Agrégateur de flux

La règlementation européenne anti-déforestation (EUDR) fait face à un nouvel obstacle cette semaine, alors que la pression politique croissante laisse de plus en plus entrevoir un report d’un an de l’application de la législation pour toutes les entreprises.

The post Les institutions de l’UE divisées sur les règles anti-déforestation, alors que l’idée d’un report gagne du terrain appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2025 - EP

EU-Haushaltskommissar Piotr Serafin bestätigte nicht, ob vor Ablauf der Frist des Parlaments am kommenden Mittwoch Änderungen vorgenommen werden.

Titan II ICBM - decommissioned nuclear missile - at the Titan Missile Museum, Green Valley, Sahuarita, Arizona. Credit: Stephen Cobb/Unsplash

By Naureen Hossain
UNITED NATIONS, Nov 6 2025 (IPS)

In recent days, nuclear state leaders have flouted the regulations and norms around nuclear non-proliferation and are flirting more openly with nuclear might in the name of projecting strength.

In the last week, the United States and the Russian Federation have made public shows of their nuclear messaging. On the 27th of October, President Vladimir Putin revealed a new nuclear-powered missile capable of staying airborne far longer than conventional missiles and even evading missile defense systems. Some experts have suggested that this is meant to reinforce Russia’s nuclear might, which Putin has leaned on since the start of the Ukraine invasion in February 2022.

More recently, on 29 October, President Donald Trump announced via social media that he wanted to resume nuclear testing for the first time in thirty years. In his post he wrote, “Because of other countries testing programs, I have instructed the Department of War to start testing our Nuclear Weapons on an equal basis.”

As he made this announcement just before his meeting with President Xi Jinping, some experts have considered that China’s expanding nuclear arsenal has prompted some calls in Washington D.C. to quickly modernize the U.S.’s own nuclear forces. Nuclear testing by major powers like China, Russia or the U.S. has not been conducted in decades. Yet analyses have warned that such an act would only further complicate relations between this triad.

All these developments should not come as a surprise. Even as countries have been aware of the dangers of nuclear weapons since 1945, this has not completely stopped them from expanding their forces. As of June 2025, there are over 12,400 nuclear warheads in the world in only a small percentage of countries. The U.S. and Russia account for 90 percent of those warheads, both possessing more than 5,000 nuclear warheads. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), nearly all nine of the nuclear states moved to modernize their existing nuclear arsenals and acquire new missiles in 2024.

Increasing geopolitical tensions have increased feelings of uncertainty and instability, which seems to have led countries to prioritize national security. The nuclear-armed states have made moves to expand the capabilities of their arsenals. SIPRI estimates that China now owns 600 nuclear warheads. Both the United Kingdom and France have ongoing programs to develop strategic weapons, including missiles and submarines. North Korea continues to expand its military nuclear program, accelerating the production of fissile material to make more nuclear warheads.

Concerns about nuclear testing have been reflected in headlines. Credit: IPS

The threat of nuclear weapons seemed to loom over major events this year, even as their efficacy as a deterrent was thrown into question. As India and Pakistan engaged in aerial battles and strategic strikes in May, the conflict demonstrated to the world how close two nuclear powers could come to war.

Meanwhile, in the context of the ongoing war in Ukraine and the perceived threat from Russia, European nations, including France and the U.K., are moving to prioritize investments in defense, including deterrence. Germany, Denmark and Lithuania are among some of the countries that have also expressed interest in hosting nuclear weapons for the nuclear states.

William Potter, Director of the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies, expressed concern over the dangers posed by nuclear weapons due to miscalculations and misperceptions at a time when “there is a total lack of trust, respect, and empathy among the nuclear weapons possessors.”

“The more nuclear weapons, the greater the risk of their inadvertent use, but even more dangerous is the absence of a political climate in which serious arms control and disarmament measures can be pursued,” Potter told IPS.

The safeguards for nuclear arms control are also being challenged. The NEW-Start treaty, the last remaining arms control treaty between the U.S. and Russia, is set to expire in February 2026, though both countries have considered voluntarily maintaining the limits on deployed strategic nuclear weapons for one year. Yet in this past week, that promise has been undercut by both parties.

At the same time, there are the continuous calls for nonproliferation and disarmament. Advocates from all over have raised awareness on the impacts of radiation on communities, on public safety and on the environment. The United Nations has platformed and rallied these advocates and has raised the alarm for disarmament since its official beginning on 24 October, 1945.

