European Union

Hungarians went to the polls on 2 October to vote on the following question: ‘Do you want the European Union to be able to order the obligatory settlement of non-Hungarian citizens in Hungary without the consent of the Hungarian National Assembly?’

The referendum was supposed to give citizens a decision that will then be enacted in legislation. But the referendum could not have had such a result. The misleading phrase ‘obligatory settlement
of non-Hungarian citizens’ alludes to the resettlement of applicants for international protection, who must belong to a nationality with a minimum acceptance rate of 75%. With two legallybinding decisions taken in September 2015, the European Council had already established the mechanism. What purpose, then, did the referendum serve?

First, it had an international dimension. Hungary has consistently refused to participate in the refugee mechanism, and so the government was looking to bolster the group of like-minded states who
don’t want to be involved. But while the Hungarian government is against relocation, it’s more frustrated by the fact that such a decision could be made by a qualified majority in the first place. Like Slovakia, Hungary has brought the issue to the European Court of Justice on the grounds that the European Council decision has ignored the principle of subsidiarity. Given the pressing need to find a European solution, Hungary has little hope of winning its case, but it can continue to seek wider public support.

Domestically, the vote was a show of force in the run-up to the 2018 general election. It diverted attention from issues such as corruption, decreasing social mobility or segregation. The Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) and the centre-left Democratic Coalition (DK) argued that the referendum was a test of Hungarians’ views on EU membership. Over the last six years, polls suggest an average of 49% of Hungarians trust the EU.

But the public media seems to be preparing the ground for a battle between EU membership on one side, and security and secession on the other.

The way the question was formulated put domestic political opponents in a bind. Not to engage with it would have meant staying silent on a topic that made headlines, but engaging was problematic too: advocating a “Yes” was made to sound like openly relinquishing sovereignty.Not surprisingly, the Eurosceptic far-right Jobbik supported “No”, and the centre and the Left were
divided. MSZP, DK and three other parties called for a boycott of the vote. Only the Liberals (MLP) urged a “Yes” vote.

The Hungarian referendum was part of a quest to preserve national sovereignty, wrapped in a manipulative campaign against asylum-seekers. It was about inciting and exploiting hatred and
fear. The quest might have been legitimate, but it remains a dangerous gamble with unforeseeable consequences.

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Diplomatic relations between the European Union and Africa have long been shaped by post-colonial continuity: Africa exports raw materials, and Europe sends back manufactured goods. Another key aspect is Europe’s role as a source of development assistance. A number of momentous events have led to a review of this relationship. One is the rise of China as Africa’s leading trade partner. But no development has shaken the foundations of Africa-Europe cooperation as much as the seismic outcome of the UK referendum on EU membership.

Much of the initial analysis of Brexit’s impact justifiably focused on doomsday scenarios invoking “disaster” or “calamity”, and the uncertainty cannot be downplayed. The framing of the concerns,
though, reflects a traditional thinking that ignores both Africa’s economic vision and British aspirations in the post-Brexit world.

The EU has long sought to continue its traditional trade relationships by signing Economic Partnership Agreements it says are “tailor-made” for Africa’s regional realities. These EPAs are an attempt to address concerns regarding non-reciprocal EU trade deals deemed inconsistent with World Trade Organisation (WTO) rules. EPAs have been pursued with Africa’s regional economic communities, but not all members of each REC have been enthusiastic. Brexit has forced some of their concerns into the open. For example, Tanzania has withdrawn from the EPA being negotiated with the East African Community (EAC), citing post-Brexit uncertainties and unequal power relations with the EU.

Aziz Mlima, Permanent Secretary of the Tanzanian Foreign Ministry, expressed concerns that ‘the EPA will not benefit local industries in East Africa. Instead, it will lead to their destruction, as developed countries are likely to dominate the market.’ This view was reinforced by Tanzania’s former president Benjamin Mkapa, who said ‘I don’t understand how such a powerful trade bloc can have a free trade agreement with the developing economies of Africa. There is no way that our small economies can have free trade with Europe.’ The reference to the nascent state of African
industries underscores Africa’s shift from dependence on rawmaterial exports to an expansion of industry. African relationshipswith the rest of the world are starting to take account of the potential
impact on this vision.

