Agrégateur de flux

Directeur

Pr. Julian Fernandez

Membres du Conseil d'orientation

Pr. Gilles Andreani
Pr. Julian Fernandez
Pr. Olivier Forcade
Pr. Tristan Lecoq, Secrétaire général du Conseil d'orientation
Pr. Serge Sur, Président du Conseil d'orientation

Membres et chercheurs associés

Aurélien Barbé
Yann Bedzigui
Célia Belin
Elizabeth Carey
Pr. Sarah Cassella
Baptiste Chatré
Paul Dahan
Stéphane Delory
Sophie Enos
Julien Genevois
Pr. Nicolas Haupais, Université d'Orléans
Floriane Leguay
Alexandra Novosseloff
Xavier Pacreau
Pr. Jean-Paul Pancracio, Université de Poitiers
Leah Pisar

Doctorants

Mohammed Bahou
Chloé Berger
Emmanuel Bourdoncle
Geoffroy Cailloux
Chloé de Perry-Sibailly
Ali Degmo
Grégoire Gayard
Béatrice Hainaut
Pablo Horacio David Hernandez
Barbara Hild
Aurore Lasserre
Perrine Le Meur
Somda Mangloire
Mathilde Masse
Tawa Netton Prince
Ali Rached
Keyvan Piram
Hewane Serequeberhan
Manon-Nour Tannous

Ingénieur de recherche

Jérome Benzimra-Hazan

Webmestre

Vincent Souty

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Teljesítette első útját Németország által elsőként, még tavaly év végén átvett Airbus Military A400M Atlas teherszállító repülőgépe. A 54+01 lajstromú példány repült a wunstorfi bázisról a szenegáli Dakar repülőterére, rakterében egy mobil víztisztító berendezést szállítva.

Egyre nagyobb hangsúly helyeződik glóbuszunk északi részére. Ennek köszönhetően az orosz Pantsir Sz-1 (SA-22 Greyhound) önjáró rövid hatótávolságú légvédelmi komplexum is továbbfejlesztésen fog átesni. A sarki régióban is megkövetelt mozgékonyság érdekében egy a helyi terepviszonyokkal jobban megbirkózni képes lánctalpas alváz kerülhet a jól ismert rendszer alá. Korábban az Egyesült Arab Emírségekből várt megrendelés miatt már egy GMZ-352M1E alvázra szerelt verzió is létrehozásra került. Továbbá a zord klimatikus viszonyokkal szemben is megpróbálják ellenállóbbá tenni az új változatot.

Jelentősen lecsökken a Svájc által hadrendben tartható Northrop F-5E Tiger vadászgépek mennyisége. A típus szerkezetének átvizsgálása során 10-nél nem javítható repedést találtak, így ezeket kénytelenek lesznek kivonni. Másik hat gép javíthatónak lett ítélve, ezek 2016 első negyedévének végéig visszatérhetnek a szolgálatba. Így összesen 20 együléses maradhat továbbra is az ország légierejének kötelékében az eddig meglévő 30-ból. A kétüléses példányoknál nem találtak repedéseket.

A svéd légierő számára gyártandó első 60 Saab JAS-39E Gripen vadászbombázó mindegyikén megtalálható lesz a Selex Skyward-G infravörös szenzor a héten aláírt megállapodásnak köszönhetően. A légi és földi célpontok azonosítására képes Skyward-G a szélvédő előtt nyert elhelyezést a középvonaltól kissé jobbra eltolva a továbbfejlesztett Gripen változaton.

Olaszország megrendelte a 9. és a 10. FREMM-osztályú fregattját is. A csökkenő költségvetési vetési lehetőségek ellenére is találtak Rómában 764 millió eurót a két, eddig opcióként szereplő egység beszerzésére.

Litvániában viszont a szárazföldi haderő fog új harceszközöket kapni, hiszen 12 Panzerhaubitze 2000 (PZH 2000) 155 mm-es önjáró tarack beszerzését határozták el a balti országban. A Németországtól beszerzésre kerülő páncélos technika közeljövőben még gyarapodhat is, hiszen Vilnius Berlintől ARTEC Boxer 8x8-as gyalogsági harcjárművek megvásárlási lehetőségét is várja. Jelenleg annyi tűnik biztosnak, hogy a PZH 2000-ek eladása elől nem zárkózott el a német fél, a konkrét tárgyalások májusban veszik majd kezdetüket.