Amidst this, there is the fear of a new nuclear arms race. During the high-level meeting on the elimination of nuclear weapons in September this year, the UN’s Chef de Cabinet Courtenay Rattray, who delivered remarks on behalf of Secretary-General António Guterres, said that the world was “sleepwalking” into this new arms race, now defined by new technologies and new domains for conflict such as cyberspace. Rattney warned that “the risks of escalation and miscalculation are multiplying.”

So if the nuclear states are modernizing their arsenals, how do modern technologies fit in? Artificial intelligence (AI) is the latest frontier that countries are navigating and investing significant resources in to achieve progress. Given that, national and global regulations on the safe governance of AI are still nascent as countries still work to agree on universal agreements for the frameworks for the ethical applications of AI.

As it becomes increasingly sophisticated and more accessible, member states have been investing resources into incorporating AI in the military domain. Given that it does not fit neatly into pre-existing deterrence frameworks, this has also raised concerns over AI’s possible “destabilizing effects,” according to Wilfred Wan, Director of the SIPRI Weapons of Mass Destruction Programme.

It has prompted stakeholders to engage in serious negotiations on AI governance in the military domain, including guardrails to reduce the risk of escalation, Wan told IPS. At the multilateral level, he cites the example of the Blueprint for Action that came out of the second summit on Responsible AI in the Military Domain (REAIM) in 2024. It is a non-binding agreement among 61 countries, including nuclear powers like the U.S., the U.K., France and Pakistan, that provides a framework for the responsibility that parties need to take in integrating AI, and recognizing gaps that policymakers must take into account. There is also the UN General Assembly Resolution 79/239 on “[AI] in the military domain and its implications for international peace and security.”

“This is certainly not a substitute for disarmament progress, but in the current strategic context, it can help rebuild some of the trust and confidence necessary for revitalizing those efforts,” Wan said.

Researchers from SIPRI have found there are no governance frameworks specifically for the nuclear-AI nexus compared to those for conventional military systems. “In the nuclear context, discussions have largely centered on retaining human control in nuclear decision-making. This is an essential principle but does not address other ways in which AI integration can affect the environment in which nuclear decisions are made, directly or indirectly,” Wan explained.

“Absent a framework that addresses these aspects, including through regulatory and technical measures, there remains the risk of accelerated integration of AI among nuclear-armed states in a manner that destabilizes the security environment, threatens strategic stability, and impacts the risk of nuclear use.”

When assessing the existing approaches to the governance of military AI, it shows common areas of concern, such as raising awareness through multi-stakeholder engagement and preserving the capacity for human intervention, along with applying safety and security measures to mitigate escalation risks.

At this time, nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation are critical and may even provide insight into negotiating the governance of AI in nuclear forces. The approaches to fostering multi-stakeholder dialogue that include policymakers, non-nuclear states, experts and the private sector could similarly apply to discussions around AI in nuclear forces. Though it should be noted that their limited knowledge of nuclear force structures may constrain meaningful contributions to the debate. Nevertheless, their participation must be facilitated if nuclear parties truly value human control in this factor.

Nuclear and non-nuclear states must recommit to the anti-nuclear agreements, including the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, and the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. Potter stressed the importance of disarmament and nonproliferation education, particularly to empower future generations to “pursue creative ways to reduce pressing nuclear dangers.”

The UN can employ its influence in advancing disarmament efforts through dialogue and awareness efforts from the General Assembly and the Office of Disarmament Affairs (UN-ODA). The UN has also confirmed it will convene an independent scientific panel to assess the effects of nuclear warfare and an Expert Group on Nuclear-Free War Zones.

“Nuclear disarmament is more important today than ever before, but it is not simply a question of securing lower numbers of nuclear weapons,” Potter said. “At a time when the “nuclear taboo” has been eroded and discussions about the use of nuclear weapons have been normalized, it is vital that policymakers act boldly in a fashion commensurate with the threat.”

Note: This article is brought to you by IPS Noram in collaboration with INPS Japan and Soka Gakkai International in consultative status with ECOSOC.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?'http':'https';if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+'://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js';fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, 'script', 'twitter-wjs');   Related Articles

• US Threatens to Resume Nuclear Testing while Past Tests Have Devastated Victims Worldwide
• Breaking the Silence in Tokyo: A Kazakh Filmmaker Confronts the Nuclear Scars Through Her Documentary “Jara”

Un professeur décrit Mamdani comme "l'un des nôtres", tandis que certains jeunes Ougandais s'inspirent de la victoire de cet homme de 34 ans.

Le Royaume-Uni a peut-être quitté l’Union européenne, mais les répercussions juridiques du Brexit continuent de se faire sentir dans l’UE. Mercredi 5 novembre, un tribunal pénal belge a condamné deux ressortissants polonais, dont un assistant parlementaire actuel, pour détournement de fonds européens liés à des entités politiques associées à Nigel Farage et à son parti, le UKIP.