“No development has shaken the foundations of Africa-Europe cooperation as much as the seismic outcome of the UK referendum on EU membership”

Countries that approach Africa in the context of competition with other nations, such as China, are unlikely to appreciate how the continent is repositioning itself. “Agenda 2063”, adopted in 2013 by the African Union (AU), seeks to refocus the continent as a collection of learning economies operating through regional economic blocs. The policy basis is laid out in the AU’s Science, Technology and Innovation in Africa Strategy (STISA-2024) of 2014. More specific strategies include efforts to transform agriculture and master the digital revolution, building on the continent’s experiences since adopting mobile technology.

This vision provides a new beginning for Africa, and a chance to engage constructively with the rest of the world through cooperation on science, technology and innovation. The scope of such cooperation with the EU and the UK will continue to expand irrespective of the outcomes of Brexit. Indeed, the UK has pledged not only to continue to work with its EU counterparts, but also to
extend cooperation to the rest of the world. Deepening science and technology cooperation with Commonwealth countries would be a natural next step. But British scientists are being dropped from EU-funded projects, prompting calls for action to safeguard their roles. This is occurring despite assurances from the European Commissioner for Science, Research and Innovation, Carlos Moedas, of continued support for existing collaborative programmes such as Horizon 2020. The benefits of scientific cooperation will probably outweigh political considerations in the end. Science offers nations the chance to work together despite political differences. It is against such a background that new relationships between Europe and Africa could build on Africa’s innovation agenda despite Brexit. This view requires analysts to temper their gloom and explore new opportunities.

There are several approaches African nations could adopt when responding to Brexit: mapping emerging trends and opportunities, enhancing economic diplomacy with a stronger emphasis on
innovation and entrepreneurship, and reforming governancestructures to reflect new global realities. A trend to watch is how the perception of diminished capabilities on the part of the UK and the EU could lead to a renewed emphasis on science and technology. This is likely to inspire stronger sub-national innovation ecosystems, with closer links between local or city governments, universities and industry. The ecosystems can then serve as focal points for international competitiveness and sources of solutions to global challenges, stimulating technology-based start-ups as well as incentivising existing businesses to scale up so they can operate in global markets.

“New relationships between Europe and Africa could build on Africa’s innovation agenda despite Brexit”

Global financial centres such as London will be exploring how to harness the UK’s scientific excellence to foster innovation and entrepreneurship. Such shifts in British and EU approaches will
necessitate adjustments to Africa’s economic diplomacy – Rwanda, Ethiopia and Kenya have in recent years modified their foreign policies to focus on economic and trade issues. Africa’s economic diplomacy will be dramatically shaped by the Continental Free Trade Area (CFTA) negotiations that will conclude in 2017. This builds on the Tripartite Free Trade Area covering 26 countries with 650 million people and a GDP of US$1.5 trillion. The CFTA will comprise a billion people with an initial GDP of $3 trillion. The foundations of the agreement include free trade, infrastructure development and industrialisation. This is a grand opportunity that will shape Africa’s relationships with the UK, Europe and the rest of the world.

Overlooking the doomsday scenarios, long-term perspectives reveal new opportunities to align UK and EU diplomacy with Africa’s economic optimism, which is increasingly guided by the desire to put innovation and entrepreneurship at the centre of the continent’s transformation. Failure to grasp this salient point will result in the squandering of a historic opportunity to reshape Africa-Europe relations in light of 21st century realities.

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Tuesday 25 October 2016
Strasbourg
18.00 Speech at the ceremony of the award of the Légion d'honneur to Joseph Daul, President of EPP

Wednesday 26 October 2016
Strasbourg
09.00 Report to the European Parliament on the European Council of 20-21 October

Today, we discussed trade policy. I will shortly pass the floor to Jean-Claude Juncker. But before I do that, let me make two remarks.

Firstly, our citizens are increasingly concerned about whether the trade deals we negotiate are in their best interests. And I am afraid that we won't be able to continue to negotiate Free Trade Agreements if we do not prove in practice that we are very serious about protecting European consumers, workers and companies.

Today we have made some progress in this regard. Leaders committed to reach an urgent agreement on the modernisation of all the EU's trade defence instruments. And we have tasked our trade ministers with breaking the deadlock.

Secondly on CETA let me just say that I remain concerned, for a good trade agreement with a close partner like Canada and for Europe's reputation. All member states but one endorsed the agreement and we will continue with the best will and full engagement of the Commission so I pass the floor to Jean-Claude. Thank you.

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Theresa May, the woman overseeing the biggest shift in British foreign policy in half a century, was overshadowed by a small region of Belgium at the European Council on Thursday.

