Diplomacy & Crisis News

Addis Ababa is a very active city even by night. Taken near Bole MehaneAlem – Edna Mall.

Not many may know that Ethiopia was among the first countries to join the International Monetary Fund (IMF) when the latter was formed on 27 December 1945.  Nevertheless, it took another 72 years for Ethiopia to welcome its first visit from the IMF Managing Director, in this case, Christine Lagarde who in December 2017 visited Addis Ababa, Ethiopia and met with Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn. This followed the IMF’s  assertion that in 2017 Ethiopia’s economy surpassed Kenya’s to become East Africa’s largest economy. Lagarde’s visit served as the latest stamp of approval for Ethiopia’s bold plan to reach lower-middle income status by 2025.

Ethiopia’s growing economy

It was Ethiopia’s late President Meles Zenawi who crafted Ethiopia’s ambitious goal of becoming a lower middle-income country by 2025. Following victory in 1991, the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) set in motion far-reaching economic reforms aiming to transform this poverty-stricken nation into a “developmental state” while maintaining an iron grip on power. Although achieving lower middle-income status by 2025 is ambitious, Ethiopia is making strides in combating poverty and improving economic conditions with the poverty rate falling from 44% in 2000 to 23.5% in 2015-16 (IMF, 2017).

Ethiopia’s government has made great strides in raising Human Development indicators, increasing female labour force participation as well as pursuing pro-poor growth policies. In the last decade Ethiopia has consistently registered double-digit GDP growth buoyed by state-led investments in infrastructure and manufacturing. According to the IMF Ethiopia’s economy will expand by 8.5% in 2017/18.

This growth will be supported by infrastructure spending and Ethiopia’s attempts to become a regional manufacturing base, in contrast to resource dependent economies in Africa such as Nigeria. The 2014 fall in commodity prices has had a negligible impact on Ethiopia’s growth trajectory and for this reason Ethiopia is becoming the new standard for a working, non-resource rich, African economy.

Ethiopia’s investment in infrastructure and manufacturing

Ethiopia is driving economic growth through the government’s laser-like focus on sectors such as manufacturing, energy and infrastructure. A notable example can be found in the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) where Ethiopia plans to leverage the Blue Nile to become Africa’s largest exporter of electricity. Although the GERD will boost the economy and meet Ethiopia and its neighbour’s energy needs the plan is facing severe pushback from Egypt which is traditionally the kingmaker when it comes to the River Nile. How Ethiopia negotiates this risk will be a key indicator of whether it achieves its goal of becoming a regional power supplier to neighbouring countries vis-à-vis Tanzania, Uganda and Sudan.

In terms of infrastructural investments, Ethiopia is fast becoming a destination of choice forChinese investors. 2018 was ushered in with the opening of the Addis Ababa–Djibouti Railway which cost $4 billion and was funded by Chinese state-owned rail and construction firms as part of China’s transformative One Belt One Road Initiative. The Addis Ababa-Djibouti Railway connects the landlocked Ethiopia to Djibouti’s port which is significant as Djibouti handles 95% of Ethiopia’s cargo. With a growing population of 105 million Ethiopia is waking up to the perils of its landlocked status and dependence on Djibouti’s ports as proven by its recently acquired stake in Somaliland’s Berbera port. The ways in which Ethiopia capitalises on its economic linkages with neighbouring states will be key to it reaching lower-middle income status by 2025.

In addition to state-led Chinese investment, private Chinese companies have also invested in Ethiopia, creating over 28,000 jobs, mainly in the manufacturing sector. It was during the 21-year reign of autocrat Meles Zenawi that Ethiopia put in motion its industrial strategy that prioritises labour intensive sectors such as manufacturing as a means to create employment opportunities for its large and mostly poor population. Ethiopia has seen some success in manufacturing due to the creation of various industrial parks and the reduction of bureaucratic red tape for businesses through the introduction of “one-stop shop” type regulatory services from the government.

Outlook

Ethiopia’s new-found economic confidence is embodied by its state-owned, national carrier Ethiopia Airlines which has grown to become one of the world’s fastest growing airlines.Ethiopia Airlines recently overtook South Africa Airways to become Africa’s largest carrier in terms of revenue and profit. Ethiopia Airlines has succeeded through its policy of establishing multiple global hubs and expanding to more than 120 destinations with regular flights to key cities such as Rio De Janeiro, London, Shanghai, Beijing and Washington DC among others.

However, Ethiopia’s most consistent economic risk factor is its historically weak private sector. Ethiopia’s policy of “state-led capitalism” has prevented the emergence of a strong private sector, especially when compared to regional peers such as Kenya where the dynamic private sector is driving growth. To put this into perspective, Ethiopia’s 105 million citizens are served by the state-owned Ethio Telecom which has a monopoly on all telecommunication and mobile services. The Ethiopian government is waking up to the need for competition in key sectors as highlighted in the second Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP II) which aims to strengthen private sector development andincrease FDI.

Despite this, the state has no shown no appetite for privatisation in key sectors such as telecoms and banking where it considers state-owned monopolies and enterprises as cash cows. Going forward, Ethiopia’s ability to reach lower-middle income status by 2025 will be characterised by its ability to reduce the power of large, state-owned enterprises (SOE’s). Other policies for the state to pursue include implementing Public-Private Partnerships (PPP’s) and economic reforms aimed at driving efficiency and stimulating competition in the economy.

Although Ethiopia has made great strides in terms of development, it is in the political sphere that Ethiopia faces the greatest risks in the medium and long term. Although Ethiopia’s “Ethnic Federalism” governance model afforded it stability during the reign of strongman Meles Zenawi, recent cracks have emerged under Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn. Examples include the ongoing protests of Oromo activists opposed to the government’s forceful seizure of their ancestral lands around Addis Ababa in the name of FDI. As such, Ethiopia’s ability to maintain consistent economic growth will be tied to its ability to integrate marginalised communities who need to be persuaded that they too have a stake in Ethiopia’s bold, new future.

 

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This article was first published on Global Risk Insights and was written by Bashir Ali.

The post Under the Radar: Ethiopia’s economic growth offers opportunities and challenges appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.

