Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

Based on a rigorous coding and mapping exercise, the report describes linkages between voluntary sustainability standards and the United Nations 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

Based on a rigorous coding and mapping exercise, the report describes linkages between voluntary sustainability standards and the United Nations 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

Eva Arrilucea, Félix Arteaga, Jesús Marcos y Andrés Ortega. Elcano Policy Paper 5/2020 - 8/10/2020

El COVID-19 ha alterado la transformación industrial en curso en la Unión Europea (UE) y España. La pandemia es una oportunidad para impulsar una nueva política industrial transformadora y de nueva generación.

Missions principales du (de la) stagiaire :

Rattaché(e) à la direction des études, l’assistant(e) chargé d’études aura pour principales missions :

1. de participer à des auditions ;
2. de réaliser des revues de presse et de bibliographie sur les sujets à l’étude ;
3. de participer au travail éditorial de publications ;
4. de rédiger des articles publiés en ligne sur le blog de l’Institut Montaigne ;
5. de…

Alors que la Seine-Saint-Denis est ordinairement dans une situation d’urgence sociale et économique, la crise que traverse notre pays risque d’affecter plus durement encore ce territoire. Quelles doivent être les actions des pouvoirs publics pour limiter l’impact de la crise sur le département ? Comment garantir que le plan de relance de 100 milliards d’euros bénéficiera en partie à ses habitants ? Agnès Audier, rapporteure générale du rapport …

German facilitation of the first meeting between the Israeli and UAE foreign ministers on Tuesday is a welcome change in the European attitude toward the Abraham Accords, which are viewed very differently in Europe than in the Middle East. In the region, supporters and antagonists alike view the accords as a meaningful development that revises the rules of engagement for Arabs and Israelis. However, in Europe the agreement is often downplayed as being yet another PR stunt designed for the mutual electoral interests of Benjamin Netanyahu and Donald Trump. Others dismiss this step as symbolic – a mere formalization of the relations that have existed below the surface between the parties for years now.  

Improving Netanyahu’s declining approval ratings and boosting Trump’s image as statesman before the elections are among the main motivations behind this initiative. Nevertheless, they do not reduce the potential impact of the accords as a challenge to the status quo. The Abraham Accords set in motion new regional dynamics in a time of new regional needs. The lesson learned from previous rounds of conflict and peace in the Middle East – from Anwar Sadat’s visit to Jerusalem to Ariel Sharon’s visit to the Temple Mount – is that when the timing is right, symbolic steps can become the catalyst for major political developments.

The Abraham Accords break a long-standing taboo in the Arab world. The prevailing formula – as outlined by the Arab Peace Initiative (2002) – was that normalization would be granted to Israel in return for making meaningful political compromises vis-à-vis the Palestinians. The accords have shattered this formula, as they replace the equation of “peace for land” with the Netanyahu-coined “peace for peace” approach, in which normalization is given almost unconditionally. Moreover, the accords reframe the role of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict within the framework of Arab-Israeli relations. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been downgraded to yet another topic alongside other standing issues. The needs to counter Iran’s regional ambitions or utilize economic opportunities have all become alternative frames of reference to Israeli-Arab relations. Prevention of annexation notwithstanding, Israeli policies in the occupied Palestinian territory (OPT) have hardly served as main motives for the UAE and Bahrain to normalize. This process of disassociating Arab-Israeli relations from the Israeli-Palestinian conflict may create a domino effect, in which other Arab nations that are not involved in direct confrontation with Israel will follow suit.

Shifting regional priorities

The potential of the accords to change regional realities relies on its extraordinary timing. As the Covid-19 crisis takes its toll, national priorities – from Khartoum to Kuwait City – are partially shifting from traditional political considerations to urgent economic needs. The decline in oil prices and the expected decline in growth of more than 7 percent in Gulf Cooperation Council countries in 2020 have turned general goals such as diversifying the Gulf economies and utilizing new global business opportunities into immediate necessities. In this nexus, normalization with Israel provides an undeniable opportunity. Israel’s status as a leading hi-tech hub presents a viable platform for joint cooperation in multiple fields from agriculture to health. For other regional actors, such as Sudan, US endorsement of the normalization process offers the opportunity to mend relations in the hope of lifting sanctions and receiving financial aid.