The post La justice belge condamne deux personnes pour détournement de fonds européens liés au groupe pro-Brexit de Nigel Farage appeared first on Euractiv FR.

A large wind farm of turbines on the flat landscape of California. Credit: Climate kcdsTM

By Umar Manzoor Shah
SRINAGAR, India & BELÉM, Brazil, Nov 6 2025 (IPS)

A decade has passed since the adoption of the Paris Agreement, and a United Nations synthesis report released ahead of COP30 in Belém shows that “Parties are bending their combined emission curve further downwards, but still not quickly enough.”

The report, compiled by the UNFCCC secretariat, assesses 64 new nationally determined contributions (NDCs) submitted by Parties between January 2024 and September 2025, covering about 30 percent of global emissions in 2019.

Bruce Douglas, an expert on renewable energy and electrification and CEO of the Global Renewables Alliance (GRA), in an exclusive interview with IPS, said that it is encouraging to see the momentum in the latest NDCs and government targets, which are more ambitious and implementable than previous rounds.

“However, we’re seeing even greater acceleration in the real economy, where renewables hit a record 582 GW of new capacity last year, so governments need to catch up with private sector ambition. But let’s be clear: to have a chance of achieving the tripling renewable energy goal and 1.5°C pathway, the world needs to add roughly 1,100 GW every year to 2030. The direction is right, but the pace must double. We need particular focus in emerging economies, where finance still isn’t flowing at anywhere near the scale required.”

Bruce Douglas, CEO of the Global Renewables Alliance (GRA). Credit: GRA

Douglas added that there is a real appetite in countries around the world to decarbonize at pace, but most developing country NDCs are conditional on financing, so this is the crucial challenge to address.

He said that renewable energy projects are also being held back by predictable bottlenecks—slow permitting, grid constraints, and the high cost of capital in emerging markets.

“These are fixable. We know the solutions: faster permitting, predictable auctions, and investment in grids and storage. But above all, we need access to affordable finance. Investors are ready—governments and MDBs must create the certainty to unlock it,” Douglas said.

A Decade of Progress—But Not Enough

Ten years after Paris, the report acknowledges “new indications of real and increasing progress on action to address climate change through national efforts underpinned by global cooperation.” According to the executive summary, Parties are setting out new national climate targets and plans to achieve them that differ in pace and scale from any that have come before. However, while “Parties are bending their combined emission curve further downwards, they are still not doing it quickly enough,” the report warns.

The urgency for accelerated action is clear.

“It remains evident that major acceleration is still needed in terms of delivering faster and deeper emission reductions and ensuring that the vast benefits of strong climate action reach all countries and peoples,” the summary states.

“We have seen extraordinary renewable growth over the past two decades, and markets are often moving faster than governments, but the gap between targets and deployment continues to grow. We no longer have time for pledges; now is the time for progress. What matters most is visibility: real project pipelines, clear timelines, and bankable frameworks that turn ambition into megawatts. That’s what COP30 should deliver—a clear signal that we are in the era of implementation,” Douglas said.

Economy-Wide Targets, Alignment with Global Stocktake

A notable improvement in the new NDCs is their increased comprehensiveness. The report highlights, “The new NDCs show a progression in terms of quality, credibility and economic coverage, with 89 percent of Parties communicating economy-wide targets (compared with 81 percent in their previous NDCs).”

The parties have also responded to the outcomes of the first global stocktake (GST).

“Eighty eight percent of Parties indicated that their NDCs were informed by the outcomes of the GST and 80 per cent specifying how.” This signals an increasing willingness to align national climate planning with global science and ambition.

Douglas said that the first Global Stocktake was a wake-up call—and it worked to catalyze the focus on the 3x renewables target.

“Now COP30 must translate that momentum into measurable delivery: reaffirming the goal to triple renewables, delivering major finance signals for grids and storage and setting ambitious short-term renewable goals in the next NDC round.”

Projected range of greenhouse gas emission levels for the Parties that have submitted 2035 targets according to their new nationally determined contributions, with or without Land Use, Land-Use Change, and Forestry (LULCF). Credit: UN Climate Change

Emissions on a Downward Trajectory—But Short of 1.5°C

The report analyzes the projected impact of these NDCs on greenhouse gas emissions. “Collectively, the new NDCs show a reduction in projected emissions of 17 (11–24) percent below the 2019 level,” it finds. Full implementation of all new NDCs, including conditional elements, “is estimated to bring the total GHG emission level of the relevant group of Parties down to 12.3 (12.0–12.7) Gt CO₂ eq by 2035, which would be 19–24 percent below the 2019 level.”