L'article 11 de la loi sur l'état d'urgence réactivée en France dispose que les autorités peuvent « prendre toutes mesures pour assurer le contrôle de la presse ». Cela ne sera pas nécessaire : les journaux d'information des deux premières chaînes, que regardent chaque soir près de 14 millions de (...) / France, Information, Sécurité, Intégration sociale, Médias, Politique - 2005/12 Dés-intégration

Cette recension a été publiée dans le numéro d’hiver de Politique étrangère (n° 4/2017). Dominique David, rédacteur en chef de Politique étrangère, propose une analyse de l’ouvrage de Pascal Marchand, La Russie par-delà le bien et le mal. Idées reçues sur la « puissance pauvre » (Le Cavalier bleu, 2017, 256 pages).

Ce livre nous sauve simplement des simplismes qui prolifèrent sur la Russie en s’affrontant aux lieux communs les plus répandus de manière à la fois informée et abordable. C’est un personnage russe fort éloigné des fantasmes occidentaux qui s’y affirme, s’y dessine, avec ses forces et ses faiblesses.

La Russie est-elle un objet historique si énigmatique qu’on le croit ? Est-elle condamnée à demeurer une économie sous-développée, assise sur ses matières premières et quêtant les technologies occidentales ? La Russie est-elle une puissance impérialiste, appuyée sur une massive puissance militaire et isolée sur la scène diplomatique ?

L’immensité de son territoire organise – ou désorganise – l’existence politique du pays. Il est d’Europe par volonté (l’Europe ne se limite pas à l’Union européenne) ; il est composite par ses populations et nationalités (ce qui est difficile à saisir très à l’ouest de l’Europe) ; il est difficile à contrôler et à diriger (et l’anarchie de l’« accumulation primitive » des années 1990 n’a rien arrangé). Oui, la corruption y prospère, mais le pouvoir de Vladimir Poutine – à la fois fort et limité, comme celui des tsars – s’y est sans conteste attaqué. Quant à la natalité du pays, elle se redresse quelque peu, et les migrations restent un élément central de la problématique démographique russe : le tout dessinant une situation moins dramatique qu’on l’imaginait voici vingt ans.

La frontière entre économie et géopolitique est ténue. Oui la Russie est riche de ses matières premières. Mais elle est « naturellement » desservie par son immensité, qui explique en partie la faiblesse de ses infrastructures – en particulier de transport. Moscou a traditionnellement cherché à l’Ouest sa modernisation technique, mais elle a pour la première fois aujourd’hui la possibilité de regarder vers Pékin : par exemple pour le secteur aéronautique, ou le ferroviaire à grande vitesse. Les sanctions occidentales ont pour effet de pousser Moscou vers une collaboration croissante avec Pékin, et d’encourager la production intérieure (par exemple en matière alimentaire) : deux facteurs de décollage pour une économie russe moins atone qu’on le dit.

Impériale, la Russie l’est dans son environnement proche comme toute puissance – souvenons-nous de la doctrine Monroe… Sa puissance militaire se relève lentement du plongeon des années 1990 pour lui donner une capacité d’intervention efficace mais bornée au plan régional. L’Occident ferait pourtant une lourde erreur en s’imaginant Moscou isolé sur le plan diplomatique. L’Organisation de coopération de Shanghai (OCS), la coordination entre BRICS (Brésil, Russie, Inde, Chine et Afrique du Sud) – lui offrent un espace diplomatique nouveau. La question étant de savoir si cet espace diplomatique demeurera opportuniste, ou deviendra structurant.

Opportuniste : mot-clé. Si la Russie pèse aujourd’hui internationalement, c’est d’abord qu’elle s’est saisie des chances que lui ont fournies les stratégies et les erreurs de l’Occident. Moscou s’en est saisi simplement pour affirmer son intérêt. Pascal Marchand cite au début de son livre la fameuse phrase de Winston Churchill sur une Russie « rébus enveloppé d’un mystère, au sein d’une énigme ». En restituant fort heureusement la phrase qui suit – systématiquement oubliée – : « Mais peut-être à cette énigme y a-t-il une clef. Cette clef, c’est l’intérêt national russe. »

Dominique David

S’abonner à Politique étrangère

Tandis que l'Irak plonge chaque jour un peu plus dans le chaos, le gouvernement israélien se prépare à retirer ses troupes d'occupation de Gaza. Pourtant, rien n'indique que cette mesure débouchera sur la création d'un Etat palestinien ni que M. Ariel Sharon soit prêt à renoncer à sa politique de (...) / Israël, Liban, Proche-Orient, Syrie, Conflit israélo-arabe, Élections, Religion - 2005/06 Lame de fond

Depuis les annonces faites, à deux jours d'intervalle, des candidatures de MM. Jacques Chirac et Lionel Jospin, l'ensemble des postulants à l'élection présidentielle française des 21 avril et 5 mai prochains sont connus. Pour l'instant, le scrutin ne suscite aucune passion. La désaffection des (...) / France, Fonction publique, Service public, Travail, Retraites - 2002/03 Guerre ou paix

Picture from City of Cape Town. (Source: Alberton Record)

Cape Town, South Africa (a city of four million people) is at a dangerous inflection point.
National Public Radio (NPR) reports that South Africa’s second main economic driver and
Africa’s third main economic hub city could be the first major city in the developed world to run
out of water, if residents do not heed new stricter water measures. The New York Times (NYT)
reported that “the day of reckoning the government has tagged as “Day Zero” will surpass
anything a major city has faced since World War II or the Sept. 11 attacks. So how did one of
Africa’s most promising cities – one that boasted high “green” credentials – so rapidly find itself
without water?

A Convergence of Factors

One of the undisputed story lines of this national emergency is that the Southern Africa region
has become drier in recent years. However, the cause of this dryness is somewhat disputed by
scientists. Experts such as Piotr Wolski, a hydrologist at the University of Cape Town who has
tracked rainfall in the region for most of the last two decades believe that climate change has
exasperated dryness in a historically dry region. Climate models support Mr. Wolski’s forecast
that Cape Town will remain on a dry trajectory and that precipitation will become less
predictable in the coming decades.

Other internationally renowned scientists like Dr. Augusto Jose Pereira Filho, (Professor of
atmospheric science at São Paulo University) believes that there are other atmospheric dynamics
in play causing the protracted dryness. He explained in an email response that lower mean water
temperatures in the Southern hemisphere continues to reduce ocean evaporation leading to a dry
lower atmosphere (read: no moisture for cloud formation) across the Southern Africa region.

