Diplomacy & Crisis News

Americans’ favorite meat just got riskier to eat.

China is starting to dictate terms in one of the world’s strategic waterways, and the United States is largely missing in action.

Coffee as the conduit for memories of a military career

A military tank with armed soldiers on the road leading to President Robert Mugabe’s office in Harare. [AP Photo: Tsvangirayi Mukwazhi]

What is happening in Zimbabwe?

It appears that 93-year old “President for Life” Robert Mugabe might finally be out of power. The military has refused to acknowledge a “coup,” but when the military leadership provide the spokesmen for the government, when generals are asserting who will and will not be acceptable as potential heads of state and government, and when people are being encouraged to remain inside, it seems pretty clear that change is afoot and that we are talking about a change fomented at least in part by the military. That may not be an according-to-Hoyle coup, but one would probably be at a loss to come up with a better term.

Last week Mugabe sacked Emmerson Mnangagwa, his second-in-command. Mugabe (or people acting on his behalf) had accused Mnangagwa of working with the military to foment a coup of his own. Now reports indicate that Mnangagwa has returned from a brief exile to take over the government.

If this is the case, it is perhaps not ideal (coups or their equivalent rarely are) but it would serve to mitigate my chief concern: That while most observers of the region have long wanted Mugabe to exit the scene, recognizing the deleterious effect he has had on his country for too much of the three-plus decades he has been in control, a power vacuum might still have been worse than anyone expected. After all without a clear plan for succession, and in lieu of Mugabe losing an election (and having Mugabe accept the results), the struggle for power in Harare might have gotten ugly. Mnangagwa is no saint, and we have no idea whether and when he might be in a position to call for elections, but if he has the support of the military and if he can lay out a clear plan moving forward perhaps Zimbabwe can avoid a bloodbath.

Perhaps.

As of now, it seems that Mnangagwa has emerged as the winner of a power struggle between his supporters (in the military and beyond) and First Lady Grace Mugabe, who has been vying to succeed her husband and has shown some of his megalomaniacal tendencies. But there is still a long way to go and much to find out before anyone should be celebrating.

The post Crisis in Zimbabwe: Is Mugabe Finally Out? appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.

The Communist Revolution was far more geopolitically influential than its contemporary critics — and even its celebrants — acknowledge.

As other countries rise, global stability depends on the United States holding onto its moralism.

Former SecDefs reject Trump tax bill, Army secretary finally moves in

There's growing concern on the Hill that the secretary of state is mangling American diplomacy.

Robert Mugabe is under house arrest, and the generals are in charge. But the top brass still insist there hasn’t been a coup.

While some arguments for the decline of the state are insightful and important, none of them have stuck.

Cette recension a été publiée dans le numéro d’automne de Politique étrangère (n°3/2017). Emmanuel Brunet-Jailly propose une analyse de l’ouvrage de Pierre-Alexandre Beylier, Canada/États-Unis : les enjeux d’une frontière (Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2016, 368 pages).

Pierre-Alexandre Beylier a refondu sa thèse, et organisé ce texte en trois sections et dix chapitres qui se lisent bien et forment une étude fine des politiques frontalières qui rassemblent, et divisent, le Canada et les États-Unis.

La première partie du livre s’ouvre sur une histoire de la transformation du 49e parallèle en frontière fonctionnelle. Le deuxième chapitre évalue les idées fondatrices de cette frontière pacifique qui, depuis 1840, est surtout une limite administrative ; c’est la démarcation non militarisée la plus longue au monde. Au cours de la première partie du XXe siècle, dont traite dans le troisième chapitre, Beylier souligne la transformation d’une frontière fonctionnelle, comprise de manière étroite du point de vue politique. La dépression économique des années 1930 et la guerre froide (années 1960), contribuent à sa transformation en un « bloc nord-­américain » qui organise les politiques de défense sur l’ensemble du continent. Le quatrième chapitre examine les idées qui, grâce à l’Accord de libre-échange nord­américain (ALENA, 1994), soutiennent les transformations économiques de ce continent sans conflit.

La deuxième partie du livre expose la transformation fondamentale qui affecte cette région pacifique et économiquement intégrée à partir du 11 septembre 2001. Un premier chapitre sur le terrorisme et la sécurité est suivi d’une analyse précise des politiques de « frontières intelligentes », et de leurs implications pour les futures politiques sécuritaires et économiques. Le troisième chapitre résume les succès et échecs, et les implications géopolitiques de ces nouveaux accords, qui affectent négativement des idéaux sécuritaires et libre-échangistes maintenant centenaires.