From an international perspective, the potential of the accords to influence the Israeli-Palestinian political stalemate remains a key question. On the one hand, the accords serve as yet another disincentive for Israel to reengage with the Palestinian issue. They demonstrate that Israel’s acceptance in the region does not necessitate paying the price of tough compromises on the Palestinian front. The Israeli public’s sense of urgency for dealing with topics such as the occupation or the settlements will decrease even further, as the accords enhance the comfortable illusion that the events shaping Israel’s future in the region are taking place in Abu Dhabi and Muscat instead of in Gaza and Kalandia.

Nevertheless, the accords reintroduced the terms “peace” and “normalization” into Israeli public discourse after a decade of absence. The violence affiliated with the “Arab Spring” enhanced the Israelis’ self-perception of their country as a “villa in the jungle.” These events had turned their perception of normalization with the Arab world from a token concern into an outdated distraction. Now, and for the first time in decades, public polls indicate a change in the Israeli public mindset regarding normalization, both on the political and economic levels, reinstating it as a matter of value.

Using the regional context to reengage with the Palestinian issue

The Abraham Accords invite European leaders to rethink their policy approach regarding the Israeli-Arab conflict. In the last two decades, the EU approach has been to compartmentalize the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from the regional context and focus on bilateral relations. The accords offer new opportunities to leverage the broader regional context as a basis to reengage with the core Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Europe’s involvement in enhancing Israel’s regional normalization is not a withdrawal from the two-state solution. On the contrary, it should become a factor in reconnecting the normalization process with efforts to influence Israeli policies in the OPT and Gaza. The converging interests between the moderate regional forces and Europe have already been demonstrated in the campaign against annexation. At present, leveraging the accords to constructively influence the Israeli-Palestinian conflict sounds highly unlikely, as the actors involved either aim to cement the separation between the topics (Netanyahu), or under-prioritize the need to engage with it (Trump). Nevertheless, possible changes to the political leadership in the near future in Israel, the United States and the Palestinian National Authority – combined with growing Arab public pressure on the normalizing countries to address the Palestinian issue – might present an opportunity to harness regional influence to impact Israeli policies. Instead of observing from afar, Europe should be at the forefront of the effort to promote this regional dynamic as a conciliatory vector. After all, who can speak better for regionalism as a basis for peace than the EU?

The erosion of global governance has accelerated in recent years in the face of rising global inequality. The current global governance system lacks legitimacy, popular accountability, and effectiveness, and struggles to deliver solutions to key global challenges. The COVID-19 pandemic may sharpen the already existing crisis of multilateralism, or it may contribute to enhanced global cooperation beyond global health. This study investigates the role that the Group of Twenty could play in facilitating a deeper international engagement of African and European actors, for instance through a series of informal dialogues, exploring options for a reform of multilateral institutions.

The erosion of global governance has accelerated in recent years in the face of rising global inequality. The current global governance system lacks legitimacy, popular accountability, and effectiveness, and struggles to deliver solutions to key global challenges. The COVID-19 pandemic may sharpen the already existing crisis of multilateralism, or it may contribute to enhanced global cooperation beyond global health. This study investigates the role that the Group of Twenty could play in facilitating a deeper international engagement of African and European actors, for instance through a series of informal dialogues, exploring options for a reform of multilateral institutions.

The erosion of global governance has accelerated in recent years in the face of rising global inequality. The current global governance system lacks legitimacy, popular accountability, and effectiveness, and struggles to deliver solutions to key global challenges. The COVID-19 pandemic may sharpen the already existing crisis of multilateralism, or it may contribute to enhanced global cooperation beyond global health. This study investigates the role that the Group of Twenty could play in facilitating a deeper international engagement of African and European actors, for instance through a series of informal dialogues, exploring options for a reform of multilateral institutions.

Event Video: 
Photos

jQuery(document).ready(function(){jQuery("#isloaderfor-jnydry").fadeOut(2000, function () { jQuery(".pagwrap-jnydry").fadeIn(1000);});});

The COVID-19 pandemic has intensified existing conflicts, deepened social inequality, and threatened to set back peace processes, but it has also afforded an opportunity “to rethink and develop United Nations peacekeeping further,” said Pekka Haavisto, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Finland. “The Action for Peacekeeping initiative, which aims to make UN peacekeeping fit for purpose, remains in the midst of pandemic as timely as ever.”