This is the same cooler ocean and dry atmosphere dynamic Dr. Filho argued in 2015 was the
leading cause of Brazil’s once in a century drought in 2015. Though the precise causal factors
are debatable (i.e., how much is stunted ocean evapotranspiration versus how much is locked in
CO2 induced temperature rise), there is little argument as to who is getting the brunt of the blame
for Cape Town’s nightmare.

Lots of Finger Pointing

The much disputed part of the crisis backstory is how much city planners did to prepare for a
scenario that many warned was not only possible, but inevitable. According to David Olivier,
who studies climate change at the University of the Witwatersrand’s Global Change Institute,
“The national government has dragged its feet.” It is further alleged that in the first two years of
the drought, the unpopular African National Congress (ANC) led national government failed to
limit water supplies to farmers (the large wine industry ) thus intensifying the problem. But the
finger pointing doesn’t stop there.
It is also argued that the city government didn’t make common sense investments that could have
averted the crisis such as tapping into local aquifers and investing in desalination plants. Another
contributing stressor is rapid population growth as tens of thousands of regional migrants flowed
into a city that has been on the upswing seeking employment.

To diffuse culpability city officials have blamed residents for not heeding previous water
consumption edicts and restrictions. The embattled Mayor, Patricia de Lille alleges that well over
half the residents are not heeding warnings and she has threatened to impose fines. Ms. de Lille,
who is embroiled in a corruption scandal and facing a possible recall is staying the course
stating recently, “I’m committed to making sure that this well-run city does not run out of
water…We can all avoid Day Zero but we must do it together.”

Unfortunately, many don’t share her optimism and it is reported that talks are underway with
South Africa’s police to start planning for the impending chaos because “normal policing will be
entirely inadequate.” The city is hoping for the best and planning for the worst in advance of
“Day Zero” – a historic tipping point that will occur before the end of April if the already
implemented countermeasures (e.g., rationing and water sourcing) prove not to be effective.

Not the First; won’t be the Last

Sao Paulo, northern California, Paris (experiencing the heaviest rains in 50 years), Houston, and
Puerto Rico, and now, Cape Town are just representative examples of regions that were
grievously unprepared for protracted changes in weather patterns. Poor planning under-girded by
complacency (or misinformation) about the disruptive capacity of climate change effects, is a big
reason populations continue to be unnecessarily injured by a phenomenon that scientists,
politicians and activists have been warning about for over a decade.

Lastly, the most salient lesson to be learned from this unfolding drama is the imperative for
policy makers to factor environmental variability into their governance calculus, or face the risk
of tremendous loss of faith at best, or popular unrest at worst. This clarion call to action will
continue to ring true for many years to come.

The post Cape Town Awaits “Day Zero” appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.

Depuis que le secteur public a été réduit à la portion congrue dans la plupart des pays occidentaux, c'est la fonction publique qui se trouve dans la ligne de mire des « décideurs » proches du patronat. Certes, la chose n'est pas vraiment nouvelle, tant les conservateurs ont toujours cherché à masquer (...) / État, Fonction publique, Libéralisme, Nouvelle-Zélande - 1997/05

Cette recension a été publiée dans le numéro d’hiver de Politique étrangère (n° 4/2017). Philippe Moreau Defarges propose une analyse de l’ouvrage de Pierre Singaravélou, Tianjin Cosmopolis. Une autre histoire de la mondialisation (Seuil, 2017, 384 pages).

30 juillet 1900-15 août 1902 : la Chine impériale est emportée dans la tourmente de la guerre des Boxers, soulèvement férocement nationaliste, soutenue par l’impératrice Cixi (Tseu-Hi), contre les puissances dépeçant l’empire du Milieu. Non loin de Pékin, alors au cœur des affrontements, ces puissances – Royaume-Uni, France, Allemagne, États-Unis, Russie, Japon, Italie et Autriche-Hongrie – établissent, près de la mer, à Tianjin (ou Tien Tsin) un gouvernement international. Ce gouvernement, enceinte d’intenses compétitions entre les neuf participants (chacun ayant son secteur à soi), devient en fait le lieu et l’instrument d’un effort réussi de modernisation d’un morceau de Chine : aménagement urbain, révolution sanitaire, taxation du sel…

Pierre Singaravélou écrit bien « une autre histoire de la mondialisation ». Cette dernière ne se réduit plus à une marche aveugle et brutale d’un Occident broyant tout ce qui entrave sa domination. La mondialisation est ici analysée comme une partie multiforme et complexe, tant entre « mondialisateurs » qu’entre « mondialisateurs » et « mondialisés ». Le livre montre avec précision le souci qu’a chaque nation de prouver qu’elle est la plus performante… pour l’amélioration de la condition des Chinois.

Cet ouvrage fouillé, contribution à l’immense chantier des études des dimensions ignorées ou souterraines de la mondialisation, fait lever une question que suscite inévitablement toute « autre histoire de la mondialisation » : la résonance de l’expérience de Tianjin sur les Chinois et la Chine. Pierre Singaravélou conclut prudemment : « Tianjin représente donc une enclave mais aussi une voie de modernisation possible, dont les hommes d’État […] ont pu s’inspirer… » Mais si le laboratoire de Tianjin ne constitue qu’un moment éphémère, en quoi porte-t-il « une autre histoire » ? Comment les Chinois, si imbus de leur supériorité et pris dans un cataclysme sans précédent dans leur histoire, acceptent-ils d’être instruits par un gouvernement qui ne comprend aucun d’eux et les maintient sous tutelle ?

Par ailleurs, le livre souffre d’un manque peu compréhensible. Rien sur l’opium, que laisse de côté le chapitre pourtant très développé sur « la révolution sanitaire » de Tianjin. Cet opium, comme l’indiquent les deux guerres de ce nom, et comme le raconte Le Lotus bleu de Tintin, est sinon le problème au moins l’un des problèmes majeurs de santé publique de la Chine impériale. Le gouvernement international de Tianjin a très certainement évoqué ce fléau. Quelles furent les réactions du représentant britannique, qui savait que l’opium fumé par les coolies et les Mandarins venait des Indes ? L’usage de l’opium, présent dans toutes les couches de la société, était-il encore intouchable pour les barbares étrangers – qui, en outre, s’accommodaient d’une Chine à terre et docile ? Une autre histoire de la mondialisation devrait se vouer à « soulever le tapis » pour mettre à nu tout ce qui trouble…

Un si remarquable travail appelle les outils pédagogiques bien connus. Si les cartes sont ici bien choisies et superbes, une chronologie aurait été utile pour éclairer les relations entre les événements de la Chine – évolution de la guerre des Boxers – et l’expérience de Tianjin. De même, un index doit désormais accompagner tout livre de « non-fiction ».