Dél-Afrikában az egyre korosabb Lockheed C-130BZ Hercules szállítógépek lecserélése került újra reflektorfénybe. A SAAF 1963-ban szerzett be hét Lockheed C-130B Hercules-t, ezek közül hat még jelenleg is szolgálatban van. Ezek mellé 1996-ban érkezett meg három ex-US Navy C-130F, valamint két év múlva további két ex-US Air Force C-130B változat. Az F variánsok hamar kivonásra kerültek, de a kilenc B 1996 és 2009 között egy nagyjavításon és modernizáláson esett át, így korszerű képernyős pilótafülkét is kaptak. Ezek a gépek már a C-130BZ jelölést viselik. Már közel egy éve aktívan kampányol az országban a Lockheed Martin a jelenleg legkorszerűbb J Super Hercules eladása ügyében, eddig vajmi kevés sikerrel. Most egy akciósnak is tekinthető árral próbálják meg a számukra kedvező döntést kicsikarni a döntéshozókból. A hírek szerint gépenkénti 60 millió dollár, vagy még ez alatti ár körüli összeggel szeretnék a megrendelést elérni.

Ausztráliában igen sikeresen zajlanak a BAE Systems Advanced Precision Kill Weapon System (APKWS) lézeres félaktív irányítású rakétáival végzett tesztlövészetek. A Tiger harci helikopterek fegyverzetébe szánt eszközzel a földről hét példányt indítottak 100%-os találati eredményt produkálva. A légi próbák során 10 rakétát használtak fel, ezeket 1500 - 4500 méteres távolságokból, illetve 60 és 460 méteres repülési magasságból indították el, maximum 295 km/h-s sebesség mellett. Ezek során is hibátlannak bizonyult az APKWS. A hadsereg mellett a haditengerészet is szeretné hadrendbe állítani az APKWS-t, ott a Sikorsky MH-60R helikopterekről alkalmaznák.

 

NETARZENÁL GALÉRIA

Felszíni menetben.

Eurocopter EC-725AP Cougar Mk2+.

Boeing F/A-18F Super Hornet.

British Aerospace Hawk 51.

McDonnell Douglas F-4G Phantom II.

EHI EH-101 Merlin HC.3.

Felderítő Falcon.

Tupoljev Tu-95RT.

English Electric Lightning F.6.

General Dynamics F-111E Aardvark.

CASA C-295M.

Sikorsky S-51.

MiG-21UM.

A mai Oroszországnak mára több nemzetközileg nem elismert határszakasza van. Az egyik a Krím, a másik már 1945 óta okoz gondokat.

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Chinese Wanshan WS2400 Special Wheeled Chassis

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On Friday, April 17, IPI hosted the 2015 edition of the New York Seminar on the topic of “The Future Role of Peacekeeping Operations.” This year’s edition, co-sponsored by the Permanent Missions of Austria and Italy to the United Nations, gathered experts, diplomats, and representatives from international organizations and civil society for an in-depth and forward-looking discussion of the role that peacekeeping operations can play in maintaining international peace and security. The seminar was held under the Chatham House rule of non-attribution, with the exception of the keynote address delivered by Izumi Nakamitsu, assistant administrator and director of the Crisis Response Unit of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).

In her opening remarks, Ms. Nakamitsu, who between 2008 and 2014 held various posts at the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, stressed the importance of devising new conflict analysis tools, especially given the changing nature of conflicts and the emergence of new threats. Achieving political solutions to crises has become more difficult, Ms. Nakamitsu said, which means that prevention should be at the forefront of international peacekeeping efforts.

The discussion also highlighted the challenges posed by the emergence and growth of extremist groups. These non-state actors are now seizing and controlling territory, purporting to provide public services, and using social media tools to spread their violent ideologies. Their actions often fuel sectarian divisions, which in turn complicate the settlement of crises.

According to the panelists, Yemen exemplifies this new trend. There, all the elements of this new conflict environment converge, including a weak state apparatus, widespread poverty, regional involvement, and competition over scarce natural resources.

The Department of Peacekeeping Operations’ efforts to keep up with the evolving situation were recognized in missions such as the Force Intervention Brigade (FIB) in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Intelligence and Fusion Cell in Mali, as well as the first-ever UN emergency health mission (UN Mission for Ebola Emergency Response—UNMEER) and the Joint Mission of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons and the UN (OPCW-UN) in Syria.