Read more

General : When Jean-Claude Juncker became president of the European Commission in 2014, he told the European Parliament he would focus on making progress on growth, employment, investment and the digital economy. As Parliament is keen to ensure these promises are kept, it has developed a digital tool to follow progress on the 10 priorities chosen by Juncker. The Legislative Train Schedule shows the current status of each piece of proposed legislation as well as its development.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

General : When Jean-Claude Juncker became president of the European Commission in 2014, he told the European Parliament he would focus on making progress on growth, employment, investment and the digital economy. As Parliament is keen to ensure these promises are kept, it has developed a digital tool to follow progress on the 10 priorities chosen by Juncker. The Legislative Train Schedule shows the current status of each piece of proposed legislation as well as its development.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

Plenary session and committee meetings in Strasbourg

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

General : The UK's decision to leave the Union will already affect the EU's budget for next year. "There has already been an unforeseeable situation and now we have to deal with this problem," said Jens Geier, the MEP who will negotiate on behalf of the Parliament regarding the bulk of the EU's budget for 2017. MEPs will vote on Parliament's position in plenary on 26 October. We talked to the German S&D member about how Brexit is affecting the budget and the upcoming negotiations with the Council

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

General : The UK's decision to leave the Union will already affect the EU's budget for next year. "There has already been an unforeseeable situation and now we have to deal with this problem," said Jens Geier, the MEP who will negotiate on behalf of the Parliament regarding the bulk of the EU's budget for 2017. MEPs will vote on Parliament's position in plenary on 26 October. We talked to the German S&D member about how Brexit is affecting the budget and the upcoming negotiations with the Council

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

As you know we had a long agenda tonight. Let me start with migration.

Irregular flows on the Central Mediterranean route, that is from Africa to Italy, remain far too high and actually haven't changed for the last two years. That is why we discussed how to enhance our cooperation with Africa. The High Representative presented her diplomatic efforts with five priority countries, namely Senegal, Mali, Niger, Nigeria and Ethiopia. The goal is to prevent illegal migration to Italy and to the rest of Europe, and to ensure effective returns of irregular migrants. The High Representative was given our support and will assess progress in December.

When it comes to the Eastern Mediterranean route, the situation has improved, with a 98% drop in arrivals since last year. That is why leaders could discuss getting back to Schengen. We all agreed that the goal is to lift temporary border controls over time, which will be accompanied by the reinforcement of the external borders. Leaders also discussed the question of solidarity among Member States during this crisis. We will consider concrete proposals in December, but the important thing today was to agree that there would be no solidarity a la carte. We will be working on effective solidarity instead.

This evening we had a broad discussion about Russia. Leaders emphasised all sorts of Russian activities, from airspace violations, disinformation campaigns, cyber attacks, interference into the political processes in the EU and beyond, hybrid tools in the Balkans, to developments in the MH17 investigation. Given these examples, it is clear that Russia's strategy is to weaken the EU. We have a sober assessment of this reality, and no illusions. Increasing tensions with Russia is not our aim. We are simply reacting to steps taken by Russia. Of course the EU is always ready to engage in dialogue. But we will never compromise our values or principles. That is why leaders agreed to stay the course. And above all to keep the unity of the EU.

I want to make one specific point on the MH17 investigation. Leaders expressed their full support for the Dutch government in the ongoing investigation. All States that are in a position to assist the investigation and prosecution of those responsible, must do so.

Leaders also discussed Syria. They strongly condemned the attacks by the Syrian regime and its allies, notably Russia, on civilians in Aleppo. The EU is calling for an end to the atrocities and an immediate cessation of hostilities. It will consider all available options, if these atrocities continue. We have asked the High Representative to pursue further diplomatic and humanitarian efforts.

Finally, let me say that we were glad to welcome Prime Minister May to her first European Council. Prime Minister May confirmed that the UK will invoke Article 50 before the end of March next year. There will be no negotiations until Article 50 is triggered by the UK so we didn't discuss Brexit tonight. However, the basic principles and rules, namely the Single Market and indivisibility of the four freedoms, will remain our firm stance. Thank you. 