Dans la troisième partie du livre, trois chapitres examinent les coûts réels des politiques de « frontiérisation ». Le premier examine les baisses des flux marchands et l’augmentation des coûts sécuritaires pour les personnes, les gouvernements, et les entreprises. La frontière est « plus épaisse », elle érode l’ALENA et même la confiance qui lie les deux nations. Cela bénéficie à certains segments spécifiques de l’économie et de la politique aux États-Unis : les vues isolationnistes et nativistes progressent. Le deuxième chapitre détaille les différences entre les constructions médiatiques et idéationnelles, et la réalité. Certaines ­perceptions deviennent des réalités : le Canada est l’hôte d’organisations ­terroristes et ses politiques sécuritaires sont laxistes. Pour Beylier, cette ­situation reflète l’ajustement malheureux des États-Unis à ce nouvel environnement où de nombreuses menaces émanent de cellules terroristes locales qui n’ont pas leurs sièges au Canada. Ces changements de perceptions mènent à des difficultés accrues entre les États-Unis et le Canada. Le sentiment d’amitié centenaire facile et banale est un désavantage, en particulier pour les États-Unis qui en ignorent la complexité. Ces sentiments affectent les politiques frontalières, sécuritaires et économiques après plus d’un siècle de succès.

Un petit regret, néanmoins : qu’un ouvrage de cette qualité n’ait pas référencé plus de littérature canadienne sur ces sujets ; mais il s’agit d’un livre important pour les spécialistes et leurs étudiants francophones.

Emmanuel Brunet-Jailly

S’abonner à Politique étrangère

A refugee woman from the minority Yazidi sect, who fled the violence in the Iraqi town of Sinjar, sits with a child inside a tent at Nowruz refugee camp in Qamishli, northeastern Syria August 17, 2014. Photo Credit: Rodi Said / Reuters

In the last week there have been mass graves discovered in Iraq. There is little detail on who the 400 people found buried are, why they were executed or what group they belonged to, but just that they were victims of ISIS and their location. This story and many linked to the atrocities in Iraq and Syria did not receive as much coverage as they should have considering how similar events in history have scarred the psyche of all democratic nations. The civilian targets of ISIS have often been minority groups in the region that were seen as less than human in ISIS philosophy and that did not have a strong militia protecting their communities. If you were born into such a group by no choice of your own, the worst punishments were applied to you and your family. Memories of those victims of religious fervor that suffered in the Spanish Inquisition have shaped human rights norms and codes along with other historic events in Western history. In these recent cases that can be argued as some of the worst treatment girls and women have faced in human history, there has been a passive approach to protecting their lives.

No one should be burned alive because they would not convert to a religion, but it occurred frequently under ISIS and little was said in Western media in most cases. Sexual assaults against minors daily and the execution of relatives in front of them was standard practice, occurring on a massive scale, in many cases resulting in those girls being burned alive themselves. Every violation of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights was committed using the most extreme methods, and in most cases these atrocities were given a page twelve storyline, if published at all. Their protection was treated as a page twelve storyline as well, with the protectors of many of those minorities, the Peshmerga, now being attacked from all of its neighbours as a reward for attempting to be the only militia that tried to protect minorities from human rights abuses.

Rwanda was a tipping point in how we handle genocide in modern times. Rwanda was almost completely ignored, but awareness of the atrocities was well known as UN representatives were on the ground during the genocide and were communicating with their respective governments, and nothing was done to stop it. Many of these same leaders that ignored the genocide in Rwanda are active in governments around the world today, or advise modern governments on policy and are key contributors in developing legislation and UN actions. These same leaders also impressed their shame on their lack of actions in stopping the Rwandan Genocide, but also have done little to help Yazidis and other minorities in Iraq and Syria. They are well aware of what is going on as video and photos of atrocities are broadcast on social media frequently. Their passive attention post-Rwanda to genocide is passively permitting another Inquisition. The policy approach to do nothing about returning citizens who committed these acts against minorities in the Middle East has also fallen on deaf ears. Allowing those who have orchestrated the worst human rights abuses in human history to pass between borders without trial and with complete freedom is an insult to every victim of genocide since the Spanish Inquisition as well.