He was speaking at an October 7th ministerial- level virtual meeting on “UN Peacekeeping in the Time of COVID-19: A High-Level Dialogue on Challenges, Responses, and Lessons,” co-sponsored by IPI and the governments of Finland, Indonesia, Uruguay, and Rwanda. The event was the eighth in a series of annual ministerial-level convenings on peace operations, organized on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly debate.

“Peacekeeping has to be an integral part of an inclusive peacebuilding process that creates ground for reconciliation, social cohesion, as well as sustainable peace and development,” the Finnish Foreign Minister said. “This means the peacekeeping political process, development cooperation, and humanitarian aid should be planned and implemented in tandem, requiring close cooperation between the UN peacekeeping operation, the country team, and other partners, civil society and NGOs, and we should not forget the role of the UN policing and other civilian experts.”

He singled out training, capacity building, and increased participation of women peacekeepers for special mention. “Comprehensive peacekeeping demands comprehensive training teams, and, for example, context-specific human rights training can provide the tools for peacekeeping missions to complete their duties in a more sensitive and effective manner.” The number of women peacekeepers must grow, he said, because “it’s clear that more female peacekeepers means more successful operations.”

Febrian A. Ruddyard, Deputy Foreign Minister for Multilateral Cooperation of Indonesia, acknowledged the increased challenges to peacekeeping posed by COVID-19 and outlined three main objectives in response to them:

• “Our collective commitment to support peacekeeping operations should be strengthened.” He said that there were currently more than 2,800 Indonesian peacekeepers, including 126 women, across eight missions, and those numbers would be maintained despite the pandemic. ”In this time of crisis, peacekeeping missions should continue to carry out their mandates while assisting host countries to mitigate the impacts of the pandemic.”
• “Improving peacekeeping performance and ensuring the safety and security of peacekeepers must go hand in hand.” He said that Indonesia had been updating its training materials to meet the new demands and practicing “strict observance” of COVID-19 protocols, both pre-deployment and post-deployment.
• “Our effort to increase participation of women in peacekeeping operations should be redoubled.” He said their stepped- up presence would bring “more impact” to local communities and, in particular, to the protection of women and children.

Nshuti Manasseh, delegated Minister of State in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Rwanda, said that COVID-19 had forced peacekeeping missions to adapt their activity to minimize risk to troops and police, but that troop-contributing countries faced logistic and financial constraints. “By one example, Rwanda has to test five times each individual before, during and after deployment in peacekeeping missions. However, none of these tests are reimbursed by the UN. To an extent, Rwanda is facing logistic challenges related to decontamination of all aircraft during operations as well as deployment of personal protective equipment which was initially provided for medical staff and which are now required for the majority of our peacekeepers.”

In light of this “division” of resources, he said, the international community had to be wary of armed groups exploiting the situation to strengthen their footholds and reestablish their presence. “In this context, resources are being divided to respond to a health crisis, but we must continue to use strategic partnerships and alliances to ensure that UN peacekeeping operations are adequately funded and resourced to overcome global peace and security challenges while contributing to creating an  environment towards delivering the UN Sustainable Development Goals.”

Atul Khare, Under-Secretary-General, UN Department of Operational Support, reported that 11 UN uniformed personnel had died from COVID, and that overall the UN had recorded 1,450 cases of COVID across all its field missions, of which 1,173 had occurred among uniformed personnel, the police and soldiers.

He outlined steps that have been taken to keep the toll low. “When travel restrictions arose, we established virtual walkthroughs in 21 field mission hospitals to ensure that they met the requirements laid out on hospital preparedness to respond to COVID-19.  Comprehensive virtual walkthroughs of contingent level one clinics and camp settings by public health experts were also carried out and were completed in six missions. Their lessons were then shared across all missions, and this model is now being adopted for use in other areas beyond medical inspection, such as pre-deployment visits.”

He said that early on in the outbreak, rotations were paused to protect UN personnel and host countries from the spreading virus. “But as rotations have resumed, we have put in place stringent conditions for safety and security, including pre-deployment training on COVID-19, a 14-day quarantine period in the home country, adherence to the mission’s quarantine regulations upon deployment in theater, physical distancing, and the use of personal protective equipment.” He said the crisis had also spurred the UN to create testing facilities in mission, to increase capacities for electronic communication, and to modernize the UN’s medevac system, which he said had already been called into service in the current crisis 99 times.

