Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

L’Iran est « proche de la défaite. Cela ne veut pas dire que nous allons arrêter immédiatement, mais ils le sont », a-t-il estimé Donald Trump mercredi. Le président des États-Unis a également déclaré : « Nous ne voulons pas partir avant l’heure, n’est-ce pas ? Nous devons finir le boulot, non ? », sans préciser à quels objectifs il pensait.

Après s’être entretenu avec son homologue libanais Joseph Aoun, Emmanuel Macron a appelé, mercredi soir sur X, Israël à « clairement renoncer à une offensive terrestre au Liban » et le Hezbollah à « immédiatement mettre fin à ses attaques ».

Bienvenue sur l’Humanité.fr. Au 13ᵉ jour de la guerre au Moyen-Orient, suivez avec nous les nouvelles informations.

Des sortants de tout bord fragilisés, une gauche ancrée mais divisée et une droite toujours plus démagogue et tentée par le RN. Dominique Sistach nous éclaire sur le paysage politique inédit de ces élections municipales, à un an de l’échéance présidentielle.

Pressing environmental and societal challenges, such as the climate crisis and social inequality, demand policy interventions to steer and accelerate sustainability transitions. This chapter highlights four key intervention areas: providing direction to transitions (directionality), fostering innovation (niche support), phasing out unsustainable practices (regime destabilisation), and coordinating transition processes (coordination). We outline their theoretical rationale in transition studies and offer interdisciplinary insights from policy research. Based on a comprehensive literature review, we present 15 concrete policy interventions to transform production and consumption systems. Evaluating these interventions with empirical findings from leading transition journals, we highlight research opportunities at the intersection of public policy and sustainability transitions. Given the resistance and contestation around transformational policies, we aim to foster interdisciplinary exchange on how to accelerate sustainability transitions.

Pressing environmental and societal challenges, such as the climate crisis and social inequality, demand policy interventions to steer and accelerate sustainability transitions. This chapter highlights four key intervention areas: providing direction to transitions (directionality), fostering innovation (niche support), phasing out unsustainable practices (regime destabilisation), and coordinating transition processes (coordination). We outline their theoretical rationale in transition studies and offer interdisciplinary insights from policy research. Based on a comprehensive literature review, we present 15 concrete policy interventions to transform production and consumption systems. Evaluating these interventions with empirical findings from leading transition journals, we highlight research opportunities at the intersection of public policy and sustainability transitions. Given the resistance and contestation around transformational policies, we aim to foster interdisciplinary exchange on how to accelerate sustainability transitions.

Pressing environmental and societal challenges, such as the climate crisis and social inequality, demand policy interventions to steer and accelerate sustainability transitions. This chapter highlights four key intervention areas: providing direction to transitions (directionality), fostering innovation (niche support), phasing out unsustainable practices (regime destabilisation), and coordinating transition processes (coordination). We outline their theoretical rationale in transition studies and offer interdisciplinary insights from policy research. Based on a comprehensive literature review, we present 15 concrete policy interventions to transform production and consumption systems. Evaluating these interventions with empirical findings from leading transition journals, we highlight research opportunities at the intersection of public policy and sustainability transitions. Given the resistance and contestation around transformational policies, we aim to foster interdisciplinary exchange on how to accelerate sustainability transitions.

Face à la dégradation des hôpitaux et à l’essor des déserts médicaux, de nombreuses villes prennent les devants : centres municipaux avec médecins salariés et mutuelles communales se multiplient.

Pascal Boniface · La guerre en Iran vue de Russie et d'Ukraine. Avec Hugues Pernet | Entretiens géopo

La guerre en Iran aura des répercussions à l’échelle internationale, et notamment indirectement sur le conflit russo-ukrainien. En s’engageant dans cette guerre, les États-Unis risquent d’accroître la vulnérabilité de l’Ukraine puisqu’ils ne seront pas en mesure d’assurer un approvisionnement simultané en matière d’armement pour les deux conflits. Or après plus de quatre années de guerre, le bilan de la guerre en Ukraine ne cesse de s’alourdir. D’une part, si l’Ukraine a fait preuve de résistance et de résilience face à une armée russe bénéficiant d’un avantage démographique considérable, les coûts humains et économiques de ce conflit sont conséquents. D’autre part, la Russie a subi des pertes importantes, n’a pas atteint les objectifs qu’elle s’était fixés, et a connu un isolement relatif sur la scène internationale. En ce qui concerne les perspectives de paix, celles-ci semblent aujourd’hui encore lointaines. L’Europe n’a pas su pleinement s’imposer comme médiateur du conflit et la tentative états-unienne de résolution du conflit en 24h n’a pas porté ses fruits. Ainsi, quel bilan peut dresser à propos de la guerre en Ukraine ? La Russie sortira-t-elle affaiblie ou renforcée de ce conflit ? Quel rôle les États-Unis et l’Europe ont-ils réellement joué dans l’évolution de la guerre ? L’Ukraine a-t-elle encore les moyens de restaurer son intégrité territoriale ? À quels enjeux le pays risque-t-il d’être confronté à la fin de la guerre ?