General : “Acting to stop the bloodshed in Syria should be the number one priority on your list,” European Parliament President Martin Schulz told EU leaders on 20 October at the start of a two-day EU summit. “The European Parliament calls for consequences and accountability for those guilty of committing war crimes and crimes against humanity,” he added. In addition to EU-RUssia relations, the Council summit is also dedicated to trade issues, migration and Brexit.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

General : “Acting to stop the bloodshed in Syria should be the number one priority on your list,” European Parliament President Martin Schulz told EU leaders on 20 October at the start of a two-day EU summit. “The European Parliament calls for consequences and accountability for those guilty of committing war crimes and crimes against humanity,” he added. In addition to EU-RUssia relations, the Council summit is also dedicated to trade issues, migration and Brexit.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

Once Britain leaves the European Union, there will be consequences for the EU as a trading power. Britain was, in 2015, the world’s fifth-largest economy and Europe’s second-largest. It was tenth-biggest exporter of merchandise, and second-biggest of commercial services.

The UK continues to be a member of the EU with full rights and responsibilities, including on current trade negotiations. The EU has several deals on the agenda. The negotiations for the comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) with Canada were finished in August 2014, and the agreement now needs to be signed and ratified. In addition, the EU is negotiating free trade agreements with Japan, India, members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Mexico and Mercosur countries. The most important negotiations, though, relate to the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) with the United States, which would create the largest regional free trade area in the world.

TTIP negotiations, irrespective of the Brexit vote, have been progressing very slowly. There are still fundamental differences of opinion between the EU and the US in many chapters. Several important areas, such as government procurement, services, investment protection, agricultural tariffs and geographic indicators haven’t been agreed. Both sides went into the summer
break with hope of deciding on a framework agreement by the end of the year – while President Obama is still in office. But the window of opportunity is closing fast, even without taking Brexit
into consideration.

Shortly after the British referendum, both the EU Commissioner for Trade, Cecilia Malmström, and United States Trade Representative, Michael Froman, reiterated that the rationale for TTIP remained strong even without the UK. But the situation isn’t so simple. The UK was one of the main supporters of the deal in Europe. Britain’s departure could further delay TTIP, with criticism on the rise in major EU countries like France and Germany. And once the UK triggers Article 50, EU officials in Brussels will be busy negotiating Britain’s withdrawal agreement, and will shift their priorities accordingly.

There are also critical comments coming from the other side of the Atlantic. Despite his earlier commitment to the deal, Michael Froman conceded in July that TTIP needed to be readjusted for
Brexit, as 25% of US goods exports to the EU are destined for Britain. He also stressed that the US would lose a quarter of the public procurement market without the UK – which, he warned,
would affect the US offer on government procurement. This in an area in which the EU has offensive interests and wants to gain wide access to the US. The negotiations will probably drag on in this manner for some time.

Brexit will have fewer consequences for other trade negotiations. Even with 27 countries, the EU is still an attractive trading partner, although India may reconsider its free trade negotiations with the EU – which began in June 2007 – since the UK is its closest trading partner and strongest European ally.

Britain has always been one of the closest partners of the Netherlands, Sweden and Germany in the push for open markets, so its departure from the EU will have consequences for the use of protectionism. In March the UK was leading the opposition to stronger trade defences against Chinese steel, together with Sweden and the Netherlands. It opposed limitations to the “lesser
duty rule”, which would have allowed the EU to impose higher tariffs against subsidised Chinese steel imports. With the UK out, countries supporting a more liberal trading regime will lose out.
The group that is more inclined to protect the market – broadly consisting of France, Italy and other southern countries – will gain more leverage. So the departure of the UK may change the
negotiating dynamics of EU trade policy.

Britain was also one of the leading countries pushing for more open intra-EU trade and competition in the common market. A single market for services was at the top of the British agenda, but
there are still problems in cross-border competition for services, a situation that impedes economic growth and the creation of jobs in Europe. With Britain leaving, the new push for a common services market may also lose momentum.

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General : EU-Russia relations have long been difficult but following Moscow’s recent involvement in the bombing of Aleppo they have deteriorated even further. Tonight at the European Council heads of EU states discuss the EU's strategy towards Russia. MEPs have strongly condemned Russia’s role in Syria and called for a "critical reassessment" of EU relations with the country. Read on for an overview of Parliament's position.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

General : EU-Russia relations have long been difficult but following Moscow’s recent involvement in the bombing of Aleppo they have deteriorated even further. Tonight at the European Council heads of EU states discuss the EU's strategy towards Russia. MEPs have strongly condemned Russia’s role in Syria and called for a "critical reassessment" of EU relations with the country. Read on for an overview of Parliament's position.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

As the European Union gears up for its 60th anniversary next March, there’s good news and bad news.

Let’s celebrate the renewed interest in the EU, both at home and abroad. But let’s also be prepared for a long and difficult struggle with those working against Europe.