One of the shameful events that shaped human rights globally, the Inquisition, was occurring yet again, but we are blinded to it in modern society. Perhaps future generations will learn from our mistakes, but there is no doubt that modern society have failed the minorities in Iraq and Syria as regret replaces action, and shame is assured on us by future generations.

The post We Should Have Never Permitted Another Inquisition appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.

It is extremely critical that “major gaps” in equipment and staff needed to maintain United Nations peacekeeping operations are filled “in the shortest time possible” Atul Khare, the UN Under-Secretary-General for Field Support, said ahead of a major gathering of global defence ministers in Canada.

Calling for greater efforts to reduce road traffic deaths worldwide, the United Nations envoy for road safety on Monday stressed that a proposed UN fund, along with national investments, would turn the tide of rising fatality numbers.

As World Antibiotic Awareness Week began on Monday, the United Nations, through its Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the World Health Organization (WHO) and the World Organisation for Animal Health (OIE), called for responsible use of antibiotics in humans and animals to reduce the emergence of antibiotic resistance.

The urgent need to raise the finances to meet the funding goals of the Paris Agreement, especially to support action by developing countries, took center stage Monday at the UN Climate Conference (COP23) in Bonn, Germany.

Saudi Iranian Flags BIN

On Saturday afternoon November 4th from the Saudi capital of Riyadh, now former Lebanese Prime Minister Saad al-Hariri declared he resigned due to threat of assassination, saying, “I have sensed what is being plotted covertly to target my life.” The BBC reported that Hariri made multiple trips to Saudi Arabia (KSA) over the couple of days prior to his announcement, and Hariri attacked Iran and the Shia movement Hezbollah in the Riyadh broadcast. The location of the surprising revelation and Hariri’s depiction of Iran as determined to “destroy the Arab world” hints that the Saudi-Iranian proxy war may have returned to Beirut.

Lebanon’s elections were scheduled for May 2018, but last weekend’s developments call that into question and may have destroyed any semblance of détente that existed in Lebanese politics between the regional heavyweights. Lebanon’s delicate political arrangement assembled Sunni, Shia, and Christian representatives after two years without a complete government. Yet, the role of Hezbollah (due to its designation as a terrorist organization by the U.S. and Arab Gulf States) constituted a legitimate excuse for outside intervention. So far, Lebanon’s government has not collapsed, many suspect Hariri is just a mouth for Riyadh, and Hezbollah may be the hero if they can maintain stability in Lebanon.

On October 10, the U.S. offered two multi-million dollar rewards for Hezbollah leaders which may correlate with Saudi State Minister for Arab Gulf Affairs Thamer Sabhan’s tweet two days prior that an international coalition to confront Hezbollah is needed. Following the KSA’s interception of a missile fired from Yemen, Mr. Sabhan described Hezbollah’s role in assembling the missile and stated, “We will treat the government of Lebanon as a government declaring a war because of Hezbollah militias.” This came as Saudi Foreign Minister, Adel al-Jubeir, labeled the same missile attack an “act of war” by Iran. Iran has supplied Hezbollah with as much as $200 million each year, so Hezbollah may find themselves at the center of a power struggle with few options to extract themselves.

Former U.S. Ambassador to Israel Daniel Shapiro immediately assessed that an Israeli-Hezbollah conflict was inevitable, arguing Israel has been prepping since 2006. Israeli Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman contributed to this prospect on Saturday saying, “In Practice Lebanon has been occupied by Hezbollah and the Iranians,” and “This axis is operating inside Lebanon, inside Syria and is extending its patronage into the Gaza Strip.” The U.S. and KSA have lead the fight to coordinate international opinion against Hezbollah and have operated in cohesion with their terrorist designations. Congress even introduced a bill to encourage Europe to see Hezbollah as one movement and not to differentiate between the political and military wings of Hezbollah.

Lebanon’s political future and security may unfortunately be dictated by the interests and strategic moves of foreign powers. The U.S. and Russia have coordinated with Hezbollah at different times to combat Daesh in Syria, and Iran has backed them nearly since their 1979 revolution. Russian and Iranian security interests aligned in Syria and have blossomed into a much deeper relationship, whereas President Trump most recently proved his support for the Saudi Crown Prince’s consolidation of power, tweeting, “I have great confidence in King Salman and Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia, they know exactly what they are doing… Some of those they are harshly treating have been “milking” their country for years!”