The report cautions, however, that “the scale of the total emission reduction expected to be achieved by the group of Parties… falls short of what is necessary according to the IPCC ranges.” According to the latest IPCC synthesis, “GHG emission reductions will have to be reduced by 60 (49–77) percent by 2035 relative to the 2019 level” to limit warming to 1.5°C.

Holistic Approaches and Sectoral Progress

The report identifies a “whole-of-economy, whole-of-society approach” as “an increasingly core pillar of ensuring economic stability and growth, jobs, health, and energy security and affordability, among many other policy imperatives, in countries.”

Mitigation and adaptation are increasingly integrated.

“All NDCs go beyond mitigation to include elements, inter alia, on adaptation, finance, technology transfer, capacity-building and addressing loss and damage, reflecting the comprehensive scope of the Paris Agreement.

Adaptation is more prominent than ever, with “73 percent of the new NDCs including an adaptation component.”

Douglas said that the power sector is leading the charge—solar is on track; what is needed is to rapidly accelerate wind, geothermal, hydropower, grids, and storage to keep up.

He said that electrifying transport, heating and harder-to-abate industry sectors are next in line.

“We’re seeing promising clean-industry pilots and early electrification, but they need clear policy frameworks to scale. Every sector must move faster: we need to electrify everything that can be electrified—with renewable energy as the foundation.”

Just Transition and Social Inclusion

The concept of just transition is gaining ground.

“A total of 70 percent of Parties considered just transition in preparing their new NDCs and the majority of those Parties plan to integrate consideration of just transition into NDC implementation,” the report notes. “Parties contextualized just transition as helping to ensure that the shift to low-carbon, climate-resilient economies does not exacerbate existing or create new inequalities in societies, thus enabling climate action that is socially inclusive and economically empowering.”

Forests, Oceans, and Nature-Based Solutions

Protecting natural sinks remains a major topic. “Parties have integrated forest measures into economy-wide mitigation targets and mentioned forest-specific contributions and indicators in their new NDCs.” The synthesis highlights “international collaboration and REDD+ results-based payments as keys to mitigation in the forest sector, while noting synergies with achieving adaptation and biodiversity objectives.”

Ocean-based climate action is also rising. “Parties reported a significant increase in ocean-based climate action compared with the previous NDCs, with 78 percent of Parties including in the new NDCs at least one explicit reference to the ocean—an increase of 39 percent.”

Finance, Technology, and Capacity-Building: The Implementation Challenge

Finance remains a central challenge to ambition.

“A total of 88 percent of Parties provided information on the finance required to implement activities in line with their NDCs, with 75 percent characterizing finance in terms of support needed,” the report notes. Parties reported “a total cost in the range of USD 1,970.8–1,975.0 billion in aggregate… comprising USD 1,073.88–1,074.00 billion identified as support needed from international sources.”

Technology and capacity-building are also highlighted as key enablers. “A total of 97 percent of Parties provided information on technology development and transfer… 84 percent of Parties referenced capacity-building in varying detail, with 31 percent of those Parties discussing it in sections on means of implementation or capacity-building.”

Inclusion of Gender, Youth, and Indigenous Peoples

The new NDCs reflect a growing focus on social inclusion and empowerment. “Gender integration into NDCs is advancing, with Parties increasingly considering gender to promote inclusive and effective climate action. In their new NDCs, 89 percent of Parties provided information related to gender and 80 percent affirmed that they will take gender into account in implementing the NDCs.”

The report further notes, “It is the first time that a section on children and youth has featured in the NDC synthesis report. A total of 88 percent of Parties in their new NDCs… included information, generally more clearly and in more detail than previously, reflecting a stronger commitment to meaningful inclusion, on how children and youth have been or will be considered in NDC development and implementation.”

Similarly, “A total of 72 percent of Parties reported an increased focus on the vital role of Indigenous Peoples and local communities in climate adaptation and mitigation, compared with 66 percent previously.”

International Cooperation and Voluntary Efforts

The synthesis report highlights the indispensability of international cooperation. “International cooperation was emphasized as critical for mobilizing resources and bridging the gap between NDC ambition and implementation by 97 percent of Parties.” The report reads further, “Parties described their engagement with international partners to promote effective and inclusive climate action through voluntary cooperation initiatives, regional collaboration and sectoral activities such as energy transition.”

Despite progress, the report issues a warning.

“With their GHG emissions in 2035 on average estimated to be 17 (11–24) percent below their 2019 level… the scale of the total emission reduction expected to be achieved by the group of Parties… falls short of what is necessary according to the IPCC ranges.” “Major acceleration is still needed in terms of delivering faster and deeper emission reductions and ensuring that the vast benefits of strong climate action reach all countries and peoples.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

This feature is published with the support of Open Society Foundations.

