungeregelten Wanderungen sind methodisch kaum möglich. Zum anderen mangelt es an Verfahren, um die Ergebnisse in politische Entscheidungsprozesse einfließen zu lassen. Die hohe Nachfrage nach Prognosen erklärt sich aus den politischen Funktionen quantitativer Migrationsvorhersage – beispielsweise ihrem Potential für die politische Kommunikation, die Mitteleinwerbung und die Legitimierung politischer Entscheidungen. Investitionen in die Qualität der den Prognosen zugrunde liegenden Daten sind sinnvoller als die Entwicklung immer neuer Instrumente. Bei der Mittelvergabe für Prognosen sollten Anwendungen in der Nothilfe und der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit priorisiert werden. Zudem sollten die Krisenfrüherkennung und die Risikoanalyse gestärkt werden, und die beteiligten Akteure sollten sich besser vernetzen.

Unlike his predecessors, US President Joe Biden made important decisions early in his term to enable better coordination of US Arctic policy. This includes foremost the National Strategy for the Arctic Region that was published later than planned as a result of Russia’s war of aggression, which destroyed the few remaining hopes for cooperation and made the Arctic a security policy issue. Alaska, as the northernmost American state, is naturally at the centre of US Arctic policy, which increasingly also must take Chinese activities into consideration. Most recently, in September 2022, the U.S. Coast Guard (USCG) detected Chinese and Russian warships off Alaska. Currently, only one US icebreaker is continuously available in the Arctic theatre with the mis­sion to protect sovereignty in the Arctic Ocean and monitor ice-covered areas. Alaska is also the very same US state that the recent Chinese spy balloon flew over, which was eventually shot down in February 2023. After decades of scant attention, is the Arctic now finally becoming the object of a more engaged US security policy?

Dans le contexte de la guerre en Ukraine et des récents revirements de la France sur l’intégration de l’Ukraine d’abord à l’Union européenne puis à l’OTAN, et celui des évolutions de son positionnement au sein de l’Union européenne, notamment au regard de sa relation avec Moscou, Pascal Boniface échange avec Isabelle Lasserre, journaliste, responsable des questions de diplomatie et de stratégie au Figaro, autour de son ouvrage « Macron-Poutine : les liaisons dangereuses » paru aux éditions l’observatoire (https://www.editions-observatoire.com…)

As world leaders are packing their bags to travel to Washington for the Spring meetings of the World Bank (WB) and the International Monetary Fund, these discussions will offer the first opportunity of the year to collectively deliver on some of the propositions to reform the WB and the international financial architecture for sustainable development to make them fit for the poly-crises of the 21st century. The May G7 Summit in Japan, the June Summit for A New Financial Pact in Paris, the September Finance in Common Summit in Colombia, the SDG Summit in New York, the G20 Summit in India, the October World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) annual meetings, and the COP28 in Dubai at the end of the year, are other opportunities to move the reform agenda forward. Building a possible shared European vision on main priorities on the international development financial architecture is key for the European Union (EU) and its member states, given their political and economic weight in the international financial institutions (IFIs) and fora, and their responsibilities as key implementing actors in countries of operations.

As world leaders are packing their bags to travel to Washington for the Spring meetings of the World Bank (WB) and the International Monetary Fund, these discussions will offer the first opportunity of the year to collectively deliver on some of the propositions to reform the WB and the international financial architecture for sustainable development to make them fit for the poly-crises of the 21st century. The May G7 Summit in Japan, the June Summit for A New Financial Pact in Paris, the September Finance in Common Summit in Colombia, the SDG Summit in New York, the G20 Summit in India, the October World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) annual meetings, and the COP28 in Dubai at the end of the year, are other opportunities to move the reform agenda forward. Building a possible shared European vision on main priorities on the international development financial architecture is key for the European Union (EU) and its member states, given their political and economic weight in the international financial institutions (IFIs) and fora, and their responsibilities as key implementing actors in countries of operations.

