Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

Könyvbemutató - 2014. október 20. hétfő 18:00

Két év Hollande-iában - Esszék François Hollande Franciaországáról
az ELTE ÁJK PTI és az Europa Varietas Institute rendezésében

A kötetről beszélgetnek:
Soós Eszter Petronella (a kötet szerzője, politológus, ELTE ÁJK)
Türke András István (történész, igazgató, Europa Varietas Institute)

ELTE Állam- és Jogtudományi Kar (1053, Egyetem tér 1-3.), Pázmány-terem (földszint)

Mindenkit szeretettel várunk!

The emergence of new technologies is unfolding on many fronts. Almost every advance is considered as a breakthrough yet not every new technology will alter the way wars are fought. This module analyses the impact of current disruptive technologies on warfare and international security. The goal is to provide an overview of current and future technologies that will have a transformative impact on warfare such as artificial intelligence, nanotechnology, bioelectronics, synthetic biology, genomics or big data. This course helps the participants in identifying relevant disruptive technologies.

The SML is held to identify and prepare newly appointed and future mission leaders of UN peacekeeping operations and to familiarize them with their roles and responsibilities in peacekeeping operations.

This five day Leadership Course provides an opportunity for current and potential leaders to enhance their understanding of sustainable peacebuilding and leadership styles. Although the body of knowledge about peacebuilding is growing, a lack of clarity about what makes peacebuilding effective persists. Similarly, considerable knowledge exists on leadership, but fails to permeate in the peacebuilding field. This course provides an opportunity for practitioners to enhance their understanding of both leadership and sustainable peacebuilding.

With this course on “Peacebuilding” experts from governments, civil society, the private sector, international institutions and agencies as well as international non-governmental organisations will be prepared and supported for their engagement in crisis prevention, crisis management, humanitarian aid and development cooperation. This Peacebuilding Course is jointly organized by the  Austrian Study Centre for Peace and Conflict Resolution  (ASPR), the Austrian Ministry of Defence and Sports, and the Geneva Centre for Security Policy (GCSP) in the framework of the Academic Programme of the  European Security and Defence College  (ESDC).

“Sea is free to all and nobody has the right to deny others access to it.
Every nation is free to travel to every other nation, and to trade with it.”
Mare Liberium, Hugo Grotius 1609

This one-day training module focuses on the nature of maritime security today, the strategic, legal and operational frameworks employed by international security institutions as well as by select individual states to combat this complex and increasingly international security challenge.

The Cyber world is evolving very quickly. It is becoming a growing challenge for the nations and internationally. The key question is how to improve the preparedness of the modern societies and how to build new capacities in the cyber word. Awareness is crucial to further development as the weakest links in the chain are the users, be they individuals, companies or governments, while education is decisive in mitigating the shortage of skilled cyber-professionals. New collaboration models are needed and the role of the private sector in cyber security is crucial.

Cyber security has also become a integral dimension of global security policy and almost every crisis is having its “cyber front”. The most recent case is the Ukrainian crisis. Edward Snowden’s disclosures have been a serious blow to citizens’ trust of governments. Can political leaders still impact users’ online behavior? Is personal data gathering an infringement of human rights or a “necessary evil”? How can governments be held more accountable in cyber-space? Cyber-security’s concepts and legislation clearly need to be better defined.

Ce cours propose de former des fonctionnaires gouvernementaux des Etats signataires du Traité sur le Commerce des Armes (TCA) sur la meilleure façon de mettre en oeuvre efficacement ses dispositions. Le but du cours est de contribuer à la réalisation des deux principaux objectifs du TCA: «Instituer les normes communes les plus strictes possibles aux fins de réglementer ou d’améliorer la réglementation du commerce international d’armes classiques ; [p]révenir et éliminer le commerce illicite d’armes classiques et empêcher le détournement de ces armes.»

Annual Swiss Trainee Diplomats Training Course, 18-22 May 2015

In complement to national training, the GSCP offers an orientation module for new Defence Attachés and civil servants involved in international relations. The course analyses major international security questions, especially with regard to the ‘New Threats’ agenda. It surveys practical issues of protocol, as well as knowledge and practices of international conventions. It builds confidence and experience though a proven simulation of a ‘Defence Attaché tour’. All aspects of the couse meet the requirements of the Geneva Standards for Defence Attaché training.

