Agrégateur de flux

President Xi Jinping is flaunting Beijing’s weapons development and close ties with other autocratic leaders.

La militante féministe marocaine Ibtissame Lachgar, jugée pour "atteinte à l'islam", a été condamnée mercredi à 30 mois de prison, selon l'un de ses avocats. L'un de ses avocats a fait part de sa volonté d'interjeter appel.

L’équipe nationale algérienne de football, les Verts, affrontera le Botswana ce jeudi au stade « Hocine Aït Ahmed » de Tizi Ouzou, dans le cadre de la […]

L’article Algérie – Botswana : A quelle heure et sur quelles chaines voir le match ? est apparu en premier sur .

À l’approche de la rentrée scolaire, le ministère de l’Éducation nationale a publié ce mercredi la liste officielle des fournitures scolaires pour l’année 2025-2026. Cette […]

L’article Rentrée 2025/2026 : Découvrez la liste officielle des fournitures scolaires pour chaque classe est apparu en premier sur .

L’actrice algérienne Nardjess a récemment déclenché une vague de réactions sur les réseaux sociaux en publiant une vidéo où elle critique la prise de position […]

L’article « Une honte », l’actrice Nardjess fustige les défenseurs de Mohamed Khassani est apparu en premier sur .

Lengyelországban maradnak az odavezényelt amerikai katonák, és ha a lengyelek úgy kívánják, Washington akár növelheti is a kontingens létszámát – jelentette ki Donald Trump amerikai elnök szerdán Washingtonban, a Karol Nawrocki lengyel elnökkel tartott találkozójának kezdetén.

A TV Republika lengyel konzervatív hírtelevízió élő közvetítésében Trump a sajtó képviselőinek arra a kérdésére válaszolt, hogy Lengyelországban maradnak-e az amerikai katonák. „Azt hiszem, hogy maradnak. (…) Esetleg több katonát is telepíthetünk oda, ha azt kívánják” – reagált Trump. Hozzátette: Varsó „már régóta akarta a katonai jelenlét növelését”.

Egy további kérdésre válaszolva Trump kifejtette: az amerikai kormányzat „soha nem gondolt arra”, hogy Lengyelországból visszavonná fegyveres erőit. „Más országokra vonatkozóan ezt fontolóra vesszük, de Lengyelországgal folyamatosan vállvetve járunk” – fogalmazott Trump, utalva a lengyel-amerikai kapcsolatok „rendkívüli jellegére”.

„Lengyelországban örökké ott maradunk, és segítünk neki a védekezésben”

– tette hozzá az amerikai elnök.

Lengyelországban jelenleg mintegy 10 ezer amerikai katona állomásozik, többségük úgynevezett állandó rotációs jelleggel.

Karol Nawrocki ezzel összefüggésben elmondta: a 20. és a 21. századi lengyel történelemben „először fordul elő, hogy a lengyelek örülnek külföldi katonák jelenlétének”, amelynek köszönhetően „biztonság honol lengyel földön”.

Ez a jelenlét „jelzést jelent Oroszország felé is, hogy összetartunk, hogy nem ingyen akarunk NATO-tagok lenni” – érvelt Nawrocki. Rámutatott: Lengyelország a GDP-jének 4,7 százalékát költi védelemre, és azt ígérte, hogy ezeket a kiadásokat 5 százalékra emelik.

Donald Trump nyilatkozatát az amerikai katonai jelenlét fenntartásáról Donald Tusk lengyel kormányfő és Radoslaw Sikorski lengyel külügyminiszter is üdvözölte az X-en. „Ezek fontos szavak, megerősítik szövetségünk időtlen jellegét” – fogalmazott Tusk.

Andrzej Duda előző lengyel elnök az X-en úgy kommentálta Trump szavait: „A NATO keleti szárnya továbbra is biztonságos marad a szövetségesek együttműködésének és az amerikai csapatok lengyelországi jelenlétének köszönhetően”.

Karol Nawrockit augusztus elején iktatták be az elnöki tisztségre, és Washingtonba vezetett első hivatalos külföldi útja.