New and enhanced partnerships stand out as the norm in peacekeeping today. The UN is actively building on the cooperative advantage of regional partners such as the African Union and the European Union. But there are inherent risks and challenges in these partnerships. For example, when the region is leading the mediation process alongside a UN peacekeeping mission or vice versa, how can the organizations work together and use one process to leverage progress in the other?

The discussion also addressed the topic of women’s involvement in peace processes. Women’s absence from such processes, one of the panelists emphasized, is directly linked to the recurrence of violent conflict. Fifteen years after the adoption of Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security, there is still a lot of work to be done—including by peacekeeping missions—when it comes to ensuring that women are included in peace negotiations and post-conflict reconstruction efforts. By actively including women, peace efforts can become broader and extend to all sectors of society, making relapse into violence less likely.

Finally, the seminar also discussed how UN mediation and conflict prevention capabilities can be strengthened in order to offer viable alternatives to military responses to crises.

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A CNN egyik alapítója, Reese Schonfeld szerint a Nyugat hatalmas hibát követ el azzal, hogy Vlagyimir Putyint a "gonosz megtestesülésének" és elsőszámú ellenségképnek nyilvánítja.

2015 promises to be a year of change. With elections fast approaching in Finland, the United Kingdom, Portugal, Spain, Poland and Ireland voters seem to want to reject the status quo. While everyone is talking about the Greek debt negotiations and the rise of Podemos in Spain, in the North of Europe, an important election has skipped many people’s radar.

Finland, Europe’s tough fiscal hawk, is likely to face a change of government after Sunday’s election. The change is likely to come about due to a slowing Finnish economy and what Prime Minister Alexander Stubb called a “lost decade” with recession entering into its third consecutive year, unemployment growing and competitiveness declining. Thus similar to other struggling economies in Europe, Finland is experiencing economic hardships which in the eyes of nearly all parties can only be resolved through harsh labour market reforms and fiscal austerity. In contrast, however, to the trend in the South where such policies led to public discontent and a steep increase in popular support for anti-EU parties, Finland is experiencing a revival of the established parties, while the Finnish anti-EU party, the Finns, however, is falling behind their landslide successes from the previous election in 2011.

Will they vote for anti-establishment?

Watch out – The Finns are coming…

Despite the decline in popularity of his anti-establishment party, Timo Soini, the Finn´s leader, might well end up on top as the winner of the Finnish election-dilemma as part of a coalition in a government led by the Central Party. To be more specific, in the event of an “equal” split of votes between the four largest parties (all four are polled to receive around 15%-25% of the votes), a coalition of three will need to be formed. While, the current governing parties have already turned down the idea of working together again, that would leave the Finns as the most likely alternative to become the third partner in a Central Party-led government.

Mr Juha Sipilä, the Central Party’s leader and likely to become Finland’s new Prime Minister currently leading with 24.9% of the votes, is not opposed to the idea so long as its partners agree with his political agenda. Not to mention that the current Prime Minister Alexander Stubb has reiterated that the Finns are much better than the reputation preceding them abroad, showing that he would also be open to support them as a coalition partner. As a result, anti-EU forces might find themselves in the Finnish government, despite the fact that voters are rallying around the established parties and support for reactionary parties is fading.

The Finn’s leader Timo Soini

… to Europe!

A coalition including the Central Party and the Finns is expected to be less pro-European as the current government. Mr Sipilä, though successful in business, is not renowned for his international experience and although his party might consider itself pro-European difficult compromises will need to be made with the Finns, who are opposing new bailout programmes, the Euro and further deepening of European relations.

In Brussels the event of a coalition between the Central Party, the conservative National Coalition Party and the Finns will mainly impact Finland’s position and negotiation leeway in the Council. Mr Sipilä’s hands in negotiations will be more tied than Mr Stubb’s or Mr Katainen’s have been. On the one hand he would have to demonstrate his support for a deeper EU to its European partners – to whom Finland will grow more and more economically dependent the longer sanctions against Russia prevail. On the other, he would have to reassure his coalition partner Finland is maintaining high levels of sovereignty and remaining critical towards the Eurozone.  In particular on the latter, however, Mr Sipilä demonstrate strength by continuing to back strict rules and austerity measures – policies that all Finnish parties support both for their own country and for Europe. Finland is therefore expected to remain “Europe’s fiscal hawk”. Moreover more than before Finland will be likely to defend EU disintegration positions and align itself to the UK defending sovereign interest and the principle of subsidiarity.