In an effort to alienate the militaristic efforts of Hezbollah and Hamas from the greater Arab community and contain Iranian influence, the KSA is moving quickly to build alliances and present a new image as moderate or progressive (like granting women the freedom to drive). The detention of the Saudi “untouchable” Princes may assist in legitimizing the Monarchy’s governing mandate, but the timing of these moves encourages speculation of a Saudi-U.S. plot for the region. Riyadh, by some accounts, is committing war crimes in Yemen, and has not effectively shown off its military competency. What was supposed to be a quick victory is now a disaster with a record-breaking cholera epidemic, the worst famine in decades, and no clear path out.

During the Israeli-Hezbollah war of 2006, many Arab Gulf States were rattled by public support for Hezbollah which, by default, shed warmer light on Iran. In March 2016, all six GCC States designated Hezbollah a terrorist organization, but their unanimity is still a hard sell to their citizens.

Sectarian identity fluctuates with time and by situation, which makes for insecure politics. Sectarian identity is not only driven through polemics, but institutionalized via access to public sector jobs, opportunity in the armed forces, and cemented by wealth distribution. Generalizing Arab Gulf state economies may, by nature, predispose some flavor of Orientalism, but the rentier economic model has granted the government the necessary incentives to impose sectarian identity on its people by correlating profits and stability with the Monarchy.

However, questions of legitimacy arise quickly when funds run dry and as Saudi economic woes become more urgent, social unrest could threaten the Monarchy. Much has been written on the Saudi-Iranian struggle for regional supremacy and their shadow looms heavily over Yemen, Iraq, Syria, Bahrain, Qatar, and now Lebanon. The dense collection of alliances and informal dealings with States and non-state actors encourages rumors and conspiracy theories to bounce around the Arab Streets, and the presence of foreign powers (like the U.S. and Russia) inspires speculation about their end game and further obscures the truth.

If we accept that a new Middle Eastern Cold War has settled in, as argued by F. Gregory Gauss III of Brookings, between the KSA & Iran, then have the rapprochement efforts by the KSA with former foes inspired any allegiance following last week’s barrage of developments?

Rapprochement Coverage & A New Order

Since November 2013, reports have surfaced over Saudi-Israeli rapprochement and speculation has accelerated since the summer of 2016 due to fears of the U.S. abandoning the MENA region. Saudi officials went so far as to state, “Israel is not an enemy” that summer to a scholar at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy; a drastic divergence from the 2007 condemnation of Israeli excavations near al-Aqsa mosque in Jerusalem as “a provocation to Muslims around the world.”

Private rapprochement efforts along military and business interests are widely documented, but public statements frequently contradict such evidence. On October 21, the Forward reported in an interview with Saudi Prince Turki al-Faisal, a former ambassador to Washington and onetime head of the KSA’s intelligence agency, that such rapprochement with Israel was an illusion of Prime Minister Netanyahu; yet, “two hours after the interview,” Prince Turki, the former Head of Mossad, and a Pentagon official sat on the same stage for a security seminar. Due to the political consequences, official confirmation of such rapprochement is highly unlikely for now.

A leaked cable by Israel’s Channel 10 on November 6, shows that the Israeli MFA ordered its embassies to support the Saudi & Hariri line about the destabilizing effect Hezbollah has had on the Lebanese government. Publicly, Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu has tweeted, “The resignation of Lebanon’s Prime Minister Hariri and his remarks are a wake-up call to the international community to take action against the Iranian aggression, which is turning Syria into a second Lebanon.”

This leak will likely play as a smoking gun, implicating Israel and the KSA in an effort to upend the regional structure and severely damage Riyadh’s legitimacy amongst Arabs skeptical of Israel. This revelation may make Riyadh’s relationship with Cairo that much more significant because the KSA is in desperate need to save face in the Arab Streets. Riyadh invested heavily in Egypt following the removal of the Egyptian Brotherhood in 2013 with not only economic funds, but political capital; Riyadh’s relationship with Cairo is complicated but as Egypt makes up a quarter of all Arabs, they remain a key source of legitimacy.