The surge in interest in Europe is encouraging. Demands for change and new ideas to build a more dynamic, vibrant and relevant EU are not in short supply.

Interesting ideas – some big, some small – came fast and furious at Friends of Europe’s annual State of Europe brainstorm and conference last week.

The voices of those who have thought about, talked about and worked for Europe for many years are valuable. They should be listened to.

But importantly, others across Europe are beginning to speak up too. They include young people, women and minority groups whose engagement in EU affairs has been minimal. Business leaders, trade unionists, civil society representatives, academics and journalists are making their voices heard. They should be encouraged to say and do more.

Ironically, the shock of Brexit has enlivened the conversation. The Brexiteers may have damaged Britain’s economy (and much more) but they have, unintentionally, also sparked heightened awareness of and popular interest in the EU.

“Those who believe in the EU will have to take their arguments to the people, not wait for people to fill the conference halls”

Such renewed curiosity is an opportunity to start a new conversation about Europe. It should be one which looks at the EU’s past, present and future.  It must look at the achievements but also at the failures and weaknesses of the Union.

The confrontation between different visions of Europe is already part of daily life. This contest was evident in the run-up to the 23 June referendum in Britain and will be an essential part of the negotiations on Britain’s withdrawal from the EU.

There are Euro-enthusiasts and Euro-doubters in national capitals and parliaments, and in all EU institutions.

And then there are the populists, both in and out of government, who are not just against the EU but also fighting actively to undermine liberal democratic values. In uneasy and uncertain times, their message of intolerance, xenophobia and “Little Europe” is already attracting voters.

With elections scheduled in France, Germany and the Netherlands next year, the fight for the hearts and minds of Europeans is going to get even fiercer.

France’s National Front, the Dutch Party for Freedom and Germany’s Alternative für Deutschland – like Hungary’s Viktor Orban and his friends in Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic – have no scruples about publicising their dark vision of Fortress Europe. Their voices will get louder.

But those who believe in an open and compassionate Europe should be equally passionate about voicing their beliefs. Contrary to what the populists want us to believe, a majority of Europeans do not share their nightmare version. They also need to be seen and heard.

“Today, Europe is too serious and too important to be left to politicians”

In a new world where truth and facts appear to matter less than lies, perceptions and fiction, the confrontation between the two visions of Europe is going to be dirty and ruthless.

The naysayers’ simplistic anti-EU diatribes must be countered by equally simple but clever slogans.

Those in favour of Europe should be proud of what has worked, and what makes the EU relevant and important – for example, contrary to conventional wisdom, the EU “peace project” still makes sense in a world where violence and war still rage just a few kilometres from Europe’s borders.

But enthusiasts must also be frank enough to say what has not worked.

Gentle speeches in comfortable settings just won’t do the trick. Those who believe in the EU will have to take their arguments to the people, not wait for people to fill the conference halls.

Those who favour Europe must be as charismatic, eloquent and single-minded as those who oppose it.

Next March’s anniversary of the EU should trigger a discussion on repairing and renewing the EU, but must also be a moment for reflection on what it means to be European in a complex and challenging world.

As former Australian prime minister Kevin Rudd told the Friends of Europe conference, Europeans must ‘buck up and not talk yourselves into a funk’.

More than ever, Europe is a vibrant mix of people, cultures and religions. The EU is an important part of peoples’ lives, often taken for granted, often criticised and much too often under-estimated and under-sold by self-seeking politicians.

French statesman Georges Clemenceau famously said that ‘War is too important to be left to the generals’.  Today, Europe is too serious and too important to be left to politicians.

Related content

• Friends of Europe: State of Europe high-level conference: read our Storify summary of the event
• Europe’s World: John Bruton – The lessons of Brexit: how British and European leaders can deal with the disruption
• Debating Europe:  Does Europe need a common enemy?

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The inquiry committee into emission measurements in the car industry (EMIS) continued its work on Thursday morning by hearing Alexander Dobrindt, the German Federal Minister of Transport and Olaf Lies, Lower Saxony’s State Minister for the Economy, Labour and Transport.
Committee of Inquiry into Emission Measurements in the Automotive Sector

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

The inquiry committee into emission measurements in the car industry (EMIS) continued its work on Thursday morning by hearing Alexander Dobrindt, the German Federal Minister of Transport and Olaf Lies, Lower Saxony’s State Minister for the Economy, Labour and Transport.
Committee of Inquiry into Emission Measurements in the Automotive Sector

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP