Agrégateur de flux

As cyberattacks grow exponentially—an insecure computer can suffer 2,000 attacks per day—Artificial Intelligence (AI) is now imperative to deal with the massive volume of breaches. Yet, it seems that AI developers and researchers are behind the curve. Namely, the number of AI developers eclipses those that deal with its safety thirty to one. Moreover, AI-focused cybersecurity solutions only rose after 2016.

Figure 1: Annual distribution of research papers presenting a novel AI for cybersecurity solution

As governments are increasingly under pressure to both deploy and regulate AI, policymakers need to understand what types of AI are available for cybersecurity purposes. As Max Smeets wrote: “Discussing the use of AI in cyber operations is not about whether technology or humans will be more important in the future. It is about how AI can make sure developers, operators, administrators, and other personnel of cyber organizations or hacking groups do a better job.” Policymakers are hungry for sound academic advice clarifying the political and legal implications of a complex and complicated technology.

Thus, we offer a foundational overview of the use cases of AI for cybersecurity. Namely, we look at the publicly available unique AI algorithms (700) and use a rudimentary NIST (National Institute of Standards and Technology) framework to determine for what cybersecurity purpose (identify, protect, detect, respond, or recover) distinct types of AI algorithms (reasoning, planning, learning, communications, or perception) are being used.

First, we dispute findings that only looked at the sheer number of publications, as we look only at novel AI solutions for cybersecurity. Hence, when one takes this deeper perspective, one sees that it is not China that leads the way in developing AI for cybersecurity, but rather the United States. The majority of the authors are affiliated with institutions within the United States or the European Union.

Figure 2: Geographic distribution of research papers presenting a novel AI for cybersecurity solution

Second, analyzing 700 unique AI for cybersecurity solutions according to the five NIST categories, we see that 47 percent of them focus on detecting anomalies and cybersecurity incidents. The second most popular category, with 26 percent, is protection, followed by identify and respond, 19 percent and 8 percent, respectively. This comes as a surprise as we see a gradual shift towards Cyber Persistent Engagement Strategy: comparing the U.S. National Cybersecurity Strategy of 2018 and 2023 or comparing the development of EU member-states strategies, political initiatives, and rhetoric.

Figure 3: Distribution of research papers presenting a novel AI for cybersecurity solution according to the cybersecurity purpose

There are several dimensions in answering this puzzle. Cyber Persistence Theory does not map well onto the NIST framework, as the latter does not include anticipation—a key feature of Cyber Persistence Theory. The latter “redefines security as seizing and sustaining the initiative in exploitation; that is, anticipating the exploitation of a state’s own digital vulnerabilities before they are leveraged against them, exploiting others’ vulnerabilities to advance their own security needs, and sustaining the initiative in this exploitation dynamic.” Hence, linking Cyber Persistence Theory to response within the NIST framework distorts its meaning. Furthermore, states are risk-averse, and letting machines decide when and how to respond to a cyber-incident might be too escalatory, similar to self-driving cars, where the liability considerations are too high for such vehicles to be operational. Finally, AI models need a lot of training data before they can be deployed. However, appropriate data to prepare a response AI cybersecurity algorithm is scarce.

Third, less surprising is the distribution of AI algorithms developed for cybersecurity according to their nature. Almost two-thirds of the AI-based cybersecurity solutions use learning methods (64 percent), followed by communication (16 percent), reasoning (6 percent), planning (5 percent), and a hybrid format, using a combination of the two or more aforementioned methods—7 percent.

Figure 4: Distribution of research papers presenting a novel AI for cybersecurity solution according to the nature of the AI algorithm

When we cross-tab both dimensions—the purpose and the nature—of a unique AI solution for cybersecurity, we see that machine learning algorithms dominate all five cybersecurity functions. They are primarily used for intrusion and anomaly detection, malicious domain blocking, data leakage prevention, protection against distinct types of malware, and log analysis.

Curiously, we have also found that some well-known cases of AI applications for cybersecurity do not have many unique AI algorithms developed—e.g., penetration tests and behavior modeling and analysis. Future research should indicate if this is due to the satisfactory performance of the existing ones, so much so that there is no demand for new ones.