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?'http':'https';if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+'://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js';fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, 'script', 'twitter-wjs');  

 

Excerpt:

Bruce Douglas, CEO of the Global Renewables Alliance, argues that there is a real appetite in countries around the world to decarbonize at pace, but most developing country NDCs are conditional on financing. This is the crucial challenge to address.

Length of video : 150'

Disclaimer : The interpretation of debates serves to facilitate communication and does not constitute an authentic record of proceedings. Only the original speech or the revised written translation is authentic.
Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Dauer des Videos : 150'

Haftungsausschluss : Die Verdolmetschung der Debatten soll die Kommunikation erleichtern, sie stellt jedoch keine authentische Aufzeichnung der Debatten dar. Authentisch sind nur die Originalfassungen der Reden bzw. ihre überprüften schriftlichen Übersetzungen.
Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2025 - EP

The West Ham boss says he is "honoured" to act as a role model and believes there are "a lot" of talented black coaches who can follow in his footsteps.

Dans une lettre adressée au commissaire aux Migrations Magnus Brunner, la Belgique et les Pays-Bas exigent que le respect des règles de Dublin devienne une condition pour bénéficier du nouveau mécanisme de solidarité migratoire.

The post Asile et migrations : la Belgique et les Pays-Bas veulent sanctionner les États membres qui ne respectent pas les règles européennes appeared first on Euractiv FR.

600954

The OSCE Transnational Threats Department (TNTD), in close co-operation with field operations, continues to help Central Asian participating States strengthen their legal and operational frameworks for requesting and handling electronic evidence across borders.

Under its extrabudgetary project E-VIDENCE, the TNTD held a series of follow-up missions and expert meetings in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan in September and October 2025. The discussions focused on putting recommendations from the needs assessment missions into practice, streamlining procedures for mutual legal assistance and developing model guidelines for requesting data from foreign internet service providers — all while ensuring full respect for human rights and the rule of law.

Participants, including representatives of law enforcement, the judiciary, parliaments and academia highlighted the need for stronger training, judicial oversight and privacy safeguards in digital investigations.

“Electronic evidence plays a role in approximately 85 per cent of criminal investigations worldwide. More than half of these cases require cross-border requests, and nearly two-thirds involve service providers located abroad. Without efficient mechanisms to obtain such data, justice cannot be delivered in a timely, fair and human rights-respecting manner”, stated Ambassador Monika Lenhard of the Federal Republic of Germany to Kyrgyzstan during the second expert-level meeting in Kyrgyzstan on 16 October.

According to statement made by the Ambassador Nico Schermers of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to Central Asia during the follow-up mission in Kazakhstan on 23 September, “protecting fundamental rights and freedoms, both internationally and at home, is the best guarantee to fight terrorism and address radicalization effectively.  Strengthening ​​the rule of law is the only way to systematically enshrine this protection into societies. By aligning national legislation with international legal frameworks that safeguard human rights and the rule of law, the project E-VIDENCE ensures that states are able to exchange electronic evidence efficiently, effectively and responsibly, adapting our joint combat against terrorism to the realities of today’s digital world.”

Concrete progress is already visible:

• Kyrgyzstan is drafting a Law on Digital Evidence to regulate cross-border data requests.
• Kazakhstan is preparing to join the Budapest Convention on Cybercrime.
• Turkmenistan is introducing electronic evidence into its legal framework.
• Tajikistan is reassessing its existing approaches to access electronic evidence in foreign jurisdictions

These advances mark an important step toward modern, human rights-based criminal justice systems across the region.

The efforts will continue at a Central Asian regional seminar in Tashkent, Uzbekistan on 12–13 November, organized by TNTD and the OSCE Project Co-ordinator in Uzbekistan, which will bring together government, experts and tech sector representatives to discuss shared challenges and opportunities in cross-border requests for electronic evidence.

The E-VIDENCE project, supported by Germany and the Netherlands, is an extrabudgetary initiative that aims to strengthen national and regional capacities to request electronic evidence for investigating online crimes, including terrorism, while upholding international standards and human rights.

Des eurodéputés de gauche demandent à la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne (CJUE) d’examiner la légalité de l’accord numérique conclu entre l’UE et Singapour. Ils craignent qu’il ne compromette la protection des données et les droits fondamentaux des citoyens européens.

The post Des eurodéputés tentent de bloquer l’accord sur le commerce numérique UE-Singapour appeared first on Euractiv FR.