As world leaders are packing their bags to travel to Washington for the Spring meetings of the World Bank (WB) and the International Monetary Fund, these discussions will offer the first opportunity of the year to collectively deliver on some of the propositions to reform the WB and the international financial architecture for sustainable development to make them fit for the poly-crises of the 21st century. The May G7 Summit in Japan, the June Summit for A New Financial Pact in Paris, the September Finance in Common Summit in Colombia, the SDG Summit in New York, the G20 Summit in India, the October World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) annual meetings, and the COP28 in Dubai at the end of the year, are other opportunities to move the reform agenda forward. Building a possible shared European vision on main priorities on the international development financial architecture is key for the European Union (EU) and its member states, given their political and economic weight in the international financial institutions (IFIs) and fora, and their responsibilities as key implementing actors in countries of operations.

Although the EU has now concluded numerous bilateral and regional trade agreements, the framework with African, Caribbean and Pacific countries is now to be signed after bumpy negotiations.

Although the EU has now concluded numerous bilateral and regional trade agreements, the framework with African, Caribbean and Pacific countries is now to be signed after bumpy negotiations.

Although the EU has now concluded numerous bilateral and regional trade agreements, the framework with African, Caribbean and Pacific countries is now to be signed after bumpy negotiations.

This chapter addresses the evolution of the relationship between masculinity and migration within a Zimbabwean historical, sociocultural, economic and political context. It discusses how migration transitioned from a gender-neutral to a masculinised and, later, feminised activity. The chapter argues that this gendered transition has varied and sometimes contradictory impacts on masculinity. The contradictions stem from men’s differential capacities (or lack thereof) to migrate and convert migration into a resource that can be channelled into performance of normative or socially approved masculinity. The chapter demonstrates how migration potentially resuscitates or erodes aspects of normative masculinity against a backdrop of the protracted economic crisis in Zimbabwe. The interaction between migration and masculinity is observable not only in homosocial relations but also in gender relations within marriages and family life. The chapter accordingly draws attention to contemporary migration, illustrating how its feminisation impacts on men who had hitherto enjoyed a monopoly on migration in the Zimbabwean context. The discussion of migration and masculinity in this chapter draws from qualitative research with Zimbabwean migrants in Germany and South Africa as well as with non-migrants in Zimbabwe.

This chapter addresses the evolution of the relationship between masculinity and migration within a Zimbabwean historical, sociocultural, economic and political context. It discusses how migration transitioned from a gender-neutral to a masculinised and, later, feminised activity. The chapter argues that this gendered transition has varied and sometimes contradictory impacts on masculinity. The contradictions stem from men’s differential capacities (or lack thereof) to migrate and convert migration into a resource that can be channelled into performance of normative or socially approved masculinity. The chapter demonstrates how migration potentially resuscitates or erodes aspects of normative masculinity against a backdrop of the protracted economic crisis in Zimbabwe. The interaction between migration and masculinity is observable not only in homosocial relations but also in gender relations within marriages and family life. The chapter accordingly draws attention to contemporary migration, illustrating how its feminisation impacts on men who had hitherto enjoyed a monopoly on migration in the Zimbabwean context. The discussion of migration and masculinity in this chapter draws from qualitative research with Zimbabwean migrants in Germany and South Africa as well as with non-migrants in Zimbabwe.

This chapter addresses the evolution of the relationship between masculinity and migration within a Zimbabwean historical, sociocultural, economic and political context. It discusses how migration transitioned from a gender-neutral to a masculinised and, later, feminised activity. The chapter argues that this gendered transition has varied and sometimes contradictory impacts on masculinity. The contradictions stem from men’s differential capacities (or lack thereof) to migrate and convert migration into a resource that can be channelled into performance of normative or socially approved masculinity. The chapter demonstrates how migration potentially resuscitates or erodes aspects of normative masculinity against a backdrop of the protracted economic crisis in Zimbabwe. The interaction between migration and masculinity is observable not only in homosocial relations but also in gender relations within marriages and family life. The chapter accordingly draws attention to contemporary migration, illustrating how its feminisation impacts on men who had hitherto enjoyed a monopoly on migration in the Zimbabwean context. The discussion of migration and masculinity in this chapter draws from qualitative research with Zimbabwean migrants in Germany and South Africa as well as with non-migrants in Zimbabwe.

EU-Gipfel mit der Gemeinschaft lateinamerikanischer und karibischer Staaten: Politologin Claudia Zilla erklärt, wie verschieden die Interessen sind - und welche Konflikte es gibt.