Forrás: MTI

The post Trump: az amerikai katonák Lengyelországban maradnak appeared first on Kárpátalja.ma.

RÉCIT - Le chef de l’État cherche à amadouer les socialistes, alors que les appels à la dissolution ou à la démission se multiplient.

A természetvédelem nem mindig látványos faültetésekből vagy nagyszabású akciókból áll. Gyakran csendes, következetes munka rejlik mögötte: adatgyűjtés, felmérés, figyelem, amely hosszú távon alapja lehet valódi változásoknak. A PAPILIO – Természet- és Környezetvédelmi Egyesület a magyarországi PET Kupa együttműködésével, a Diageo CallAction 3 projekt támogatásával 2025-ben is folytatta a monitoring programját, amelynek célja feltérképezni és nyomon követni a hulladékszigetek kialakulását a Latorca folyó Nagydobronyi Vadvédelmi Rezervátumot kettészelő szakaszán.

A Latorca a maga kanyargó útján egyszerre jelent életet és kockázatot a természet számára. A folyóvíz mozgása révén sokféle élőlényt táplál és életteret biztosít, ugyanakkor sajnos a hulladék is könnyedén sodródik benne. A tavaszi árhullámokkal érkező műanyagpalackok, zacskók és más szennyeződések a víz sodrásában megtorpanva, a part menti ágakba, uszadékfák közé akadva hulladékszigeteket hoznak létre. Ezek a szigetek nem csupán esztétikai problémát jelentenek: a helyi ökoszisztéma egészsége forog kockán.

A monitoringprogram keretében az egyesület önkéntesei és szakemberei rendszeres terepbejárásokat tartanak. GPS-koordináták rögzítésével, fotódokumentációval és mennyiségi becslésekkel követik nyomon a hulladéklerakódások alakulását. A cél egy olyan adatbázis kialakítása, amelyből egyértelműen láthatóvá válik, mikor és hol keletkeznek a legnagyobb szennyezett gócpontok, és hogyan változik a helyzet évszakról évszakra.

A projekt célja, hogy az összegyűjtött adatokkal hosszú távon is segítse a hatóságok, helyi önkormányzatok és más civil szervezetek munkáját. A pontos információk birtokában ugyanis célzottabb tisztítási akciók indíthatók, és megelőző intézkedések is tervezhetők – például a hulladék utánpótlásának csökkentésére.

Az első hónapok tapasztalatai rámutattak: a Latorca mentén a hulladék mennyisége közvetlen összefüggésben áll a folyó menti települések hulladékgazdálkodásának hiányosságaival. A folyó sajnos nem ismer határokat: amit egy település partján eldobnak, azt a víz könnyedén elsodorja, és néhány kilométerrel lejjebb már mások problémájává válik. Éppen ezért a hulladékmonitoring üzenete messze túlmutat a rezervátum határain: a folyó menti közösségek összefogása nélkül nincs tartós megoldás.

A PAPILIO Egyesület munkatársai bíznak abban, hogy a program hosszú távon hozzájárulhat a Latorca tisztaságának megőrzéséhez. Az adatgyűjtésből idővel térképek, grafikonok, sőt tanulmányok is készülnek, amelyek alapot adhatnak további természetvédelmi kezdeményezésekhez.

A Nagydobronyi Vadvédelmi Rezervátum számára ez a munka különösen fontos. A védett terület célja ugyanis nem csupán az élővilág védelme, hanem annak bemutatása is, hogy az ember és természet békés együttélése lehetséges. A hulladékszigetek elleni küzdelem pedig ennek a küldetésnek szerves része.

PAPILIO – Természet- és Környezetvédelmi Egyesület

The post Hulladékszigetek nyomában – monitoringprogram a Latorca partján appeared first on Kárpátalja.ma.

Topic: Air Warfare Blog Brand: The Buzz Region: Americas Tags: Canada, NGAD, NORAD, North America, and Sixth-Generation Aircraft Canada’s Sixth-Gen Fighter Snub Is Straining Its Alliance with the United States September 3, 2025 By: Andrew Latham Share

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Ottawa’s inaction on the NGAD program is not merely embarrassing. It is dangerous—putting the foundations of Canada’s most important security partnerships at risk.