In complement to national training, the GSCP offers an orientation module for new Defence Attachés and civil servants involved in international relations. The course analyses major international security questions, especially with regard to the ‘New Threats’ agenda. It surveys practical issues of protocol, as well as knowledge and practices of international conventions. It builds confidence and experience though a simulation of a ‘Defence Attaché tour’. All aspects of the course meet the requirements of the Geneva Standards for Defence Attaché training.

The 30th edition of this eight month international training course in security policy is designed to increase the knowledge and skills of high-performing professionals, who seek to enhance their career and engage in leadership positions in solving the world’s most pressing security challenges. Participants can also opt to take part in the concurrent  Master of Advanced Studies in International and European Security , jointly run with the Global Studies Institute of the University of Geneva.

Myanmar is currently undergoing rapid changes to its political and economic systems .The three-week training course brings together 20-25 selected persons from Myanmar’s administration, parliament, political parties and civil society organisations, to explore key issues in democratization and international relations. It promotes a vision of strong democratic institutions and support for the rule of law and human rights.

What does the interdisciplinary nature of political advising mean to you? Political advisors are instrumental actors in the decision-making processes of peace and security efforts. Their effectiveness is of fundamental importance both on the ground and at an international level. Their duties require them to synthesize information rapidly, to develop a comprehensive understanding of the context and key issues at hand, and to convey their understanding and analysis to their institutions at varying levels while building and nurturing meaningful relationships.

This course builds the political advisors’ skill sets and networks needed to carry out their work more efficiently and effectively.

The Annual Middle East and North Africa training course on new issues in security policy provides training and fosters capacity-building in nontraditional security challenges. The course addresses the important transition underway in Middle East and North Africa countries and the impact on the security challenges in the region.

17/12/2014
Carmen González Enríquez y José Pablo Martínez Romera
El objetivo del análisis del Sistema de Indicadores de la Distancia entre Imagen y Realidad (SIDIR) es identificar los aspectos positivos de la realidad española, que son insuficientemente conocidos por la opinión pública internacional. Tras la realización en 2014 del primer informe, el Observatorio de la Imagen de España (OIE) ha elaborado esta segunda edición con algunos cambios metodológicos.

Die Notwendigkeit einer besseren Koordinierung der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit (EZ) der Europäischen Union (EU) wird von den meisten Akteuren aus Wissenschaft und Praxis nicht in Frage gestellt. Sie ergibt sich aus der Frag­mentierung und Proliferation der öffentlichen EZ, die in jüngster Zeit trotz der Rufe nach einer stärkeren Harmo­nisierung und Arbeitsteilung deutlich zugenommen hat. In den vergangenen zehn Jahren hat die EU eine Reihe guter technischer Lösungen zur Überwindung der Frag­mentierung entwickelt. Die größten Herausforderungen der unge­nügenden Koordinierung sind allerdings nicht technischer Art, sondern stehen im Zusammenhang mit einem klaren poli­tischen Bekenntnis und der Formulierung einer Marsch­route für weitere Verbesserungen.

Bei den bestehenden Verpflichtungen der EU zur Koordinierung der EZ und der aktuellen Mechanismen ist kein einheitliches Kosten-/Nutzen-Bild erkennbar. Die Bemühun­gen der EU im Zusammenhang mit der internationalen Debatte über die Wirksamkeit und insbesondere die Aspekte der Koordinierung der EZ gehen nicht immer mit Verbes­serungen auf der nationalen Ebene einzelner Mitgliedstaaten einher. Bereits bestehende Koordinierungsbemühungen für die drei Hauptbereiche (Politik, Programmplanung und Umsetzung) müssen auf den Prüfstand gestellt werden, um die europäische Entwicklungspolitik auf die Herausforderun­gen abzustimmen. Das erfordert eine Überprüfung von Instrumenten wie Arbeitsteilung, gemeinsame Planung und programmbasierte Ansätze.