Anticipating two upcoming needs connected to COVID-19, Mr. Khare said that the design of UN field encampments had to be adapted and UN peacekeepers had to assured of being among the first in line to receive any vaccine that was developed. “Our camps were designed to enhance, maximize the efficiency of land and building use, but this means that people are close together, and so we have to look at a different camp design altogether.” And on vaccines, he said, “Our peacekeepers are as much frontline workers as humanitarian workers or health workers so they’ll have to be prioritized for vaccines.”

Expanding on that point, Mr. Haavisto, the Finnish Foreign Minister, said he understood the funding pressures the UN was facing in the crisis but implored people to recognize the priority of holistic peace operations. “I think how we combine peacekeeping with all other development efforts, humanitarian efforts and so forth is becoming more and more important. And then maybe to the countries which are contributing the troops the message ought to be very loud and clear from the UN level that this is not the time to give up, this is not the time to reduce your budgeting on these needs. And I know from the domestic debate that when you see money in the budget for some international purposes, it’s easy to try to cut that out first, whether it’s development aid or funding for peacekeeping. But I think it must be made clear that the only way to live in a safe world is to keep on this and continue this very important contribution that we make for peace through the UN.”

Francisco Bustillo, Minister of Foreign Relations of Uruguay, was unable to attend, but Carlos Amorin, Permanent Representative of Uruguay to the UN, made brief remarks in his place.  “Uruguay believes strongly in the power of collective agreements in order to overcome challenges and produce meaningful and profound change and improvement to UN peace operations,” Ambassador Amorin said.

Summarizing the discussion in closing remarks, IPI Senior Director of Programs Jake Sherman said it had highlighted “how the UN and its member states are adapting in order to manage risks and effectively deliver on their mandates, including procedures for training, deployment and troop rotation, patrolling, and community engagement.  It also underscored how COVID-19 has increased the importance of medical and technological capacities, as well as human rights and the participation of women peacekeepers in order to improve access to communities and respond to heightened risks, including gender-based violence. And finally, of a comprehensive approach that includes development and response to humanitarian needs.”

Looking to the future, Mr. Sherman noted that speakers had voiced the need to “strengthen the collective commitment to peacekeeping at a time of increased importance, from political attention and financial support, to capacity building and equipment, and to use the current crisis to better prepare for future ones.”

IPI President Terje Rød-Larsen made opening remarks.

IPI Senior Fellow and Head of Protection of Civilians Namie Di Razza moderated the discussion.

.content .main .entry-header.w-thumbnail .cartouche {background: none; bottom: 0px;} h1.entry-title {font-size: 1.8em;}

The European Union (EU) announced its European Green Deal (hereafter Green Deal) at the global Climate Conference in Madrid in 2019, stating its intention to make Europe carbon neutral by 2050. The EU has been a global leader on the international stages of climate and sustainability, constantly pushing for more action at home and in the international negotiations. In that sense, through the Green Deal, the EU recognizes that its domestic action alone will not set the world on track for the deep needed transition towards sustainability. Rather, it notes and takes seriously the role it could play globally by acting as a role model and by directly stimulating action beyond borders. Nevertheless, while the Green Deal is well-intentioned and will certainly provide multiple opportunities for partner countries, potential challenges and conflicting objectives should not be overlooked, in particular those affecting developing countries.

The European Union (EU) announced its European Green Deal (hereafter Green Deal) at the global Climate Conference in Madrid in 2019, stating its intention to make Europe carbon neutral by 2050. The EU has been a global leader on the international stages of climate and sustainability, constantly pushing for more action at home and in the international negotiations. In that sense, through the Green Deal, the EU recognizes that its domestic action alone will not set the world on track for the deep needed transition towards sustainability. Rather, it notes and takes seriously the role it could play globally by acting as a role model and by directly stimulating action beyond borders. Nevertheless, while the Green Deal is well-intentioned and will certainly provide multiple opportunities for partner countries, potential challenges and conflicting objectives should not be overlooked, in particular those affecting developing countries.

The European Union (EU) announced its European Green Deal (hereafter Green Deal) at the global Climate Conference in Madrid in 2019, stating its intention to make Europe carbon neutral by 2050. The EU has been a global leader on the international stages of climate and sustainability, constantly pushing for more action at home and in the international negotiations. In that sense, through the Green Deal, the EU recognizes that its domestic action alone will not set the world on track for the deep needed transition towards sustainability. Rather, it notes and takes seriously the role it could play globally by acting as a role model and by directly stimulating action beyond borders. Nevertheless, while the Green Deal is well-intentioned and will certainly provide multiple opportunities for partner countries, potential challenges and conflicting objectives should not be overlooked, in particular those affecting developing countries.