Philippe Moreau Defarges

S’abonner à Politique étrangère

Une campagne internationale tente d'empêcher l'exécution, prévue à Philadelphie, le 17 août, de M. Mumia Abu-Jamal, journaliste et ancien membre des Panthères noires. Elle relance le débat sur la peine de mort aux Etats-Unis. Un débat d'autant plus nécessaire que l'application de ce châtiment frappe (...) / États-Unis (affaires intérieures), Afro-Américains, Police, Répression, Mouvement de contestation - 1995/08

C'est l'histoire d'un voilier, le Tanit, qui croisait au large de la Somalie. L'histoire d'un pirate, M. Mohamed Mahamoud, incarcéré en Bretagne et jugé à Rennes. L'histoire de Mmes Maryvonne Le Naour et Mina Scheidle, qui l'ont secouru durant sa détention. Le 4 avril 2009, cinq pirates armés de (...) / Somalie, France, Commerce, Violence, Criminalité, Mer - 2018/02

Ils tuent davantage que les accidents de la route ou les armes à feu. Après avoir ravagé les ghettos noirs dans les années 1990, les opiacés déciment désormais les banlieues pavillonnaires et la petite classe moyenne américaines. Inédite par son ampleur et par ses victimes, cette épidémie d'overdoses (...) / États-Unis, Industrie pharmaceutique, États-Unis (affaires intérieures), Drogue, Santé, Inégalités, Médecine - 2018/02

Quand l'affaire Harvey Weinstein a fait irruption à la « une » des journaux, je n'avais jamais entendu parler de ce personnage. Qui était donc ce producteur de cinéma accusé d'avoir agressé sexuellement un nombre incalculable de femmes ? En commençant à me documenter, j'ai découvert que, à une époque (...) / Sexualité, États-Unis, États-Unis (affaires intérieures), Parti politique, Cinéma, Groupe de pression, Politique - 2018/02

Créée en 1936, Politique étrangère est la plus ancienne revue française dans le domaine des relations internationales. Chaque vendredi, découvrez désormais « l’archive de la semaine ».

* * *

Cet article, écrit par le journaliste allemand Ernst Weisenfeld, a été publié dans le numéro de printemps 1975 (n° 1/1975). Analysant les principaux événements depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale, l’auteur s’efforce de définir les réactions que suscite à l’extérieur la politique étrangère française. Bien que celle-ci continue à être fortement influencée par les options fondamentales du gaullisme, on constate une certaine réorientation, notamment en ce qui concerne les rapports avec les États-Unis, et le souci d’adapter la diplomatie de la France à ses possibilités réelles.

« L’élection du nouveau président de la République et certains gestes qui ont accompagné ce changement, ont été interprétés avec raison comme les signes d’un réajustement de la politique étrangère française. Bien que l’échec indéniable du candidat gaulliste n’ait pas été lié à des problèmes de politique étrangère, il a cependant montré que dans de très larges couches électorales une « certaine idée de la France » trouvait moins d’échos qu’auparavant. Les changements intervenus dans la diplomatie française restent en-deçà de ce que beaucoup attendaient, ce qui explique la déception qui s’est manifestée ici et là. Une telle déception aurait pu être évitée si l’on s’était rendu compte à temps des quelques données fondamentales, des contraintes intérieures et des intérêts de base qui déterminent l’action internationale de la France.

Je vais essayer d’analyser ces facteurs essentiels.

Lorsque en 1950, la France, sous l’impulsion de son ministre des Affaires étrangères, Robert Schuman, et de son Commissaire au Plan, Jean Monnet, a conçu sa politique européenne, elle cherchait avant tout et d’une façon originale et durable à tirer les conséquences du fait que la période d’après-guerre s’était terminée par la désunion et les conflits dans le camp des vainqueurs de la deuxième guerre mondiale.

Cette conception était basée sur un certain nombre d’idées fondamentales.

Il s’agissait en effet de :

— Canaliser l’industrie allemande désormais libre de toute entrave dans une direction qui excluerait un nouveau conflit franco- allemand et qui faciliterait l’industrialisation de la France.

— D’amarrer les Allemands disponibles à l’Occident et de contrôler l’exigence allemande visant la réunification du pays.

— De rendre progressivement à l’Europe une personnalité qui lui permettrait de se maintenir dans un monde dominé par la rivalité des deux grandes puissances sorties de la guerre. De cette façon on espérait aussi rendre plus crédible la voix de la France.

— De s’assurer que cette Europe-là bénéficierait de la protection et de l’aide des États-Unis d’Amérique et de faire de Paris l’interlocuteur préférentiel de Washington.

— De tenir donc, si possible, les Anglais à l’écart et de mettre l’accent non pas sur « l’entente cordiale », mais sur la coopération franco-allemande.

Les milieux politiques étaient de plus en plus conscients du fait que les liens avec les voisins allemands allaient se développer plus vite que les liens avec l’Angleterre. Ainsi, la visite officielle que la reine d’Angleterre fit à Paris en 1957, quelques jours après la signature du Traité de Rome, fut parfois qualifiée de visite d’adieu. Les espoirs nourris par P. Mendès-France de pouvoir mener la politique européenne avec le concours britannique ne devaient pas se réaliser et la participation de Londres à l’Union de l’Europe occidentale (U.E.O.) conçue comme un substitut à la défunte C.E.D. n’y pouvait rien changer. Un Européen aussi averti que Paul-Henri Spaak, lorsqu’il occupait la fonction de Secrétaire général de l’OTAN, disait en 1960 dans une conversation avec des journalistes : « La France a poursuivi, dès le début, l’objectif de tenir les Anglais à l’écart du continent ». Cette interprétation trop sommaire, en ce qu’elle ne distinguait pas entre la politique du général de Gaulle et celle de la IVe République était cependant juste dans la mesure où ni la conception gaulliste, ni celle des intégrationnistes européens n’admettaient la participation pleine et entière de la Grande-Bretagne. P. Mendès France a dû constater à plusieurs reprises pendant vingt ans que sa demande de faire l’Europe avec les Anglais ne fut appuyée que par une minorité.