Anglo-Finnish cooperation is already well established in the European Parliament, where the Finns have joined the British-led European Conservatives and Reformists Group demonstrating a conservative yet mainstream political agenda. As the elections are likely to make Prime Minister Stubb’s party a junior coalition partner, we neither expect that the outcome will neither affect the focus of the National Coalition as part of the EPP nor workings of the Finnish Vice-President of the Commission Jyrki Katainen nor drastically change the focus of his political agenda in Europe.

All in all, the Finnish elections may not change the tone in Brussels tremendously on their own, but they will provide insights on how anti-establishment parties are likely to affect national politics and therefore affect London’s, Copenhagen’s, Berlin’s and Madrid’s positioning in Brussels.

Is Europe Finnish(ed)?

The Finnish “case study” is helpful in understanding and dealing with the fast growing support for anti-establishment movements across the Continent. In the North, Sweden, Denmark and Norway are watching closely as growing support for their respective populist parties is making it harder for their mainstream parties to continue ignoring them. While Norway is currently being led by a coalition of conservatives and the populist Progress party, the Sweden Democrats came third in the September 2014 elections in Sweden and Denmark’s Danish People’s Party is gaining influence and support before the upcoming elections in autumn.

In the Centre of Europe, the Finns’ positioning and agenda seem familiar to a still domestically unwelcome anti-Euro party in Germany, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). Bernd Lucke, the party’s leader, will eye developments in the North closely to assess whether the Finnish outcome might be a valuable example on how he could achieve his power aspirations in Germany.

In the South, Spain is also experiencing a similar trend with new anti-establishment parties, even though its popularity appears to be fading the closer we get to parliamentary elections in December. Podemos could grasp a large part of the votes, leaving no party with a majority to form a government.

Although anti-establishment parties are experiencing a slow in their popularity across Europe, all eyes will remain on them.  The success of Podemos, Syriza, the Finns, the UK Independence Party and others will furthermore force the establishment to make concessions and re-orientate their position on a great variety of issues such as European integration, social, economic and fiscal policies.

While the traditional separation of power between centre-right and centre-left parties will continue to dominate Europe, anti-establishment parties are likely to make this election year way more thrilling and unpredictable than previous ones. Let’s see what happens!

Announcement:

We will keep you up-to-date with all our coverage of this election year with upcoming analysis of the UK and the consequences of a possible Brexit as well as following the election developments in Denmark, Portugal, Poland and Spain.

 

Martin Bresson, Joachim Wilcke, Ilektra Tsakalidou

Ante Kotromanović, Minister of Defence of the Republic of Croatia and Jorge Domecq, Chief Executive of the EDA met yesterday to exchange views ahead of the June 2015 European Council and to discuss Croatia’s participation in EDA projects.

Minister Kotromanović underlined the important role of the Agency in fostering cooperation between Member States and improving their capabilities. He said: "We see the Agency as an important platform and mechanism for strengthening and further development of European defence capabilities. As a new EDA member, Croatia recognises the possibilities the Agency can provide to Member States, and we're analysing programmes in which we see the potential for cooperation. Those projects will have our full support.” The Minister also emphasised capacities and significance of the Croatian defence industry sector and its achievements. “I strongly believe we need to support participation of small and medium enterprises in cooperative programmes, where dual-use programmes have great importance and potential".

“Croatia has joined the European Defence Agency not even two years ago. Notwithstanding this short period of time, Croatia is actively participating in some of our key projects as for example the military implementation of the Single European Sky. The role of the Agency is to act as an interface between the European Commission and the national Ministries of Defence to ensure that the military views are well taken into account in the modernisation of the European skies. At the same time, we also inform the Member States of the latest developments in Brussels. The Agency can furthermore provide valuable support to the national defence industry and in particular small and medium sized enterprises by providing information on funding for dual-use research”, Jorge Domecq stated during his visit in Zagreb.

The visit also included meetings with other high-level officials of the Croatian Ministry of Defence, the Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs and the Croatian Chamber of Economy. It is part of a series of visits by Mr. Domecq to all EDA Member States following his appointment as EDA Chief Executive and ahead of the Ministerial Steering Board on 18 May 2015. So far, Mr. Domecq visited Spain, Lithuania, Latvia, the United Kingdom, Belgium, Germany, Portugal, the Netherlands, Ireland, France, Romania, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic and Slovenia.