The Saudi-Iraqi rapprochement effort has made great strides over the past month including: the first flights between Riyadh and Baghdad in 27 years, a newly appointed Saudi Ambassador to Iraq, and the establishment of a Coordination Council in the presence of U.S. Secretary of State Tillerson. Riyadh’s diplomatic blitz also comes as Russia is championed the de facto winner in Syria, and classic U.S. allies are seeking assurances that their Iranian-foe will not topple the regional status quo.

Iraq has not shown any public allegiance to Riyadh since last week’s developments and has avoided comment on the subject. This is fairly easy to do because their security situation can still consume local headlines and Baghdad has been clear about balancing its relationship with the U.S., Russia, the KSA, and Iran. Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi just two weeks ago returned from a trip to Riyadh, Cairo, Amman, Ankara, and Tehran without declaring any allegiance to one over the other. This flood of developments comes amidst the steady drip of information hinting at possible negotiations between the Israelis and Palestinians, facilitated by Cairo whose most ardent backer is Riyadh.

Cairo’s Role in Riyadh’s Scheme

Cairo’s relationship with Riyadh is complicated as Sisi seeks to reform his relationship with the Palestinians, by pushing Qatar out of Gaza, but does not view Hezbollah as a serious threat. The summer of 2017 was characterized by the cutting of diplomatic relations and a financial boycott of Qatar by the KSA, the UAE, Bahrain, and Egypt that has upset GCC coherence. A unique condition that was not explicitly stated in the 13 demands circulated by the Saudi-led bloc was for Qatar to quit funding Hamas.

Qatar hosts the previous leader of Hamas, Khaled Meshaal, who has ties to the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood; the current Egyptian government rose following a coup perpetrated by the military against the Muslim Brotherhood in 2013. Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani of Qatar was the first world leader to visit Gaza under Hamas control in 2012 (bringing $400 million in aid) and Qatar is the only Gulf state to maintain close ties with Hamas. For its part, Hamas has felt that many Middle Eastern governments have used the Palestinian cause for their own ends, which makes their relationship with Qatar that much more significant.

In early October, representatives of Hamas and Fatah signed a reconciliation agreement which would grant the Palestinian Authority (PA) greater control over Hamas controlled territories in the Gaza Strip (like the Rafah border crossing with Egypt). Two weeks prior, Hamas called for the PA to replace it as the governing body in Gaza, which would in effect remove restrictions on Gazans access to electricity. While Israeli analysts caution against the longevity of this agreement, the PA assumed control over the Rafah border crossing on November 1.

On October 29, Al-Monitor quoted an Egyptian diplomat on the contents of a Cairo initiative for multilateral negotiations towards an Arab-Israeli peace accord. The main tenants of this initiative include:

1. The Arab League will recertify its adherence and support for a two-state solution based on the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative; launched by then Crown Prince Abdullah of KSA and representing a collective Arab interest in recognizing Israel.
2. The U.S. will initiate a conference seeking to determine a path-way to a two-state solution and establishing mechanisms to combat terrorism; Washington and Tel Aviv maintain Hamas must disarm as a precondition to negotiations.
3. The PLO will represent Palestinian interests and Cairo will host the initiative.

Netanyahu stated he was willing to discuss the Arab Peace initiative in May 2016, but even the alignment of all Arab States does not preclude sabotage from non-state actors. Acts of terrorism by individuals or movements force comment from Arab leaders, and their allegiance to their ethnicity can be called into question (often a great source of their legitimacy and power).

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi has urged caution and for the de-escalation of tensions between Riyadh and Tehran, while also affirming his support for Riyadh stating, “We support our (Saudi) brothers.” Riyadh’s backing of Cairo presents an opportunity to elevate Cairo’s status as a leader of Arabs, and as the lead negotiator of peace and stability for the region. Yet, Sisi’s caution is warranted because Egypt has struggled to control the Sinai Peninsula with terrorist attacks occurring frequently, and they do not need to incur the wrath of Tehran. Cairo is avoiding greater sanctions on Hezbollah, amidst Saudi urging, which reduces the odds they would take part in any sort of military confrontation.

Riyadh Might Fight Iran Without the Arabs

The most dependable alliance the Saudi’s have cultivated is with Israel and the drastic developments of the past week should be considered an experiment, testing the regional structure and allegiances. Baghdad seeks stability and wants nothing to do with any future conflict. Cairo see’s room for growth with Saudi backing but is not ready to sign up for armed conflict because Iran is not an immediate threat. Israel see’s Iran and Hezbollah as an immediate threat and is ready to adjust the regional structure before stability settles in.