600945

On 4 November, the OSCE Transnational Threats Department launched the Technical Guide on Physical Security Considerations for Protecting Critical Infrastructure against Terrorist Attacks and accompanying multilingual factsheets. The Guide is designed to support participating State policymakers, critical infrastructure owners and operators, and private security stakeholders in setting up effective security systems for their critical infrastructure sites and facilities, based on their unique risk profile.

Available in English and Russian, the Guide provides practices, principles and considerations that can enhance the physical security of critical infrastructure sites across the OSCE area. It covers a range of policy-level approaches taken by participating States as well as technical measures including intrusion detection systems, security lighting, video surveillance, perimeter protection, access control, insider threat management, hostile vehicle mitigation and more.

Rather than focusing on a single approach to physical security, the Guide presents a range of publicly available practices that reflects the diverse approaches that currently exist. Most of the practices cited throughout the publication derive from the OSCE participating States. This showcases the vast knowledge present across the OSCE area, as well as consolidates these practices in one place for ease of use and the benefit of all.

The publication was officially launched in Vienna on 4 November on the margins of a joint meeting of the OSCE Security Committee and OSCE Economic and Environment Committee chaired by the United Kingdom and Slovenia, respectively. The meeting focused on ‘Critical Infrastructure and Vulnerable Targets: Protection and Resilience’.

“Modern societies are dependent on critical infrastructure systems to provide essential services that support lives and livelihoods. Terrorism remains an ever-present threat for all of us,” said Ambassador Neil Holland, Head of the United Kingdom Delegation to the OSCE in Vienna, during his opening remarks. “The OSCE can and does play an important role in supporting our policymakers back in our home countries and regionally, as they work to prevent, prepare for and mitigate terrorist attacks on critical infrastructure.”

Speaking about the Guide’s creation under the OSCE’s Project PROTECT, Ambassador Susanne Schütz from the German Permanent Mission to the OSCE, said, “Threats to critical infrastructure are evolving. Terrorists and violent non-state actors deliberately target it to cause panic, harm civilians and draw attention to their causes. Germany is pleased to be one of Project PROTECT’s core donors. It has been a joy to watch the Project grow from 2023, with a measurable impact across the OSCE area. This event is a major piece of that impact: we are delighted to see the OSCE Transnational Threats Department release this pragmatic and practical Guide.”

The Guide is the result of two years of work as part of Project PROTECT’s efforts to enhance national approaches across the OSCE area on the protection of vulnerable targets from terrorist threats and other hazards.

Through the project, the Guide will also form the foundation of several new training courses. It has already been piloted as a teaching aid at training courses held in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan.

Project PROTECT is funded by Germany and the United States Bureau of Counterterrorism.

For more information, please contact: atu@osce.org

Donald Trump says thousands of Christians are being killed in Nigeria - where has he got the numbers from?

La crisis de desplazamiento venezolana se ha convertido en un momento decisivo en la dinámica migratoria Sur-Sur en toda América Latina. Desde 2015, la grave escasez de alimentos y medicamentos, la creciente inflación y las violaciones generalizadas de los derechos humanos han provocado un éxodo masivo desde Venezuela. En junio de 2024, el agravamiento del colapso humanitario y económico bajo el gobierno autoritario de Nicolás Maduro, en el poder desde 2013, había obligado a al menos 7,7 millones de venezolanos a abandonar el país. De ellos, 6,5 millones permanecen en América Latina y el Caribe, y casi 3 millones residen en Colombia.
Esta situación ha supuesto un reto importante para el Gobierno colombiano durante la última década. Por un lado, las instituciones colombianas no estaban preparadas para gestionar un gran número de refugiados. Por otro lado, las comunidades de acogida han tenido que hacer frente a problemas socioeconómicos estructurales de larga data, como la pobreza y la informalidad laboral. Además, los recientes cambios en la política estadounidense y los enormes recortes en la ayuda han deteriorado aún más la situación en Colombia.
Este informe de políticas se centra en las dinámicas de la cohesión social en el contexto colombiano del desplazamiento de venezolanos y colombianos retornados. Muestra que las narrativas negativas sobre los venezolanos han disminuido en los últimos diez años. Ambas comunidades han aprendido a convivir en relativa armonía a pesar de los continuos retos económicos y sociales a los que se enfrentan. Este informe de políticas ofrece recomendaciones para mejorar la cohesión social en las comunidades de 
acogida que reciben a los venezolanos desplazados en Colombia.
Mensajes políticos clave:
• Continuar con los programas de regularización, garantizar la igualdad de acceso a los servicios básicos y apoyar los esfuerzos de inclusión socioeconómica y cultural de los gobiernos a nivel local para la población venezolana y las comunidades de acogida, especialmente en lo que respecta al acceso al mercado laboral.
• Colaborar con los actores locales que trabajan en la construcción de la paz, tanto estatales como no estatales, para desarrollar una comprensión común de la violencia en Colombia y de las rutas de asistencia del Estado para los venezolanos afectados y sus comunidades de acogida. Muchos venezolanos tienen dificultades para comprender el prolongado conflicto colombiano y cómo la violencia impregna la sociedad y sus comunidades de acogida.
• Aprovechar los esfuerzos locales para frenar la xenofobia y la discriminación por parte de las mujeres líderes comunitarias que han ayudado a abordar estas cuestiones conjuntamente con venezolanas y colombianas. Las cuestiones de xenofobia y discriminación, en particular hacia las mujeres y las personas LGBTQ+, perjudican la cohesión social.
• Abordar las narrativas negativas que se difunden principalmente a través de los medios de comunicación convencionales y, en algunos casos, por parte de los políticos locales, con verificación de datos y mensajes positivos sobre la migración.