On one side of the US-Canada border, the United States is racing ahead with the F-47 and the broader sixth-generation NGAD program—constructing the aircraft and networks that will form the core of its future way of war. On the other, Canada has effectively chosen to remain parked at the fifth generation with the F-35. This would be concerning enough if the stakes were limited to lost procurement opportunities or missed industrial contracts. But they are not. By standing on the sidelines of the Next-Generation Air Dominance (NGAD) program, Canada is threatening the very foundations of its defense partnership with the United States, starting with NORAD and rippling outward across the North American security relationship writ large. None of this is in Canada’s national interest.

How Sixth-Generation Fighter Jets Will Work

Sixth-generation airpower is not about another incremental step in fighter capability. It is about building an integrated network of command, control, sensor fusion, and AI-enabled kill chains that will determine how warfare is waged in the 21st century. The platforms at the heart of these programs are not so much new fighters as airborne command nodes, which will need to operate at machine speed in a battlespace where the distinctions between air, space, cyber, and the electromagnetic spectrum are intentionally and increasingly blurred. This is the guiding logic behind sixth-generation fighter development all over the world—America’s NGAD program, Europe’s Future Combat Air System (FCAS), and the Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP) now linking Britain, Japan, and Italy. Each program is less about the specific capabilities of the machines involved than it is about seizing control over the architecture of coalition warfare for decades to come. States that fail to stake out an early place in these ecosystems will not just be behind the curve. They will be locked out.

Canada is on the outside of the NGAD ecosystem looking in. Ottawa has no role in shaping the doctrine or military-technical requirements of NGAD. Canada’s firms have no share in the industrial benefits, and the country’s military leaders have no voice in how the architecture of sixth-generation airpower is being built. The costs of that absence will be heavy. In the NGAD era, “interoperability” will not mean flying compatible aircraft or radios that can talk to one another, but rather sharing integrated cloud-based systems, feeding sensor data into real-time AI engines, and trusting allies with mission-critical code.

Trust in each other’s software—and therefore in each other’s ability to make reliable use of that code on the battlefield—will have to be earned over time through co-development and co-production, not by buying a few dozen platforms off the shelf once the code is already written and frozen. Nor will the US combat cloud stretching from sea to space, from low Earth orbit to the hypersonic layer, slow down to accommodate Canadian platforms left out of code-level integration and unable to feed sensor data back into the wider network. Shared situational awareness will become a veneer. And once trust in that shared situational awareness starts to decay, the partnership itself begins to crumble as well.

Canada Was an Active Partner in America’s Defense. What Changed?

This is not remotely comparable to how Canada partnered with the United States on the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter. As a founding partner in that fifth-generation program, Canadian firms won billions of dollars in defense contracts, Canadian pilots gained access to emerging doctrine, and Ottawa received a seat at the design table. With NGAD, the situation is very different. Ottawa has passed on those options, and is choosing instead to play the role of a late-arriving customer—if even that. The contrast is obvious to Washington and other allies and partners: whereas Canada was a full participant in shaping the future of airpower in the past, it is a bystander today.

The implications for NORAD, the cornerstone of continental defence for over six decades, are especially stark. When NORAD was created in 1957, Canada was not merely along for the ride: it was at the center of the vision, which understood North America as a unified and indivisible whole. When the North Warning System was built in the 1980s, radar lines crossed the continent in arcs that bisected Canadian territory. Canadian and American officers worked side-by-side in a genuinely integrated command. And throughout the Cold War, Canadian fighters sat alongside American ones on alert as equal partners, defending North American airspace.

That model of binational cooperation became a global symbol of allied trust and confidence. But when NORAD’s architecture is being remade to address the threats of the 21st century—including hypersonic missiles, stealthy cruise systems, and cross-domain synchronization—Canada is not modernizing to the same standards as the United States. Washington is moving ahead with NGAD integration, and Canada is not.