Cyberspace and AI are both means and platforms for great power politics. As both are rapidly evolving, regulation may, in fact, unintentionally lead to overregulation, as lawmakers cannot guess the direction of the rapid development. In turn, overregulation would have a damp effect on the development and deployment of digital technologies. Hence, minimizing the regulation of AI in cyberspace would empower the United States and give it an edge in global power politics. However, the United States must also find a way to safeguard its democratic values, norms, principles, and civil liberties when dealing with these new technologies. Therefore, transparency guidelines are in order for the ethical use of AI for cybersecurity, as well as strengthening public oversight of the intelligence and security agencies’ use of AI in cyberspace.

Igor Kovač is a researcher at The Center for Cyber Strategy and Policy at the University of Cincinnati and The Center for Peace and Security Studies at the University of California, San Diego. His research focuses on the intersection between political economy and security studies. He served as the foreign policy advisor to the Slovenian Prime Minister from 2020 through 2022.

Tomaž Klobučar is the head of the Laboratory for Open Systems and Networks at the Jozef Stefan Institute. His main research areas are information security and technology-enhanced learning.

Ramanpreet Kaur is a researcher at the Jozef Stefan Institute.

Dušan Gabrijelčič is a researcher at the Jozef Stefan Institute.

While security experts and policymakers cry foul at the recent U.S.-Iran hostage exchange, the $6 billion in unfrozen assets that will be used by the Iranian regime, as a result, pales in comparison to assets smuggled by ships around the world dodging already-existing sanctions. 

Like North Korea, Iran has long used ships flying the flag of another country to skirt sanctions and fund their governments. By dodging sanctions that target key industries, highly sanctioned regimes are able to continue to fund nuclear weapons programs, terror organizations, and other threats to U.S. interests. To effectively sanction Tehran, Washington needs to crack down on asset smuggling, especially now that Iran has billions of dollars to retool its smuggling operations.

These “flags of convenience” are mostly registered to countries that have open registries that don’t require owners to be citizens of the country. Some allow registrations online, requiring only a payment. Panama, Liberia, the Marshall Islands, Hong Kong, and Singapore are the top flag of convenience states, accounting for 77 percent of all vessels registered under flags of convenience. 

Under Panamanian-flagged ships, Iran has smuggled sanctioned oil. North Korea has used flags of convenience vessels to smuggle heroin to fund their military operations, while Russia and Venezuela also use flags of convenience for their vessels to deliver up to 2 million barrels of oil daily to China. 

Ships flying flags of convenience are easy targets for smuggler operations. Since most of the countries with open registries have little or no naval security forces to protect their own, their ships are vulnerable. Hostile nations can seize control of ships and crew members to be used in hostage negotiations. Just this summer, the U.S. Navy stopped Iranian vessels from seizing two oil tankers, one Marshall Islands-flagged ship and another flying the Bahamian flag. 

The Iranian military has repeatedly seized ships as retaliation for the U.S. sanctions enforcement against their country. In the last two years, Iran has taken control of five ships in international waters. In April, Iran took control of an oil tanker traveling to the United States flagged under the Marshall Islands and is still holding it in port. Iran’s ability to seize energy supplies and disrupt shipping in the Strait of Hormuz can be used to threaten oil supplies and shipments to both the United States and allied nations. 

Most flags of convenience states have registries that are privately managed or poorly maintained. Countries with weak economies are incentivized to offer lax registration requirements. The Marshall Islands, one of the worst offenders, is currently renegotiating the Compact of Free Association (COFA), which provides the island nation with financial assistance. U.S. negotiators should prioritize mandating that the Marshall Islands clean up its shipping registry in exchange for more generous aid packages. This would be a win-win, ensuring strict enforcement of U.S. sanctions and granting the Marshall Islands stronger economic aid.  

America’s multimillion-dollar aid to Liberia should be similarly contingent upon a crackdown on its ship registry. For wealthier countries like Panama, the United States should expand penalties for sanctions-dodging.

The United States should not wait for the International Maritime Organization’s (IMO) Secretary-General to improve its sanctions regime. The UN’s IMO elected Panamanian Arsenio Antonio Dominguez Velasco as its next Secretary-General in July. As long as countries like Panama, the Marshall Islands, Liberia, and, more recently, landlocked Mongolia maintain corrupt shipping registries, regimes like Iran will continue to evade sanctions and pursue their interests. 