Stéphanie López Villamil es socia investigadora de IDOS y consultora independiente.

La crisis de desplazamiento venezolana se ha convertido en un momento decisivo en la dinámica migratoria Sur-Sur en toda América Latina. Desde 2015, la grave escasez de alimentos y medicamentos, la creciente inflación y las violaciones generalizadas de los derechos humanos han provocado un éxodo masivo desde Venezuela. En junio de 2024, el agravamiento del colapso humanitario y económico bajo el gobierno autoritario de Nicolás Maduro, en el poder desde 2013, había obligado a al menos 7,7 millones de venezolanos a abandonar el país. De ellos, 6,5 millones permanecen en América Latina y el Caribe, y casi 3 millones residen en Colombia.
Esta situación ha supuesto un reto importante para el Gobierno colombiano durante la última década. Por un lado, las instituciones colombianas no estaban preparadas para gestionar un gran número de refugiados. Por otro lado, las comunidades de acogida han tenido que hacer frente a problemas socioeconómicos estructurales de larga data, como la pobreza y la informalidad laboral. Además, los recientes cambios en la política estadounidense y los enormes recortes en la ayuda han deteriorado aún más la situación en Colombia.
Este informe de políticas se centra en las dinámicas de la cohesión social en el contexto colombiano del desplazamiento de venezolanos y colombianos retornados. Muestra que las narrativas negativas sobre los venezolanos han disminuido en los últimos diez años. Ambas comunidades han aprendido a convivir en relativa armonía a pesar de los continuos retos económicos y sociales a los que se enfrentan. Este informe de políticas ofrece recomendaciones para mejorar la cohesión social en las comunidades de 
acogida que reciben a los venezolanos desplazados en Colombia.
Mensajes políticos clave:
• Continuar con los programas de regularización, garantizar la igualdad de acceso a los servicios básicos y apoyar los esfuerzos de inclusión socioeconómica y cultural de los gobiernos a nivel local para la población venezolana y las comunidades de acogida, especialmente en lo que respecta al acceso al mercado laboral.
• Colaborar con los actores locales que trabajan en la construcción de la paz, tanto estatales como no estatales, para desarrollar una comprensión común de la violencia en Colombia y de las rutas de asistencia del Estado para los venezolanos afectados y sus comunidades de acogida. Muchos venezolanos tienen dificultades para comprender el prolongado conflicto colombiano y cómo la violencia impregna la sociedad y sus comunidades de acogida.
• Aprovechar los esfuerzos locales para frenar la xenofobia y la discriminación por parte de las mujeres líderes comunitarias que han ayudado a abordar estas cuestiones conjuntamente con venezolanas y colombianas. Las cuestiones de xenofobia y discriminación, en particular hacia las mujeres y las personas LGBTQ+, perjudican la cohesión social.
• Abordar las narrativas negativas que se difunden principalmente a través de los medios de comunicación convencionales y, en algunos casos, por parte de los políticos locales, con verificación de datos y mensajes positivos sobre la migración.

Stéphanie López Villamil es socia investigadora de IDOS y consultora independiente.