Ottawa’s neglect is especially glaring when it comes to the Arctic. The northern approaches to North America are once again a zone of great-power competition. Russia continues to operate long-range bombers from Arctic bases, and new hypersonic glide vehicles that are capable of attacking North America over the pole are already entering service. China has announced itself a “near-Arctic power” and is making inroads with both influence operations and mapping of polar routes for commerce and military access. Geography makes Canada an indispensable part of continental defense, but without NGAD-level integration, that advantage risks becoming irrelevant. An air force unable to plug into next-generation command networks will not be able to defend the Arctic effectively, nor reassure Washington that Canada is serious about its own northern responsibilities.

This is not merely a technical problem, but also a strategic one. The United States does not run its alliances based on sentiment, nostalgia, or past contributions—particularly in the era of President Donald Trump, who has made no secret of his transactional worldview. Today, Washington measures and rewards contributions made today, and expects its partners to do the same. States that step up, take hard decisions, and invest in the capabilities of the future are given influence in return. Those that do not are marginalized and quietly pushed to the side.

Ottawa’s current position all but guarantees that Washington will see Canada in the latter camp. The long-term result could be the hollowing out of NORAD as a genuinely binational command. Ottawa would still be briefed, but only after the fact and with no say in decisions that really matter. At that point, the “joint” nature of North American defence will be more fiction than fact.

Canada Cannot Free-Ride Off of America Any Longer

This is where the true failure of Canada’s current path becomes clear. Canada’s political class has spent decades convincing itself that the United States will always foot the bill for continental defence. Governments on both sides have treated defense procurement as optional spending, and strategy as something to defer to its partners on. These governments seem to have fallen under the illusion that Canada could hedge its way through great-power competition—perhaps even relying on Russia and China to balance against each other, all while somehow magically sustaining its sovereignty without needing to pay for it.

That illusion is unraveling further each day. Washington has made clear that it is no longer willing to subsidize allied indifference or complacency. In an era of great-power competition, relevance must be earned. Other allies have heard this message loud and clear; Australia, Japan, South Korea, and even Finland are busy embedding themselves in sixth-generation ecosystems, whether through NGAD partnerings, European FCAS programs, or the Anglo-Japanese-Italian GCAP. They are buying access, building capability, and harmonizing doctrine. They are making sacrifices in order to ensure that they are not just consumers of American security but contributors to it. Canada is doing none of this.

The costs are not just strategic, they are industrial. NGAD, FCAS, and GCAP will dominate the defence marketplace for decades. The intellectual property associated with these programs will be tightly controlled, and access to contracts tightly rationed to those on the inside from the start. Canadian firms will not see another F-35-style bonanza. They will instead be reduced to the role of subcontractors, dependent on the goodwill of others. That might be tolerable in peacetime, but it would be catastrophic in wartime—when Canada would find itself with little leverage, few options to surge production of critical components, and mired in deep dependence on third parties.

The economic effects in this scenario will also have political effects. If Canadian industry is systematically locked out of the cutting edge, Ottawa will lose one of the few tools it has to justify large defense expenditures to the Canadian public—namely the benefits of such expenditures to the Canadian economy. Without contracts going to Canadian companies, creating Canadian jobs, domestic support for higher spending will decline even further. Canada’s political class, already allergic to defence investment, will find new excuses to defer and delay, kicking off a vicious cycle of weakness and strategic irrelevance.

Canada Cannot Put Off Defense Spending Any Longer

Policymakers in Ottawa might attempt to persuade themselves that the NGAD program and its European competitors are still years away from completion. This is no longer the case. NGAD prototypes are already in the air, engines are being tested, and early platforms are scheduled to enter service in the 2030s. FCAS demonstrators are in development, and GCAP partners are building toward their first test flights in the early 2030s. The architecture for sixth-generation airpower and the battle networks it will enable will be locked in long before that. By the end of this decade, those on the inside of the ecosystem will be in. Those on the outside will be out. Today, Canada still has options to reverse its irrelevance—but time is running short.