This is the state of affairs, and Riyadh must decide if they are willing to go forward with Tel Aviv as their staunchest ally in the region. Such a move would likely all but eliminate Riyadh’s hopes of becoming the leader of the Arabs, but might ensure the survival of the Monarchy with allies like the U.S. and Israel.

The post The Middle East’s Cold War Is Not Going Well for the Saudi’s appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.

Deux ans après les attentats du 13 novembre 2015, nous vous invitons à relire cette recension de l’ouvrage de Gérôme Truc, Sidérations. Une sociologie des attentats (PUF, 2016), écrite par Marc Hecker et publiée dans le numéro d’hiver de Politique étrangère n° 4/2016.

Cet ouvrage est tiré d’une thèse de doctorat soutenue à l’École des hautes études en sciences sociales en 2014. Gérôme Truc a cherché à comprendre pourquoi des individus se sentent touchés par des attentats qui ne les ont pourtant pas directement visés. Pour ce faire, il se penche plus spécifiquement sur trois attaques terroristes dont les dates ont marqué le début du XXIe siècle : 11 septembre 2001, 11 mars 2004 et 7 juillet 2005. Il analyse les réactions politiques, la couverture médiatique et les témoignages de milliers d’anonymes. L’effet de sidération, explique-t-il, varie en fonction d’un « entrelacs complexe de sentiments impersonnels et personnels ».

On retiendra plus spécifiquement trois points de ce livre. Le premier a trait au poids de la culture politique et historique du pays touché. Les événements du 11 septembre 2001 sont intervenus l’année des commémorations du soixantième anniversaire de Pearl Harbor. Un blockbuster commémoratif était diffusé depuis le mois de mai à travers tous les États-Unis. Ainsi l’effondrement des tours du World Trade Center a-t-il immédiatement été interprété par la population américaine, mais aussi par de nombreux responsables dont George W. Bush, comme un « nouveau Pearl Harbor ». Dès lors, comme en 1941, l’entrée en guerre paraissait inéluctable.

Le deuxième point concerne la résilience des populations face à une attaque. Là encore, la culture nationale a son importance. Au Royaume-Uni, la résistance de la population britannique au moment du Blitz s’est imposée comme une référence après le 7 juillet 2005. Toutefois, la résilience n’est pas seulement affaire de culture et de comparaisons historiques. Elle se travaille et se construit. Depuis l’attentat de Madrid – présenté par de nombreux responsables politiques de pays membres de l’Union européenne comme un « 11 Septembre européen » – les dirigeants britanniques expliquaient que le Royaume-Uni serait visé. Le maire de Londres, notamment, s’évertuait à préparer la population à un attentat perçu comme inéluctable. Et une fois l’attaque survenue, une campagne d’affichage fut entreprise pour tenter de souder les Londoniens dans l’adversité.

Le troisième point relève de la couverture médiatique, qui diffère sensiblement d’une rive à l’autre de l’Atlantique. Cette différence se remarque particulièrement pour ce qui est des images de victimes. Alors que les attentats du 11 septembre 2001 ont été les plus meurtriers de l’histoire, leurs aspects visuels les plus crus ont été occultés. Et pour cause : la police a empêché la presse de circuler librement sur les lieux des attentats, dans les hôpitaux ou les morgues. À l’inverse, les journalistes ont eu accès à la gare d’Atocha après les attentats de Madrid, et des photographies de cadavres – non floutées – ont été publiées en une des principaux journaux espagnols. Occulter par pudeur ou montrer pour dénoncer : le dilemme se pose aux médias au lendemain de chaque attentat.

D’autres passages de cet ouvrage mériteraient d’être évoqués, notamment ceux qui concernent les manifestations post-attentats ou encore les débats suscités par les minutes de silence. Alors que la France est touchée par une vague de terrorisme sans précédent, la lecture de Sidérations se révèle des plus utiles.

Marc Hecker

S’abonner à Politique étrangère

 

Addressing the ninth Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN)-United Nations Summit in Manila, the Philippines, Secretary-General António Guterres called for collective global and regional action to combat the challenges facing the world, in particular, those related to climate change.

The United Nations stands ready to assist efforts to respond to the earthquake that struck Iran and Iraq on Sunday, the Organization&#39s top official has said.