Au début des années 50, lorsque cette conception européenne fut traduite dans la réalité, il existait en général un climat de confiance avec les États-Unis malgré quelques tensions qui se manifestaient notamment dans le domaine militaire.

Le gouvernement de Washington s’était déclaré en faveur des intentions françaises et ce n’était qu’en matière de décolonisation qu’apparaissaient de graves divergences. En Indochine, la France ne résistait pas aussi longtemps que Washington l’aurait souhaité et le repli français se faisait d’ailleurs avec l’aide des Soviétiques. En Algérie, par contre, la France résistait trop longtemps selon les Américains et l’expédition de Suez, menée de concert avec l’Angleterre et de connivence avec Israël, afin de renforcer les positions françaises en Afrique du Nord, provoqua un conflit avec Washington qui fut pourtant modéré du fait qu’à cette époque, la tension Paris-Moscou était encore plus aiguë. […] »

Lisez la suite de l’article ici.

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Lula may face over 10 years in prison, or become re-elected as President

A well known song from Antonio Carlos e Jocafi could easily run though someone’s mind when reading about corruption in their native Brazil. Voce abusou, or You abuse me is how many citizens feel when members from political parties or elite members of a society take advantage of the public purse. It is not only a financial drain on society, but in order to ensure success of the few over the many the political system must be corrupted along with agencies, branches of government and even the judiciary. While politics permeates all institutions in society, even judicial ones at times, the complete corruption of a system always leads to the people being ignored and abused. Challenging the powers that be often results in extreme actions like humiliating and destroying opponents via ad hominem campaigning, and in some cases even going to the extremes of prison or death.

When a small group of people, be it political agents or an entire party, focuses more on their own ability to win a seat in their government’s capital than the people themselves, the system changes and rots from above. Corrupting the elite leads to an understanding from others in the institutions that success comes in the shadows, and at a certain point achievements become a standardization of abusive policies against the general public and individuals. For a small group to do literally anything to have access to the public purse is always to the detriment of others in society. Besides the open fight for free and fair elections, a barrier to corruption systemically is the judiciary.

Corruption can take place in many forms. Even in a country like Canada, a top aid to a former Premier of the largest Province of Ontario was recently convicted for knowingly hiding actions and erasing public documents relating to over one billion dollars being wasted out of the public purse. This was done so that his party could win a few seats in a past election. The loss of that amount of money from the public without anything to show for it damages the society on many levels. Any future efforts to improve a community are halted with that amount of money lost for the sake of a few greedy people. They effectively destroyed the opportunity for two new major hospitals from possibly being built in their community, possible social housing, welfare, employment insurance coverage and reduced power costs for the most vulnerable in their society, for the sake of a few politicians and their jobs. When funds are stolen or squandered, taxes rise to cover corruption, and those who contribute to society are punished and castigated for continuing to build their own fair societies. In Brazil, these types of issues are amplified many times over, and their judiciary has taken on the task to crush corrupt practices, even if it could be politically impossible to succeed.

The conviction of former popular President Lula da Silva to twelve years in prison for corrupt actions he took during his time in office in the 2000s may show Brazil and the world that corruption must be ended without fail. Whether or not he will serve any part of his sentence remains to be seen. The application of guilt in a fair trial might do more to halt a possible return to politics for Lula than serve justice through his sentence, as the difficulty in reversing corruption once it is institutionalized is almost impossible. With so many political agents in Brazil facing corruption charges, the politics of those in power will flood the judicial process with everything they can to muddy the process, and will likely hinder fairness in that process. A victory for justice in a corrupt system is really any victory that can be claimed, and in societies that are not yet wholly corrupted, a strong a forceful application of justice should be applied not only as the resulting judgment, but as deterrent against abusing the rest of us that just wish to put in a fair days work for our daily bread.

The post Voce Abusou: Corruption as a Permanent Impairment to Society appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.

Cette recension a été publiée dans le numéro d’hiver de Politique étrangère (n° 4/2017). Rémy Hémez propose une analyse de l’ouvrage dirigé par Éric Letonturier, Guerre, armée et communication (CNRS Éditions, 2017, 216 pages).

Cet ouvrage collectif se concentre plus particulièrement sur l’impact de la révolution numérique et des réseaux sociaux sur l’institution militaire et le fait guerrier. Il n’est pas possible de revenir ici sur toutes les contributions. Nous en évoquerons quelques-unes, parmi les plus marquantes.

André Thiéblemont, dans une partie particulièrement intéressante pour les non-initiés, s’intéresse aux phénomènes de communication en zone de combat. Il explique notamment l’enjeu que représente la transmission des ordres. Cette transmission se voit bouleversée au moment où les réseaux numériques permettent de passer d’un système strictement pyramidal à une diffusion horizontale.

Une excellente synthèse de l’histoire des « soldats de l’image » est proposée par Bénédicte Chéron. Le premier service des armées dédié à la communication naît en 1915. Plus récemment, l’année 2004 a constitué un tournant. Lors de l’opération Licorne en Côte d’Ivoire, les armées françaises ont manqué d’opérateurs pour filmer les événements de l’hôtel Ivoire, et « l’absence d’images utilisables pour venir appuyer l’histoire des armées françaises a pénalisé la communication politique et militaire ». En conséquence, le développement du service de communication a été accéléré. La fin de la guerre d’Afghanistan et l’opération Serval en 2013-2014 constituent une autre période charnière. Les « réalités guerrières » sont désormais mieux assumées.

Barbara Jankowski nous propose quant à elle une intéressante mise en perspective de l’évolution de l’opinion des Français sur leurs armées. Elle est désormais très favorable – 87 % d’avis positifs en 2016 –, alors qu’elle était négative à la fin de la guerre d’Algérie. La professionnalisation en est une explication majeure. L’approbation des opérations extérieures est, elle aussi, forte. En janvier 2013, 71 % des Français étaient favorables à l’intervention militaire au Mali. Cette caractéristique distingue la France de la plupart de ses alliés. Cette adhésion est cependant conditionnelle : un événement comme l’embuscade d’Uzbin de 2008 reste susceptible de faire basculer l’opinion.