En cette fin de mandat de Donald Trump marquée par une gestion contestée de la crise du Covid-19, un sondage du Pew Research Center publié le 15 septembre dernier révèle une dégradation significative de l’image des États-Unis dans le monde. La fin de la puissance américaine ? Maya Kandel, historienne et spécialiste de…

Félix Arteaga y Luis Simón. ARI 115/2020 - 7/10/2020

La política de defensa europea ha contado siempre con España entre sus principales valedores. Ahora, España debe acompañar su presencia con una estrategia de influencia.

Diese Veröffentlichung stellt eine von sechs Analysen sektorenübergreifender Herausforderungen für Wasser-Governance dar, die als Teil des STEER-Forschungsprojekts durchgeführt wurden und deren Resultate in separaten Ana-lysen und Stellungnahmen vorliegen.
Im Rahmen des Emscher-Umbaus zeigen sich die vielfältigen Nutzungskonflikte bei einem langfristigen Umbau des Ge-wässersystems mit dem Ziel der ökologischen Entwicklung. Die Emscher wurde Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts als offener Abwasserkanal ausgebaut. Nach dem Auslaufen des Bergbaus war es im Ruhrgebiet möglich, das Abwasser unterirdisch über Abwasserkanäle abzuführen und die Fließgewässer wieder ökologisch zu verbessern. Dieser Umbauprozess ver-langt sektorenübergreifende und interkommunale Koordination vor allem zwischen Wasserwirtschaft, Freiraumentwick-lung und Naturschutz.
Die durchgeführte Governance-Analyse zeigt, dass Koordination im Emscher-Einzugsgebiet, sowohl vertikal zwischen Akteur*innen unterschiedlicher Ebenen (lokal, regional und national) als auch horizontal zwischen den unterschiedli-chen Sektoren, bereits gut funktioniert. Es bestehen z.B. kommunenübergreifende Austauschforen, freiwillige ökologi-sche Baubegleitung, Finanzierungsmöglichkeiten für grüne Infrastrukturprojekte oder ein durch geographische Informa-tionssysteme (GIS) gestütztes Tool zur Koordination städtischer Abteilungen. Die Emscher-genossenschaft als regiona-ler Wasserwirtschaftsverband initiiert viele Prozesse, welche die Gewässer-Umgestaltung mit der Stadt- und Landschafts-planung verbinden.
Verbesserungspotenzial besteht in einer frühzeitigen und umfangreichen Bürger*innenbeteiligung in allen Planungs- und Umsetzungsprozessen, wodurch die Akzeptanz bei den Akteur*innen erhöht werden kann. Planungsprozesse soll-ten zudem durch eine höhere Flexibilität geprägt sein. Folgende Empfehlungen ergeben sich aus der Analyse:
• Die Koordination auf regionaler Ebene hat sich als Erfolgsfaktor herausgestellt. Regionale Akteur*innen stehen dabei in regelmäßigem Austausch.
• Das Genossenschaftsprinzip, das die Städte und Unternehmen in der Region zu Träger*innen des Was-serwirtschaftsverbands macht, ist sehr förderlich für die regionale Koordination.
• Als hilfreiches Instrument haben sich zudem intersektorale und interkommunale Arbeitsgruppen erwiesen.
• Um Nutzungskonflikte frühzeitig zu erkennen und tragfähige Lösungen bzw. Kompromisse zu finden, kann das Konzept der Ökosystemleistungen hilfreich sein.