More information

• News "EDA Chief Executive visits Czech Republic" (13 April 2015)
• News "Jorge Domecq in Bulgaria to discuss defence cooperation" (8 April 2015)
• News "EDA Chief Executive travels to Romania" (8 April 2015)
• News "EDA Chief Executive meets French Minister of Defence" (30 March 2015)
• News "Jorge Domecq exchanges views with Irish Minister of Defence Simon Coveney T.D." (25 March 2015)
• News "EDA Chief Executive visits The Netherlands" (23 March 2015)
• News "Discussions on European defence in Portugal" (19 March 2015)
• News "Jorge Domecq meets German Secretary of State" (19 March 2015)
• News "Belgium and EDA discuss future defence cooperation" (18 March 2015)
• News "Jorge Domecq in the UK for cooperation talks" (25 Feb 2015)
• News "Latvia and EDA discuss cooperation opportunities" (19 Feb 2015)
• News "EDA Chief Executive visits Lithuania" (17 Feb 2015) 

Source : © Union européenne, 2015 - PE

Guinea’s history of electoral violence may not be over. Tension is building around the presidential poll scheduled for this October and the local elections planned for early next year. The opposition – principally Cellou Dalein Diallo's Union of Democratic Forces of Guinea and Sidya Touré’s Union of Republican Forces – is concerned about possible fraud. Threatened protests should be taken seriously: in 2013, about 100 people died during electoral unrest.

Szaúd-Arábia június 25-től megnyitja mintegy 532 milliárd dolláros tőzsdei kereskedelmét a külföldi befektetők előtt, melynek részeként lehetővé teszik, hogy külföldi intézményi befektetők is vásároljanak szaúdi részvényeket.

Earlier this week, we reported that rather than the 12 new judges initially requested by the European Court of Justice to help with its burgeoning workload, EU member states are about to approve 28 instead thanks to a classic fudge that has more to do with national pride than legal efficiency. As is our practice at Brussels Blog, we thought we’d offer up some more details on how this deal came about, including some of the correspondence between the court and those responsible for making the decision.

The choice to double the size of the ECJ’s general court – the second-highest in the EU – was made only because, for years, national governments couldn’t decide where the 12 new judges would come from. So they decided to name one new jurist from each of the EU’s 28 members instead.

The issue had been deadlocked for three years, but during Greece’s turn at the EU’s rotating presidency last year, Theodoros Sotiropoulis, the courtly Greek ambassador to the EU at the time, dropped an unsubtle hint to the ECJ: you’ll get 28 judges, or you’ll get none. Here’s a copy of that letter (the handwritten Greek at the beginning and end of the letter is due to the fact the ECJ president, Vassilios Skouris, is also Greek):

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Petíciós kezdeményezés indult a magyar iskolákon zajló oktatás kapcsán. A kérvényezők azt szorgalmazzák, hogy az iskolaügyi tárca növelje a magyar nyelvet érintő órák számát az intézményekben – a kilátásba helyezett változtatások szerint ugyanis sokkal kevesebb tér jut a jövőben a magyar nyelv oktatására, mint korábban. A petícióval egyben a magyar intézmények mozgásterének növeléséért is állást foglalhatunk, a változások értelmében ugyanis a magyar intézmények kevesebb választható órával rendelkeznek, mint a szlovák nyelven tanító iskolák. A kitöltött íveket a petíciós bizottság tagjainak továbbíthatjuk.

Petíció letöltése

Petíció a minőségi magyar iskolákért

Trotz einer prekären wirtschaftlichen Lage mit einem jährlichen Wachstum von lediglich drei bis vier Prozent, einer hohen landesweiten Armutsrate von 37 Prozent, einer instabilen Drei-Parteien-Koalition an der Regierung und Nachbarländern, in denen totalitär regierende Präsidenten dominieren, funktioniert Demokratie in Kirgisistan. Es gibt Meinungsfreiheit ohne Einschränkungen und die Zivilgesellschaft ist äußerst aktiv. Langfristig wird das kirgisische Demokratiemodell dann eine Chance haben, wenn die sozioökonomischen Probleme der Bürger gelöst werden können.

Date: Dimanche 21 Février 2016Résumé: Françoise Sivignon, présidente de Médecins du monde, sera l’invitée de "Générations d’idées".