L’état de la présence des militaires français dans l’espace public numérique est exposé par Michel Sage. Certains soldats, aviateurs et marins ont en effet profité de l’avènement de ce nouveau support pour s’exprimer, et devenir, selon le mot de l’auteur, des « milinautes ». L’omniprésence d’internet et des réseaux sociaux a poussé l’institution militaire à réagir, en imposant parfois la déconnexion en opération extérieure, en menant des campagnes de sensibilisation au bon usage des réseaux sociaux, ou encore en « contre-communiquant » via des sites internet institutionnels et une présence croissante sur les réseaux sociaux. L’armée de Terre a, par exemple, plus de 100 000 followers sur Twitter. L’auteur pointe en conclusion un risque de « cantonnement numérique » qui limiterait les militaires à un entre-soi.

L’ouvrage mérite donc d’être lu, en dépit de la présence de contributions de qualités variables, et parfois à la limite du sujet.

Rémy Hémez

S’abonner à Politique étrangère

Par Chantal LorhoDiffusion : dimanche 21 janvier 2018 Le vice-président des Etats-Unis, Mike Pence (au milieu) accompagné de sa femme (à droite).REUTERS/Muhammad Hamed

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Le vice-président des Etats-Unis Mike Pence est en tournée au Proche-Orient : après l’Egypte hier, il est aujourd’hui en Jordanie et en Israël. Une tournée qui ne se déroule pas sous les meilleurs auspices. Frédéric Charillon, professeur en science politique à l’Université d’Auvergne, Cofondateur et ancien directeur de l’IRSEM, l’Institut de recherche stratégique de l’École militaire, répond aux questions de Chantal Lorho.Ecouterhttp://www.rfi.fr/emission/20180121-mike-pence-situation-inconfortable-frederic-charillon

As Narendra Modi welcomes ASEAN leaders, can he balance non-interventionism with his desire for Indian strategic partnerships with ASEAN? India can still present itself as a credible counterweight to China, but not without embracing international norms of accountability.

Looking east

The 26 January marked India’s 69th Republic Day. New Delhi welcomed all ten heads of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to participate. Indian premier Narendra Modi portrayed it as a coup for his country’s diplomacy, with Singapore’s Lee Hsien Loong, Malaysia’s Mohammad Najib Razak, Indonesia’s Joko Widodo and even Myanmar’s Aung San Suu Kyi in attendance as Modi’s guests.

This banner moment is the fruit of India’s “Look East” policy, launched in the early 1990s after decades of non-alignment. Look East marked a significant change in India’s attitude towards Southeast Asia. It has also proven remarkably durable through successive changes of government, perhaps because both sides see the other as an important partner in containing China.

In 2014, Modi took the policy a step further by directing Indian envoys to “Act East”. This means focusing not just on improved economic relations but also on a wider spectrum of co-operation. Act East has seen Modi visit nine of ten ASEAN member states, presaging a proactive strategic role within the region just as Donald Trump abandons the Obama-era “Pivot to Asia”.

In this vacuum, India is not the only regional power picking up the slack. China hassuccessfully stifled progress in the South China Sea thanks to its outsized economic influence over ASEAN. President Rodrigo Duterte of the Philippines has all but abandonedFilipino claims in the area in exchange for Chinese economic support. India, by contrast, offered a clear and forthright statement that seemingly reinforced its commitment to the United Nations Convention on the Law Of the Sea (UNCLOS) and the institutions of international law more broadly.

But it will take more than isolated cases or a large Republic Day coterie to prove India is ready for a proactive global role. Modi’s track record in two other crises highlight an enduring reticence to speak out against problematic partners, whether in India’s own neighbourhood or further afield.

Rejecting the Rohingya

While Aung San Suu Kyi visits New Delhi as an honoured guest, many of her countrymen receive a harsher reception. A growing number of Rohingya refugees have fled to India since Myanmar opted for ethnic cleansing in October 2016; India’s response has been todeport those within its borders and ban the rest from entering. Indian border forces have been ordered to use “rude and crude” methods to keep refugees from crossing. The country also refused to endorse a declaration at last year’s World Parliamentary Forum on Sustainable Development because it included an “inappropriate” reference to the Rohingya.

Explanations for this uncharacteristic hostility vary. India has close ties to Myanmar’s government. It is especially dependent on Myanmar for help against secessionist rebels who strike at India from secluded bases in mountainous northern Myanmar. India had nonetheless been a forthright critic of the former junta’s abuses. In a remarkable volte-face, Modi has opted instead for condemning Rohingya “terrorism”.

Domestic politics may also play a role. Modi is a member of the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and has a track record of ignoring mob violence against India’s Muslim communities. Opposition parliamentarian Shashi Tharoor has drawn a direct link between Modi’s political stripes and the deportations, saying it “appears to be prompted by the fact that they are primarily Muslims.”

What about the DRC?

Neither regional priorities nor domestic politics explain Modi’s non-response to the crisis in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Despite the distance, India contributes the largest contingent of peacekeepers to the UN Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO). At least 17 Indian peacekeepers have died there.

The Congolese government is currently undoing the stability Indian soldiers have fought and died for. President Joseph Kabila’s tenure constitutionally ended in 2016, but elections have been put off and Kabila remains in power. He has engineered a lethal crackdown on the pro-democracy movement demanding his ouster: six people were killed and hundreds detained during protests organised by the Catholic Church on 21 January.

Kabila has also kept the opposition candidate best positioned to replace him, former regional governor Moïse Katumbi, out of the DRC by pressuring the judiciary to convict him on spurious charges. That has not stopped Katumbi from heightening international pressure on Kabila, but it has stopped him from returning home.

India has had little to say about Kabila’s actions. Instead, foreign minister Sushma Swaraj stressed in November that the Modi government enjoys “close and friendly relations” with the DRC. She also discussed lines of credit to the Congolese government, even as other foreign investors are dissuaded by the Kabila government’s rampant corruption and its business partners come under American sanctions.\

Tight grip on a hands-off approach

Though India has a long tradition of humanitarianism, cold geopolitics have apparently trumped idealism. In doing so, is Narendra Modi abandoning one of democratic India’s key advantages over authoritarian China in the struggle over Asia’s balance of power?