Einsparungen und sonstige Vorteile einer verbesserten oder verstärkten Koordinierung der europäischen EZ müssen sowohl qualitativ als auch quantitativ bewertet werden. Insgesamt gibt es drei zentrale Erklärungen für die EU- Koordinierungsdefizite:

1. Es besteht kein Konsens darüber, welches das richtige Maß für die Koordinierung sein sollte.
2. Die politische Ökonomie der Geberkoordinierung ist komplex; es gibt starke Anreize, die einer verstärkten Koordinierung entgegenwirken (z. B. das Interesse von Mitgliedstaaten an "Sichtbarkeit").
3. Die politische Ökonomie der Partnerländer hinsichtlich des Umgangs mit Gebern ist ebenfalls komplex und begünstigt nicht immer eine verstärkte Koordinierung (Frag­mentierung von Gebern als Strategie zur Risikostreuung, z. B. in Fällen politischer Konditio­nalität).

Geringere Transaktionskosten gehören zu den potenziellen Vorteilen der Koordinierung, die einfach zu erzielen und sichtbar sind. Darüber hinaus kann die Koordinierung der EZ auf EU-Ebene größere entwicklungspolitische Wirkungen entfalten. Die Quantifizierung aller mögli­chen Vorteile ist allerdings schwierig, weil es nahezu un­möglich ist, den "Wendepunkt" zu identifizieren, an dem der Nutzen die Kosten überwiegt, und weil qualitative Vorteile schwer zu beziffern sind.

Es lassen sich verschiedene Szenarien für die Gestaltung der künf­tigen EU-Entwicklungspolitik identifizieren. Für die EZ der EU wäre ein voll integrierter Ansatz zumindest theoretisch der beste Weg zur Überwindung der Frag­mentierung und der damit verbundenen Kosten. Allerdings ist nicht zu erwarten, dass die Mitgliedstaaten das tatsächlich anstreben und umsetzen wollen.

With the wrapping up of the United Nations' Open Working Group (OWG) on Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) at the end of July 2014, the international process towards the adoption of universal sustainable development goals has entered its decisive phase. Established in the wake of the 2012 "Rio+20" summit on sustainable development, the OWG has arguably fulfilled its task by tabling a substantive proposal that represents "an integrated indivisible set of global priorities for sustainable development" with "aspi¬rational global targets." Crucially, the OWG's proposal re¬flects the global level of ambition as well as attention to national circumstances.
It is now up to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon and, ultimately, the UN General Assembly (UNGA) to follow up on the OWG proposal and to foster consensus at the global level. Concomitantly, the SDGs also need to be anchored within an institutional system that facilitates progressive implementation and ensures accountability. The OWG has come a long way in paving the ground, but deliberations will continue before the UN General Assembly eventually adopts a consolidated set of SDGs in 2015. This defines the political space to promote improvements as the international community strives for a set of goals that is pragmatic enough to ensure broad ownership across the North-South divide and ambitious enough to actually make a difference vis-à-vis business as usual. Four issues deserve particular attention from policymakers and negotiators:

1. Negotiators should not let themselves be diverted by the quest for a smaller number of goals. The total number of SDGs is of little concern for each SDG to deliver on its promises. The substance and the feasibility of individual targets matters, not the memorability of the set of goals as such.
2. A consolidated set of SDGs should further emphasise the potential of integrated approaches wherever this is reasonable, for example with regard to targets relating to water, food security and energy provision. The goals tabled by the OWG could do better to overcome the silo approach that has characterised the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
3. The goals need to be ambitious both in terms of substantive targets and in terms of sharing the burdens of implementation in the envisaged 'global partnership'. Now is the time to specify who is expected to be doing what, by when, and with which means.
4. The goals are supposed to be universal and hence need to be relevant and fair for developed countries and developing countries, as well as within all countries. The notion of 'leaving no one behind' should be reflected more consistently across the eventual set of goals.

This briefing paper elaborates on these priorities as it critically appraises the outcome of the OWG with a view to forthcoming sessions of the UN General Assembly. It also identifies challenges for implementation, notably regard¬ing the responsibilities of Germany and the European Union. It concludes that all countries will be well advised to devise national road maps that facilitate the incorporation of the SDGs into domestic policy. These should be fashioned in a manner that is in itself aspiring and flexible enough to allow for progressive adjustment as the global partnership for sustainable development evolves beyond 2015.