La crisis de desplazamiento venezolana se ha convertido en un momento decisivo en la dinámica migratoria Sur-Sur en toda América Latina. Desde 2015, la grave escasez de alimentos y medicamentos, la creciente inflación y las violaciones generalizadas de los derechos humanos han provocado un éxodo masivo desde Venezuela. En junio de 2024, el agravamiento del colapso humanitario y económico bajo el gobierno autoritario de Nicolás Maduro, en el poder desde 2013, había obligado a al menos 7,7 millones de venezolanos a abandonar el país. De ellos, 6,5 millones permanecen en América Latina y el Caribe, y casi 3 millones residen en Colombia.
Esta situación ha supuesto un reto importante para el Gobierno colombiano durante la última década. Por un lado, las instituciones colombianas no estaban preparadas para gestionar un gran número de refugiados. Por otro lado, las comunidades de acogida han tenido que hacer frente a problemas socioeconómicos estructurales de larga data, como la pobreza y la informalidad laboral. Además, los recientes cambios en la política estadounidense y los enormes recortes en la ayuda han deteriorado aún más la situación en Colombia.
Este informe de políticas se centra en las dinámicas de la cohesión social en el contexto colombiano del desplazamiento de venezolanos y colombianos retornados. Muestra que las narrativas negativas sobre los venezolanos han disminuido en los últimos diez años. Ambas comunidades han aprendido a convivir en relativa armonía a pesar de los continuos retos económicos y sociales a los que se enfrentan. Este informe de políticas ofrece recomendaciones para mejorar la cohesión social en las comunidades de 
acogida que reciben a los venezolanos desplazados en Colombia.
Mensajes políticos clave:
• Continuar con los programas de regularización, garantizar la igualdad de acceso a los servicios básicos y apoyar los esfuerzos de inclusión socioeconómica y cultural de los gobiernos a nivel local para la población venezolana y las comunidades de acogida, especialmente en lo que respecta al acceso al mercado laboral.
• Colaborar con los actores locales que trabajan en la construcción de la paz, tanto estatales como no estatales, para desarrollar una comprensión común de la violencia en Colombia y de las rutas de asistencia del Estado para los venezolanos afectados y sus comunidades de acogida. Muchos venezolanos tienen dificultades para comprender el prolongado conflicto colombiano y cómo la violencia impregna la sociedad y sus comunidades de acogida.
• Aprovechar los esfuerzos locales para frenar la xenofobia y la discriminación por parte de las mujeres líderes comunitarias que han ayudado a abordar estas cuestiones conjuntamente con venezolanas y colombianas. Las cuestiones de xenofobia y discriminación, en particular hacia las mujeres y las personas LGBTQ+, perjudican la cohesión social.
• Abordar las narrativas negativas que se difunden principalmente a través de los medios de comunicación convencionales y, en algunos casos, por parte de los políticos locales, con verificación de datos y mensajes positivos sobre la migración.

Stéphanie López Villamil es socia investigadora de IDOS y consultora independiente.

Während die Mitgliedstaaten angesichts des engen Zeitplans eine Verschiebung fordern, drängt das EU-Parlament auf schnellere Umsetzung.

The Venezuelan displacement crisis has become a defining moment in South-South migration dynamics across Latin America. Since 2015, severe food shortages, medicine scarcity, soaring inflation and widespread human rights violations have driven a massive exodus from Venezuela. By June 2024, the deepening humanitarian and economic collapse under Nicolás Maduro’s authoritarian government – in power since 2013 – had forced at least 7.7 million Venezuelans to leave the country. Of these, 6.5 million remain in Latin America and the Caribbean, with nearly 3 million residing in Colombia.
This situation has posed a significant challenge for the Colombian government over the past decade. On the one hand, Colombian institutions were not equipped to manage large numbers of refugees. On the other hand, host communities have had to deal with long-standing structural socioeconomic issues such as poverty and job informality. Additionally, recent US policy shifts and immense aid cuts have further deteriorated the situation in Colombia. 
This policy brief focuses on social cohesion dynamics in the Colombian context of the displacement of Venezuelans and Colombian returnees. It shows that negative narratives about Venezuelans have declined over the past ten years. Both communities have learned to live jointly in relative harmony despite the ongoing economic and social challenges they face. This policy brief offers recommendations 
for improving social cohesion in host communities that receive displaced Venezuelans in Colombia.
Key policy messages:
• Continue regularisation programmes, ensure equal access to basic services and support socioeconomic and cultural inclusion efforts from governments at the local level for Venezuelans and host communities, especially regarding access to the labour market. 
• Engage with local peacebuilding actors, both non-state and state, to develop a shared understanding of violence in Colombia and the State’s assistance pathways for affected Venezuelans and their host communities. Many Venezuelans struggle to understand the long-standing Colombian conflict and how the violence permeates society and their host communities. 
• Build on the local efforts to tamp down xenophobia and discrimination by women community leaders who have helped address these jointly with Venezuelans and Colombians. Issues of xenophobia and discrimination, particularly towards women and LGBTQ+ persons, harm social cohesion. 
• Address negative narratives that are spread mostly through mainstream media, and, in some cases, by local politicians, with fact-checking and positive messages around migration. 

Stéphanie López Villamil is an IDOS research partner and independent researcher.