If so, there is still time to change course. India’s new “Act East” outlook could well fill the normative vacuum left by the Trump administration as well as the strategic one. India is one of the few regional powers with the economic, military and moral clout to counterbalance Chinese dominance of ASEAN, a challenge that has acquired a renewedsense of urgency with China’s One Belt, One Road (OBOR) initiative. Modi may be ready to indulge in power politics, but neither hard power nor an expanded Republic Day guest list will be enough to keep ASEAN from slowly being drawn into the Chinese orbit.

 

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This article first appeared on Global Risk Insights, and was written by Nicholas Leong.

The post India looks east, but is it ready to act? appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.

Volcanic schism dominates the landscape in the Islamic world. Sectarian civil wars rage in Syria, Iraq, and Libya. Yemen is the worst humanitarian disaster in the world as a result of a ruthless war campaign spearheaded by Saudi Arabia—a nation that, ironically, carries the Islamic declaration of faith on its flag and is the site of two holiest mosques. There are fanatical insurgencies in Afghanistan, Nigeria, Mali and Somalia.

The latter still remains the embodiment of self-destruction and institutional corruption. It is a ‘geographical expression’ that lacks vision, sovereign authority, and sense of nationhood. It is a resource-rich nation that accepted being the poster-child of perpetual misery. It is a psychologically subjugated and spiritually dysfunctional nation that constantly digs itself into a new geopolitical quicksand.

Somalia is the microcosm of the Muslim ummah or the Islamic nation.

Fifty seven nation states that are members of OIC are reduced to being spectators or at best agonizing over the ethnic-cleansing of the Rohingya people, systematic genocide of the Palestinian people and annexation of holy sites.

For centuries Muslims have been trailing in thought-production, technology, political stability, good governance, and human rights. To emerge out this disgraceful and seemingly hopeless condition requires a mega mirror to reveal the ugly state of our affairs and a thorough introspective process. Granted there are foreign factors and sinister elements that contributed to this ugly state of affairs. But bear in mind only after the internal causes are corrected could the external ones be corrected.

The Raging-foam Syndrome

It is hard for Muslims to ignore the daunting resemblance of current times to that which Prophet Muhammad has prophesized; a time in which nations will summon each other to encircle Muslims and feast upon them. When asked if it was due to smallness of the Muslim population, the Prophet answered: ‘No; you will be numerous.’ Then he added the quality of your moral character would be like scum or foam. You will be afflicted with “al-wahn” or obsession with privileges and luxuries, and extreme fear of anything that could end it.

Today, Dubai—the glittering façade of a degenerate city of lust, greed, and gluttony sustained by foreign military mercenaries—became the success model or the highest aspiration of many Muslim nations. The alternative model still remains brute power to ensure the privilege of the few at the expense of the deprived masses.

In recent decades, the Islamic world has produced some of the most vicious and most corrupt tyrants who would destroy their own countries for their personal power and privilege till they force a tipping of public wrath. Yemen’s Ali Abdullah Saleh was the latest to be flushed down in the sewage system of history.

Suppressing Scholars and Intellectuals 

Only a few decades after the death of Prophet Muhammad, a chain of Muslim rulers who lacked legitimacy started to recruit or promote their own pseudo scholars or clerics who looked the part but whose primary role was to provide fatwas or moral covers to the political shenanigans of their patron rulers or tyrants. So, sectarian zeal and jingoistic loyalty became the litmus test and the process through which the ummah still manipulated and exploited.

Today, the overwhelming majority of the Muslim scholars and intellectuals are empty-talkers, propagandists or flamethrowers of al-assabiyyah which describes a condition of extreme emotional attachment to one’s religious sect (Sunni, Shi’, Suffi, etc.), school of thought (Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi’, Hanbeli, Ja’fari, etc.), or religio-political identity (Salafi, Ikhwani, Huthi, Islahi, etc.).

Against that backdrop, two essential elements that propelled the Islamic civilization of yesteryear have corroded: genuine pursuit of truth and Ijtihad.

Ijtihad is a thought-processing mechanism to extract meanings or provide new interpretations to existing ones within the moral boundaries of faith. A century ago, Allama Muhammed Iqbal has warned the colonized minds of heedless ummah about the prevalence of suppression of intellectual and spiritual inquiry in the Islamic world. “The door of interpretation (ijtihad) cannot be closed. Because a door that has been kept open by the Qur’an and Sunnah (Prophetic teachings), can be shut by them alone and no one else,” he wrote. Iqbal reasserted what Muslims have long forgotten: spiritual inquiry and rational quest for meaning is a God-ordained process to acquire and produce knowledge.

Genuine Muslim scholars and intellectuals are those who are motivated by pursuit of truth and advancement of the common good. They are not enticed by power, privilege or wealth. Their main role is to enlighten the masses and keep power in check while preventing senseless rock bottom rebellion and anarchy.

Tyranny of ‘Reform’

Though the Islamic world, more specifically the Middle East, is the center of gravity of international politics and competition for strategic or energy resources, by the large, Muslim rulers in those countries have very little or no political clout to advance their respective national interests let alone make a world impact. Most are charlatans whose foreign policies are handicapped by inferiority complex and their domestic policies are emboldened by their tyrannical impulses. They readily put their nations’ interests last so long as their positions of authority are secured, their privileges are sustained, and their images are polished with superficial grace.

If the Arab Spring was the people’s raw expression against abuse of political power, against economic disenfranchisement and corruption, these destructive ills are still present in many Arab and Islamic countries and in some cases even more pronounced. The Muhammad Bin Salman phenomenon in Saudi Arabia is an example.

As a de facto King, he has been asserting unchecked authority that is making his country at-risk for political implosion. He spearheaded the catastrophic war in Yemen, weapons-purchase frenzy that is draining the Saudi economy, and the Qatar blockade. He imprisoned a large number of religious scholars, princes, media moguls and professionals who could have challenged his legitimacy and appetite for power-grab. They are all declared guilty of corruption without any judicial process.

So, the de facto King declared anti-corruption campaign and imposed austerity measures while maintaining his exclusive right for exuberant extravagance- a luxury chateau in France for over $300 million $500 million yacht and a $450 million painting.

Then you have the Egyptian and the Turkish opposition-purge or collective punishment models. None of these models are morally justified in Islam.

The Prophetic Model

Rhetoric aside, Muslims have drifted away from the moral principles that led Prophet Muhammad and his companions change the world and establish a global civilization.