Diese Veröffentlichung stellt eine von sechs Analysen sektorenübergreifender Herausforderungen für Wasser-Governance dar, die als Teil des STEER-Forschungsprojekts durchgeführt wurden und deren Resultate in separaten Ana-lysen und Stellungnahmen vorliegen.
Im Rahmen des Emscher-Umbaus zeigen sich die vielfältigen Nutzungskonflikte bei einem langfristigen Umbau des Ge-wässersystems mit dem Ziel der ökologischen Entwicklung. Die Emscher wurde Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts als offener Abwasserkanal ausgebaut. Nach dem Auslaufen des Bergbaus war es im Ruhrgebiet möglich, das Abwasser unterirdisch über Abwasserkanäle abzuführen und die Fließgewässer wieder ökologisch zu verbessern. Dieser Umbauprozess ver-langt sektorenübergreifende und interkommunale Koordination vor allem zwischen Wasserwirtschaft, Freiraumentwick-lung und Naturschutz.
Die durchgeführte Governance-Analyse zeigt, dass Koordination im Emscher-Einzugsgebiet, sowohl vertikal zwischen Akteur*innen unterschiedlicher Ebenen (lokal, regional und national) als auch horizontal zwischen den unterschiedli-chen Sektoren, bereits gut funktioniert. Es bestehen z.B. kommunenübergreifende Austauschforen, freiwillige ökologi-sche Baubegleitung, Finanzierungsmöglichkeiten für grüne Infrastrukturprojekte oder ein durch geographische Informa-tionssysteme (GIS) gestütztes Tool zur Koordination städtischer Abteilungen. Die Emscher-genossenschaft als regiona-ler Wasserwirtschaftsverband initiiert viele Prozesse, welche die Gewässer-Umgestaltung mit der Stadt- und Landschafts-planung verbinden.
Verbesserungspotenzial besteht in einer frühzeitigen und umfangreichen Bürger*innenbeteiligung in allen Planungs- und Umsetzungsprozessen, wodurch die Akzeptanz bei den Akteur*innen erhöht werden kann. Planungsprozesse soll-ten zudem durch eine höhere Flexibilität geprägt sein. Folgende Empfehlungen ergeben sich aus der Analyse:
• Die Koordination auf regionaler Ebene hat sich als Erfolgsfaktor herausgestellt. Regionale Akteur*innen stehen dabei in regelmäßigem Austausch.
• Das Genossenschaftsprinzip, das die Städte und Unternehmen in der Region zu Träger*innen des Was-serwirtschaftsverbands macht, ist sehr förderlich für die regionale Koordination.
• Als hilfreiches Instrument haben sich zudem intersektorale und interkommunale Arbeitsgruppen erwiesen.
• Um Nutzungskonflikte frühzeitig zu erkennen und tragfähige Lösungen bzw. Kompromisse zu finden, kann das Konzept der Ökosystemleistungen hilfreich sein.

Diese Veröffentlichung stellt eine von sechs Analysen sektorenübergreifender Herausforderungen für Wasser-Governance dar, die als Teil des STEER-Forschungsprojekts durchgeführt wurden und deren Resultate in separaten Ana-lysen und Stellungnahmen vorliegen.
Im Rahmen des Emscher-Umbaus zeigen sich die vielfältigen Nutzungskonflikte bei einem langfristigen Umbau des Ge-wässersystems mit dem Ziel der ökologischen Entwicklung. Die Emscher wurde Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts als offener Abwasserkanal ausgebaut. Nach dem Auslaufen des Bergbaus war es im Ruhrgebiet möglich, das Abwasser unterirdisch über Abwasserkanäle abzuführen und die Fließgewässer wieder ökologisch zu verbessern. Dieser Umbauprozess ver-langt sektorenübergreifende und interkommunale Koordination vor allem zwischen Wasserwirtschaft, Freiraumentwick-lung und Naturschutz.
Die durchgeführte Governance-Analyse zeigt, dass Koordination im Emscher-Einzugsgebiet, sowohl vertikal zwischen Akteur*innen unterschiedlicher Ebenen (lokal, regional und national) als auch horizontal zwischen den unterschiedli-chen Sektoren, bereits gut funktioniert. Es bestehen z.B. kommunenübergreifende Austauschforen, freiwillige ökologi-sche Baubegleitung, Finanzierungsmöglichkeiten für grüne Infrastrukturprojekte oder ein durch geographische Informa-tionssysteme (GIS) gestütztes Tool zur Koordination städtischer Abteilungen. Die Emscher-genossenschaft als regiona-ler Wasserwirtschaftsverband initiiert viele Prozesse, welche die Gewässer-Umgestaltung mit der Stadt- und Landschafts-planung verbinden.
Verbesserungspotenzial besteht in einer frühzeitigen und umfangreichen Bürger*innenbeteiligung in allen Planungs- und Umsetzungsprozessen, wodurch die Akzeptanz bei den Akteur*innen erhöht werden kann. Planungsprozesse soll-ten zudem durch eine höhere Flexibilität geprägt sein. Folgende Empfehlungen ergeben sich aus der Analyse:
• Die Koordination auf regionaler Ebene hat sich als Erfolgsfaktor herausgestellt. Regionale Akteur*innen stehen dabei in regelmäßigem Austausch.
• Das Genossenschaftsprinzip, das die Städte und Unternehmen in der Region zu Träger*innen des Was-serwirtschaftsverbands macht, ist sehr förderlich für die regionale Koordination.
• Als hilfreiches Instrument haben sich zudem intersektorale und interkommunale Arbeitsgruppen erwiesen.
• Um Nutzungskonflikte frühzeitig zu erkennen und tragfähige Lösungen bzw. Kompromisse zu finden, kann das Konzept der Ökosystemleistungen hilfreich sein.