Those options require a change of mindset. Ottawa could lobby for observer status on NGAD. It could begin making investments in plug-in technologies—AI, advanced sensors, drone teaming, and so on—that would at least give Canada a semi-integrated role in the wider network. It could use NORAD modernization as a bargaining chip to secure meaningful participation. But none of this is possible if Canadian leaders continue to defer hard decisions, then depend on the United States to cover for them.

Ottawa’s inaction up to now is not merely embarrassing. It is dangerous—putting the foundations of Canada’s most important security partnerships at risk. If Canadian leaders do not reverse course and find a place for Canada inside the sixth-generation ecosystem, the country will come to be regarded as a free rider, a bystander, and ultimately a liability for North America’s defense. The blame for that state of affairs will rest squarely on the shoulders of the existing political class—so addicted to deferral, and so blinded by short-term calculation, that it has chosen to gamble away Canada’s security and broader national interest at the very moment when both are more vital than ever.

About the Author: Andrew Latham

Andrew Latham is a senior Washington fellow at the Institute for Peace and Diplomacy, where he focuses on military strategy, great power politics, and the future of warfare. His work has appeared in The National Interest, RealClear Defense, 19FortyFive, The Hill, and The Diplomat. He is also a tenured professor of International Relations at Macalester College in Saint Paul, MN.

Image: Wikimedia Commons.

The post Canada’s Sixth-Gen Fighter Snub Is Straining Its Alliance with the United States appeared first on The National Interest.

Both commitments are central to July’s EU-US framework agreement, which hits most EU exports with a 15% levy

DÉCRYPTAGE - Le premier ministre n’exclut pas de renoncer à la suppression de deux jours fériés si une autre mesure permet de dégager le même rendement et souhaite restreindre l’accès à l’aide médicale de l’État par décret.

Le 31 août, le Premier ministre norvégien, Jonas Gahr Støre, a annoncé l’achat de cinq ou six frégates britanniques de Type 26 [ou classe « City »] pour 8,5 milliards d’euros. Et cela aux dépens de la Frégate de défense et d’intervention [FDI] de Naval Group, de la Meko A-400 allemande et de la « Constellation » américaine. S’il...

Cet article La Suède pourrait préférer le britannique Babcock au français Naval Group pour ses futures frégates est apparu en premier sur Zone Militaire.

A teljes körű háború kitörése óta 14, a megszállt területről származó, gyermek került új családba Kárpátalján – közölte a Munkácsi Városi Tanács a Facebook-oldalán szeptember 3-án.

Hetet családi típusú gyermekotthonokban, hetet pedig gyámoknál vagy gondviselőknél helyeztek el.

A gyerekek nehéz megpróbáltatásokon mentek keresztül: nem megfelelő bánásmód, kényszerű kitelepítés és megfelelő lakhatási körülmények hiánya.

A kicsik pszichológiai segítséget kapnak az átélt traumák feldolgozásához.

Kárpátalja.ma

The post Tizennégy belső menekült gyermek talált új otthonra a Munkácsi kistérségben appeared first on Kárpátalja.ma.

The Indian leader’s visit to China caps a nearly year-long effort to ease bilateral tensions.

"We'll put more there if they want," Trump said in the Oval Office. "We're with Poland all the way and we'll help Poland protect itself."

China’s real message was on display in its military parade, not the empty pageantry of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation.

During the first years of Taliban rule in Afghanistan, brave Afghan women in Kabul and several other provinces rose up in protest. Credit: Learning Together.

By External Source
KABUL, Sep 3 2025 (IPS)

This year marks the fourth anniversary of the Taliban retaking power in Afghanistan. All these years have been one long nightmare for  the women of Afghanistan, the ones who have borne the brunt of oppression – arguably the worst of its kind anywhere in the world.

To mark the occasion we find it appropriate to take a short trip in history back into the last four years to recollect how it all unfolded and how Afghan women have endured it this far.

On August 15, 2021, Kabul, the capital of Afghanistan fell to the Taliban. The event marked the end of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, led by Mohammad Ashraf Ghani, and the return of the “Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan” under Taliban rule. This political change started a new chapter of suffering, systemic bans, and harsh restrictions reserved mainly for women and girls.