To defend U.S. sanctions, policymakers should target the flag of convenience states. With the $6 billion in unfrozen assets now aiding Iran’s sanction-dodging efforts, time is of the essence. 

Roy Mathews is a Writer for Young Voices. He is a graduate of Bates College and a 2023 Publius Fellow at The Claremont Institute. He has been published in the Wall Street Journal, National Review, and Law & Liberty. You can follow him on Twitter here.

Image: Shutterstock.

Le vendredi 6 octobre, Rencont'roms nous se joint de nouveau, et avec plaisir, à l'Espace de vie sociale des Arènes romaines (association ALLÉE) et à la MJC Ancely pour une journée de rencontres culturelles aux Arènes romaines, avec ateliers, exposition et spectacles théâtre-marionnettes.
Programme :
– 16h : ateliers à l'espace jeunes (MJC) avec Tania Magy ; – 18h : rencontre autour de l'exposition Rencont'roms nous : 10 ans déjà !, photographies de Gaëlle Giordan et de (...)

- Agenda / France - Régions

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A projektről bővebb információt a www.vizililiomrendezvenyhaz.hu oldalon olvashatnak.

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A Májer és Neje Kft. célja a vállalkozás tevékenységi körének bővítése volt a projekt keretében konferencia, kereskedelmi bemutató tevékenységgel, rendezvényszervezéssel. A beruházás helyszínén – a 4562 Vaja 2756/12 helyrajzi számon – egy 150 fő befogadására alkalmas rendezvény sátor került felépítésre, mely nagyobb szabású rendezvények megtartására ad lehetőséget. A 10×33 méteres sátor a lakosságot nem zavaró helyen, tóparton helyezkedik el, csendes nyugodt környezetben található.

A Vaján és a környező településeken élő lakosság számára kisebb-nagyobb rendezvények megtartására alkalmas sátorban a vállalkozás a jövőben nyári táborok, lakodalmak, születésnapok, falunapok, ballagások, keresztelők, iskolai és óvodai rendezvények lebonyolításával fog foglalkozni. A rendezvénysátor mellett az iroda konténer saját iroda használatra, illetve a biztonsági személyzet elhelyezésére szolgál.

A projekt keretében a rendezvényszervezéshez szorosan kapcsolódó információs technológiafejlesztés is történt, technológiai fejlesztést eredményező új laptopot is beszereztek, mellyel megvalósul a cég saját weboldalának fejlesztése, hirdetések kezelése, árajánlatok készítése és a folyamatos kapcsolattartás az ügyfelekkel.

A fejlesztés eredményeként a Májer és Neje Kft. 1 fő munkahelyét tudja megőrizni, és további 1 darab új munkahelyet teremt, valamint a tevékenységének fejlesztése révén rendezvények lebonyolítását vállalja, amely a vállalkozás részére a több lábon állást biztosítja.

A Széchenyi Terv Plusz program GINOP_PLUSZ-1.2.2-22 számú kiírásán 6 429 439 forint támogatást elnyert, 9 184 913 forint összköltségvetésű fejlesztés 2022. december 14-én indult és 2023. szeptember 19-én zárul.

A projektről bővebb információt a www.vizililiomrendezvenyhaz.hu oldalon olvashatnak.

The Italian Navy received 56 NH90 helicopters since 2011, which logged more than 35,000 flight hours in multiple operations in Italy and internationally. The Marina Militare (Italian Navy) received its 56th and final NH90 helicopter [...]

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Hat »Chauvinismus« Moskau in den Krieg getrieben? Forscherin Sabine Fischer sagt, das Regime funktioniere mit einer Mischung aus Nationalismus, Sexismus und Autokratie. Und dieses Denken dürfte Russland noch lange begleiten.

”Europe is about changing the course of history, we need a dose of that spirit again”, said European Parliament President Roberta Metsola addressing the informal European Council in Granada.

Source : © European Union, 2023 - EP

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European Council President Charles Michel addressed the members of the European Political Community.