Autant d’enjeux abordés dans ce podcast aux côtés d’Hugues Pernet, ancien ambassadeur de France en Ukraine.

L’article La guerre en Iran vue de Russie et d’Ukraine. Avec Hugues Pernet est apparu en premier sur IRIS.

And What It Means for Iran’s Domestic and Foreign Policy

Im Krieg zwischen den USA, Israel und dem Iran, könnte Teheran von unterschiedlichen Interessen seiner Gegner profitieren. Der Nahost-Experte Guido Steinberg von der Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik sagt, dass die USA und Israel in dem Konflikt nicht unbedingt dieselben Ziele verfolgten.

This chapter explores the role of social cohesion in African post-colonial state- and nation-building. It argues that understandings of social cohesion, rooted in pre-colonial traditions and concepts, were central to political and intellectual debates during decolonization in the 1960s and remain relevant today. Drawing on ethnophilosophical sources, such as oral traditions, proverbs, and communal practices, as well as social theories of African humanism and socialism, this chapter identifies core African notions of interconnectedness, collective responsibility, and the common good. Concepts including ubuntu, ujamaa, harambee, and other local philosophies illustrate how interdependence, identity, lineage, and community well-being shaped both traditional societies and post-independence political visions. African leaders and intellectuals invoked these ideas to legitimize distinctive paths of development, often contrasting them with Western models of statehood and individualism. At the same time, tensions arose between local, national, and pan-African identities, and between communal ideals and the practicalities of mass societies. By situating these debates historically and conceptually, this chapter demonstrates that social cohesion has been a constitutive element of African state- and nation-building and offers insights into contemporary challenges of inclusion, identity, and unity across diverse societies.

This chapter explores the role of social cohesion in African post-colonial state- and nation-building. It argues that understandings of social cohesion, rooted in pre-colonial traditions and concepts, were central to political and intellectual debates during decolonization in the 1960s and remain relevant today. Drawing on ethnophilosophical sources, such as oral traditions, proverbs, and communal practices, as well as social theories of African humanism and socialism, this chapter identifies core African notions of interconnectedness, collective responsibility, and the common good. Concepts including ubuntu, ujamaa, harambee, and other local philosophies illustrate how interdependence, identity, lineage, and community well-being shaped both traditional societies and post-independence political visions. African leaders and intellectuals invoked these ideas to legitimize distinctive paths of development, often contrasting them with Western models of statehood and individualism. At the same time, tensions arose between local, national, and pan-African identities, and between communal ideals and the practicalities of mass societies. By situating these debates historically and conceptually, this chapter demonstrates that social cohesion has been a constitutive element of African state- and nation-building and offers insights into contemporary challenges of inclusion, identity, and unity across diverse societies.

This chapter explores the role of social cohesion in African post-colonial state- and nation-building. It argues that understandings of social cohesion, rooted in pre-colonial traditions and concepts, were central to political and intellectual debates during decolonization in the 1960s and remain relevant today. Drawing on ethnophilosophical sources, such as oral traditions, proverbs, and communal practices, as well as social theories of African humanism and socialism, this chapter identifies core African notions of interconnectedness, collective responsibility, and the common good. Concepts including ubuntu, ujamaa, harambee, and other local philosophies illustrate how interdependence, identity, lineage, and community well-being shaped both traditional societies and post-independence political visions. African leaders and intellectuals invoked these ideas to legitimize distinctive paths of development, often contrasting them with Western models of statehood and individualism. At the same time, tensions arose between local, national, and pan-African identities, and between communal ideals and the practicalities of mass societies. By situating these debates historically and conceptually, this chapter demonstrates that social cohesion has been a constitutive element of African state- and nation-building and offers insights into contemporary challenges of inclusion, identity, and unity across diverse societies.

This paper analyses both theoretically and empirically, the relationship between inequality and social cohesion, where social cohesion is conceptualized as a multi-faceted phenomenon encompassing three core attributes: trust, inclusive identity and cooperation for the common good. These attributes operate along two dimensions: the horizontal and the vertical dimension. First, it provides an overview of the empirical evidence regarding the relationship between inequality and the three attributes of social cohesion. While inequality is likely to have a negative effect on all three attributes, the intensity of the relationship may depend on some key mediating factors. The empirical analysis focuses on Africa, given the scarce evidence for this continent. As expected, it shows that countries with higher income inequality usually have lower levels of social cohesion, measured by an aggregate index. This negative correlation holds when the three attributes of social cohesion are examined separately; however, the intensity varies. It is stronger for trust than for identity and cooperation. Further analysis indicates that a clear negative relationship between inequality and social cohesion attributes is visible only when the focus is on the horizontal dimension of social cohesion.