Within a very short time, the Taliban introduced strict rules affecting education, work, public life, and even travel. Girls were banned from school; women were ejected from government work and the public sector; they were compelled to wear full covering and not allowed to travel without a male guardian.

The year 2021 was painful, suffocating, and deeply traumatizing for Afghan women and girls. In late August 2021, schools remained open up to grade 12 only in a few provinces of Balkh, Kunduz, Jawzjan, Sar-e Pol, Faryab, and Daikund – where local officials ignored the Taliban leadership’s orders. In most other provinces, girls were stopped from going to school.

 

A “Temporary” Suspension That Still Stands

The Taliban’s Ministry of Education officially announced that only primary schools – up to grade 6 – would stay open for girls. Secondary and high schools were, however, suspended “until further notice”. They would only reopen if “Islamic rules were followed, such as wearing the proper religious clothing.” Four years on, the so-called temporary suspension in still place.

In September 2021, the Taliban shut down the Ministry of women’s Affairs and handed over its building to the Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice. Thus, a ministry notorious for its harsh and oppressive treatment of women and girls, was preferred to the one meant to raise awareness, promote gender equality and support women’s participation in national development.

By December 2021, the Taliban moved to make a black full-body covering that shows only the eyes or a burqa, mandatory for women. At universities, female and male classes were completely separated.

 

Women Protest—Despite Crackdowns

But Afghan women did not take these oppressive rules on the chin. On the contrary, they took to the streets of Kabul and protested vigorously, with slogans such as, “Work, education, freedom, and political participation are our rights.”

The Taliban predictably responded with brutal force, including even firing live rounds into crowds to break up the protests, but the women remained undeterred. The protests inspired similar actions in other provinces such as Herat, Balkh, Badakhshan, Daikundi, Bamyan, and Nangarhar.

Amidst the protests and brutalities, the women still held onto hope. “Brighter days will come”, they used to say, but in 2022, the Taliban escalated the bans on women’s social life, once again, beginning with education. That year, Afghan girls were officially banned from entering universities and barred from registering for the national university entrance exams.

Media restrictions and mandatory dress codes, which started in November 2021, intensified in 2022. The sight of women was banished from television and cinema screens, and female journalists were compelled to cover their entire faces. In May 2022, wearing the full-body abaya with a niqab became mandatory. Failure to comply was punished by fines, job loss, and even imprisonment.

In April 2022, restrictions began with new rules assigning specific days for women to visit public parks. By November of the same year, women were entirely forbidden to visit public parks, gyms, and bathhouses. Severe travel restrictions were also placed on women. They were forbidden to travel more than 72 kilometres without a male guardian. This rule was enforced regardless of whether the woman had a husband at home or not, or whether the guardian was able to accompany her. Transportation companies and airlines were ordered to enforce this rule, violators would have their vehicles seized or imprisoned.

Eventually, women were pushed out of government jobs altogether. The largest wave of dismissals happened in September 2022. By December, women’s participation in NGOs, international organizations, and UN offices was completely banned. This also affected thousands of women, many of them nurses and midwives working in the health sector, severely jeopardizing an already creaky health services of people in a war-torn country.

As the years progressed, the banning decrees kept flying out like snowflakes, with increasing violence. In Logar, Kabul, Herat, Faryab, Jawzjan, and Ghor provinces, public floggings, stoning and executions were carried out against women accused of moral crimes.

In spite of that, brave Afghan women in Kabul and several other provinces rose up in protest. They chanted slogans like “Bread, Work, Education It’s Our Right,” “We Will Not Back Down”.

Undeterred by serious threats and dangers, these courageous women raised their voices louder than ever before. They showed unprecedented resilience against oppression, hoping their protests would become a symbol of civil resistance for Afghan women everywhere.

We spent the last three years like the living dead, silent, breathless, merely surviving hoping each day that the next decree would not bring more loss. As we stepped into 2025, we carried with us a fragile hope that the injustice, oppression, and inequality would end. But this year, too, has mirrored the years before.

The voices of young girls have been replaced by locked doors, forced silence, and tired, defeated gazes.