First: unwavering sense of justice and fairness. While most may proclaim it, man cannot truly uphold justice and fairness without acknowledging the delusion of self-sufficiency and without declaring the Divine supremacy over him. The one who acknowledges and upholds God’s rights upon him is likely to uphold the rights of other human-beings.

Second: aspiring for excellence in all matters, and dealing with other human-beings in the best manner possible. With such approach coexistence with others who maybe different or espouse different beliefs becomes much easier.

Third: taking responsibility very seriously and being compassionate and beneficial to all people. And because families constitute the early stages of community formation, those who fulfill their familial responsibilities are likely to benefit the society at large.

Fourth: refraining from and preventing all aspects of corruption- moral, financial, political, social decadence and sins that harm self and others.

Fifth: refraining from and preventing heedlessness, overt or shameless behaviors that destroy all ethical boundaries and promote moral anarchy.

Sixth: refraining from and preventing against all form of transgression whether against the Will of God or against other human-beings.

These core principles encapsulated in a verse in the Qur’an were operationalized through a system of governance that promoted and protected these objectives: Sanctity of life, faith, property, family and intellect.

Prophet Muhammad was conscious of the fact that no relationship can be built on a zero-sum foundation. Sustainable relationships—domestically and internationally—are built upon trust, ethical conduct and certain level of sacrifices.

Getting Back On Track

The human-being is divinely hardwired to search for meaning in life. So as a rational being, inquiries and discoveries in the moral and material realms of life lend the person reason to exist. They are the wheels that propel the process to reimagine and reinterpret. Any society that fails to reassess its social, political, economic, and spiritual vison to match the ever-evolving generational aspirations and challenges would have to face immanent decay.

Islam is a universal faith. As such, interaction and collaboration with the rest of humanity is a divine obligation. And that can only materialize after we change our individual and collective mindset.  Numerous verses in the Qur’an underscore the importance of using the mind and intellect and warn against sectarian groupthink and blind loyalty.

It is time for Muslims to reclaim the Islam of inclusivity that transformed broken persons, tribes, and nations. It is time to reinvigorate the Islamic values of thinking before acting; connecting to the hearts before the minds, and purifying the intention before trying to reform. Ponder, plan or simply perish.

** Article was first published by The Muslim Vibe

The post The Ailing Muslim Conscience: It’s time to reclaim the Islam of inclusivity appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.

The key to a successful North Korea sanctions strategy is recognizing that such measures take time to achieve results.

Trump’s State of the Union. Turkey intensifies operations in Syria. Merkel mends her coalition. All this in The Week Ahead.

UNITED STATES: Trump’s State of the Union:

• President Trump will present his State of the Union Address to Congress this Tuesday, following a rough week that included a government shutdown, controversy in Davos, and revelations that he tried to fire special counsel Robert Muller. Given the numerous issues facing Congress right now, it is unlikely that Trump’s speech will bring forth any new legislative priorities, though it may prove a useful distraction for the press and Republican leadership.
• Should the President lay out an immigration platform agreeable to Congressional Democrats, this could become an important speech for both resolving the fate of 700,000 Dreamers in the United States as well as initiating a more stable budget vote. Additionally, should the president mention infrastructure and discuss it beyond broad platitudes, he may be able to jump start negotiations on a major infrastructure bill ahead of midterm elections this November.

GRI Take: Don’t expect any radical new policies from Trump’s State of the Union Speech as the current budget crisis occupies most of his attention. However, if Trump announces reforms for DACA recipients, he has the potential to bolster his own popularity and hasten the end of the Congressional budget showdown.

TURKEY: Turkey’s Operation ‘Olive Branch’ escalates as hundreds return injured:

• This week, the Turkish military’s Operation Olive Branch is likely to escalate as Turkey seeks to eradicate Syrian Kurdish forces from the area of Afrin. U.S. support for the Syrian Kurds has long angered Turkey, as Turkey views the Syrian Kurds as an extension of the U.S. designated terror group, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), and a threat to its internal safety. Efforts to deescalate fell flat, as both Trump and Erdogan came away from last week’s phone call with a radically different understanding of the situation.
• The escalation also follows reports that as many as 130 members of Turkey’s armed forces returned injured from Olive Branch. If Turkey had thought this to be an easy fight, it is in for a surprise. It will be difficult for Turkey to quickly eradicate the YPG, given their fighting experience, well-trained and equipped forces, and U.S. support. Adding further complications to this matter, the Syrian government has threatened to shoot down any Turkish plane it finds in its territory. This could limit the Turkish military’s ability to provide air cover or engage in less casualty-heavy military tactics in its fight to eliminate the YPG (People’s Protection Units).

GRI Take: Turkey will escalate operation ‘Olive Branch’ in the coming week, promising more schisms with its international allies. Its NATO allies, especially the U.S., oppose the operation, further alienating Turkey from the organization and its regional priorities.

GERMANY: Merkel looks to wrap up coalition talks this weekend, following tense negotiations between SPD and CDU/CSU:

• This Sunday, representatives from Angela Merkel’s CDU are expected to finalize an agreement to continue the grand coalition between her party and the Social Democrats (SPD), following intense opposition from several quarters of the SPD. There remain several major sticking points, particularly on immigration, that the two parties need to first hammer out. However, both have reached the conclusion that continuing to draw out talks will only further damage German public perception of both parties.
• Both the SPD and CDU have major motivations for holding a harder line in negotiations that will make any governing arrangement difficult. For the SPD, there is a consensus that the party’s close link to Angela Merkel’s previous government has negatively impacted their popularity across Germany. The party thus faces pressure to exert major concessions from the CDU. On the CDU side, any concession to the social democratic wing of the German spectrum could be viewed as an opportunity for the far-right political party Alternative for Germany (AfD) to gain voters from the center-right.
• The shape of the final coalition largely hinges on the actions of the AfD. As the 3rd largest political party in the Bundestag and largest outside government, the far right AfD will act as the largest voice of opposition to the CDU/SPD coalition. This could create strain for the coalition partners even after they enter into government as the rightward leaning CDU and left-leaning SPD attempt to reconcile their priorities while protecting their base from being poached by the AfD.

GRI Take: Merkel will get her coalition; however, in order to be effective over the long term, one of the two ruling parties will have to soften their stance on their platform policies.

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This article was originally published on Global Risk Insights.

The post The Week Ahead: 28 January-3 February 2018 appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.