Des milliers de ventes de bâton de marche sont de plus en plus réalisés chaque année sur le marché mondial. Ils existent des prix pour chaque type de bâton de marche dans le commerce. De plus, la qualité est un élément essentiel pris en compte dans la fixation du prix du bâton de marche. Dans tous les cas, cet article vous apporte les précisions sur la détermination des coûts.

Cela peut aussi vous intéresser : Quel tapis de course pour débuter tranquillement ?

Le coût des bâtons de randonnée

C’est un bâton randonnée qui vous aidera à prendre tous les appuis solides nécessaires à votre activité physique. Ainsi, que ce soit pour des montées et des descentes sur trajets larges ou étroits, il soutient facilement votre poids. Ils sont de fidèles compagnons solides et durables de randonnée. Vous pouvez donc rencontrer sur le marché :

• Un bâton de randonnée nature à 5 euros
• Un bâton de randonnée enfant à 6 euros
• Un bâton réglable facile de randonnée nature à 10 euros
• Un bâton ergonomique de randonnée nature à 13 euros
• Un bâton réglable rapide et précis de randonnée à 15 euros
• Un bâton antichoc de randonnée montagne à 20 euros
• Un bâton de randonnée neige SH500 ALL SEASON ROUGE à 20 euros
• Un bâton ultra compact de trekking-MT 500 NOIR à 35 euros
• Un bâton poignée liège de trekking-komperdell ridge hiker vert à 40 euros

Ce sont des variétés de bâtons de randonnée trek que vous pouvez obtenir facilement dans le commerce. Leurs prix sont très abordables comme vous le constatez. N’hésitez donc pas à faire vos achats.

Si vous souhaitez obtenir des conseils pour acheter votre baton de marche, vous pouvez lire l’article

Le coût des bâtons de marche nordique

Sa structure moderne lui donne une certaine élégance pour la marche. Elles possèdent des accessoires spécifiques qui vous permettront d’exécuter toute marche de votre choix. Il s’agit essentiellement de gantelets, poignées, embouts caoutchouc, fût, de PAD et autres. Les gantelets et les poignées permettent de manœuvrer efficacement votre bâton. Ils sont flexibles et vous aideront à appuyer votre bâton.

Par contre, le fût constitué de carbone est un élément qui soulage vos articulations pendant votre randonnée alors que le PAD constitué de pointe vous aidera à marcher convenablement sur les routes et les sentiers.

Retenez aussi que vous pouvez acheter en ligne, dans un centre commercial ou un magasin spécialisé, un bâton de marche nordique. À ce sujet, il existe actuellement sur le marché :

• Un bâton de marche nordique NW P100 NOIR/GRIS à 17 euros
• Un bâton de marche nordique enfant à 17 euros
• Un Sportana bâton de marche nordique télescopique avec dragonnes randonnée à 22,99 euros
• Un bâton de marche nordique télescopique à 25 euros
• Un bâton de marche nordique PW P500 PRUNE à 40 euros
• Une GABEL bâton de marche nordique à 45 euros
• Un bâton de marche nordique TSL ARTI STICK à 48 euros
• Un bâton de marche nordique PW P900 NOIR/JAUNE à 50 euros
• Un Adulte Flash Carbon Nordic Walking Bâton à 67,64 euros
• Un TSL Outdoor Tactil C70 Spike bâton de marche nordique à 74,99 euros
• Un ATTRAC bâton de marche nordique ultra légère à 42,99 euros

Des conseils pour son utilisation dans cette vidéo : www.youtube.com/watch?v=Tr6AzDCrBTk

L’article Combien coûte un bâton de marche ? est apparu en premier sur RMES.