The very women who are meant to save lives in the future are now imprisoned behind the walls of their own homes. Beauty salons have been shut down as if femininity itself were a crime. Learning centers are silent, universities are forgotten and even dreams once bold and vibrant have been exorcised from the mind.

The year 2025 continues to mark a series of systematic and oppressive steps by the Taliban aimed at gradually erasing women from public life. Afghan women remain trapped under oppression, yet with an unbreakable spirit, we hold onto hope for a day when freedom, education, and justice will return to our land.

 

A Call to the International Community

This hope, however, would only become reality when the international community and the European Union listen to the demands of Afghan women and respond with tangible and effective actions.

We are not just asking for sympathy or words of condemnation, we are calling for real action. We are standing firm and we will not surrender. Now it is the turn of the international community to stand with us.

Excerpt:

The author is an Afghanistan-based female journalist, trained with Finnish support before the Taliban take-over. Her identity is withheld for security reasons

How New Delhi is navigating U.S. tariffs and a shifting geopolitical reality.

A világ legnagyobb jéghegye, az A23a, amely negyven éve vált le az Antarktiszról, északra sodródva egyre gyorsabban töredezik szét, és hamarosan teljesen elolvad – számolt be róla szerdán a The Guardian.

A hatalmas jéghegy, amelynek tömegét az év elején még csaknem egy trillió tonnára becsülték, jelenleg már eredeti nagyságának kisebb mint felére zsugorodott, de területe még így is mintegy 1770 négyzetkilométer, és legnagyobb szélessége 60 kilométer – írta a brit lap az EU Copernicus műholdas klímafigyelő szolgálatának műholdfelvételeiről készült AFP-elemzés nyomán.

Az elmúlt hetekben óriási – mintegy 400 négyzetkilométeres – jéghegyek szakadtak le róla, és sok kisebb jégtömb is, amely ugyanakkor ahhoz elég termetes, hogy veszélyeztesse a térségben közlekedő hajókat.

Északra sodródva „drámai módon töredezik” – mondta el Andrew Meijers óceánkutató, a brit antarktiszi kutatóprogram (BAS) tudósa. Hozzátette, hogy a jéghegy gyorsan erodálódik, „a víz már túl meleg ahhoz, hogy megmaradhasson, folyamatosan olvad”.

A tudós szerint néhány hét múlva már annyira elolvadhat, hogy igazából nem lehet majd felismerni.

Az A23a 1986-ban szakadt le az Antarktiszról, de ezt követően rövidesen megfeneklett a Weddel-tengeren, és több mint harminc évre ott ragadt. 2020-ban szabadult el, és az erős Antarktisz körüli áramlat a „jéghegyek útján” a Dél-Atlanti-óceánba sodorta.

Márciusban a Dél-Georgia-sziget sekély vizeinek közelébe ért, és félő volt, hogy veszélyeztetheti az ott élő pingvin- és fókakolóniákat, mert elzárja előlük a kijárást, és így nem tudják etetni kicsinyeiket. Májusban azonban az A23a tovább sodródott, és északi irányba indult.

Az elmúlt hetekben a jéghegy sebessége felgyorsult, néha mintegy 20 kilométert is megtett naponta a műholdas képek szerint. A melegebb vizeket elérve és az óriási hullámoktól ostromolva a jéghegy gyorsan töredezik.

Meijers elmondta, hogy a tudósokat meglepte, milyen sokáig tudott egyben maradni a jéghegy. „A legtöbb jéghegy nem jut el ilyen messzire. Ez a példány azonban tényleg olyan nagy, hogy soká bírta, és távolabbra jutott a többinél” – magyarázta, hozzátéve, hogy amint azonban elhagyta az Antarktisz vidékének jeges védelmét, a sorsa megpecsételődött.

A jéghegyek leválása természetes folyamat. A tudósok viszont úgy vélik, hogy valószínűleg az ember által okozott éghajlatváltozás miatt felgyorsult a jéghegyek leszakadása.

Forrás: hirado.hu

Nyitókép forrása: Shutterstock

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