This paper analyses both theoretically and empirically, the relationship between inequality and social cohesion, where social cohesion is conceptualized as a multi-faceted phenomenon encompassing three core attributes: trust, inclusive identity and cooperation for the common good. These attributes operate along two dimensions: the horizontal and the vertical dimension. First, it provides an overview of the empirical evidence regarding the relationship between inequality and the three attributes of social cohesion. While inequality is likely to have a negative effect on all three attributes, the intensity of the relationship may depend on some key mediating factors. The empirical analysis focuses on Africa, given the scarce evidence for this continent. As expected, it shows that countries with higher income inequality usually have lower levels of social cohesion, measured by an aggregate index. This negative correlation holds when the three attributes of social cohesion are examined separately; however, the intensity varies. It is stronger for trust than for identity and cooperation. Further analysis indicates that a clear negative relationship between inequality and social cohesion attributes is visible only when the focus is on the horizontal dimension of social cohesion.

This paper analyses both theoretically and empirically, the relationship between inequality and social cohesion, where social cohesion is conceptualized as a multi-faceted phenomenon encompassing three core attributes: trust, inclusive identity and cooperation for the common good. These attributes operate along two dimensions: the horizontal and the vertical dimension. First, it provides an overview of the empirical evidence regarding the relationship between inequality and the three attributes of social cohesion. While inequality is likely to have a negative effect on all three attributes, the intensity of the relationship may depend on some key mediating factors. The empirical analysis focuses on Africa, given the scarce evidence for this continent. As expected, it shows that countries with higher income inequality usually have lower levels of social cohesion, measured by an aggregate index. This negative correlation holds when the three attributes of social cohesion are examined separately; however, the intensity varies. It is stronger for trust than for identity and cooperation. Further analysis indicates that a clear negative relationship between inequality and social cohesion attributes is visible only when the focus is on the horizontal dimension of social cohesion.

Die humanitäre Hilfe ist ein wichtiger Bestandteil des auswärtigen Handelns der Europäischen Union (EU). Seit den 1990er-Jahren wurde sie schrittweise weiterentwickelt und mit dem Vertrag von Lissabon (2009) fest im EU-Vertragswerk verankert. Mit der Generaldirektion Europäischer Katastrophenschutz und humanitäre Hilfe (GD ECHO) existiert eine eigene Institution, die für das Politikfeld zuständig ist. Sie unterhält ein weltweites Netzwerk von Expert:innen, welche die Umsetzung der humanitären Hilfe in Kooperation mit Partnerorganisationen wie den Vereinten Nationen und NGOs koordinieren. Die Unabhängigkeit der humanitären Hilfe von der Außenpolitik ist ein wichtiges Prinzip des humanitären Völkerrechts. Gleichzeitig gibt es vonseiten der EU aber auch Bestrebungen, die humanitäre Hilfe stärker mit anderen Bereichen der Außenpolitik zu verzahnen. Inwiefern dies gelingt, wird sich in den kommenden Jahren zeigen.

Die humanitäre Hilfe ist ein wichtiger Bestandteil des auswärtigen Handelns der Europäischen Union (EU). Seit den 1990er-Jahren wurde sie schrittweise weiterentwickelt und mit dem Vertrag von Lissabon (2009) fest im EU-Vertragswerk verankert. Mit der Generaldirektion Europäischer Katastrophenschutz und humanitäre Hilfe (GD ECHO) existiert eine eigene Institution, die für das Politikfeld zuständig ist. Sie unterhält ein weltweites Netzwerk von Expert:innen, welche die Umsetzung der humanitären Hilfe in Kooperation mit Partnerorganisationen wie den Vereinten Nationen und NGOs koordinieren. Die Unabhängigkeit der humanitären Hilfe von der Außenpolitik ist ein wichtiges Prinzip des humanitären Völkerrechts. Gleichzeitig gibt es vonseiten der EU aber auch Bestrebungen, die humanitäre Hilfe stärker mit anderen Bereichen der Außenpolitik zu verzahnen. Inwiefern dies gelingt, wird sich in den kommenden Jahren zeigen.

Die humanitäre Hilfe ist ein wichtiger Bestandteil des auswärtigen Handelns der Europäischen Union (EU). Seit den 1990er-Jahren wurde sie schrittweise weiterentwickelt und mit dem Vertrag von Lissabon (2009) fest im EU-Vertragswerk verankert. Mit der Generaldirektion Europäischer Katastrophenschutz und humanitäre Hilfe (GD ECHO) existiert eine eigene Institution, die für das Politikfeld zuständig ist. Sie unterhält ein weltweites Netzwerk von Expert:innen, welche die Umsetzung der humanitären Hilfe in Kooperation mit Partnerorganisationen wie den Vereinten Nationen und NGOs koordinieren. Die Unabhängigkeit der humanitären Hilfe von der Außenpolitik ist ein wichtiges Prinzip des humanitären Völkerrechts. Gleichzeitig gibt es vonseiten der EU aber auch Bestrebungen, die humanitäre Hilfe stärker mit anderen Bereichen der Außenpolitik zu verzahnen. Inwiefern dies gelingt, wird sich in den kommenden Jahren zeigen.