Africa

The article examines how citizens’ expectations in social contracts lead them to take to the streets for contentious collective action. It draws on original, nationally representative telephone surveys in Tunisia and Lebanon that we commissioned in late 2020 and unpacks popular preferences about the social contract and states’ obligations to deliver social service provision, protection, and political participation. We measure empirically whether participation in protest can be explained predominantly by people’s grievances with their states’ social contract obligations or the position of people in society. Findings reveal intriguing differences between the two countries, but also among social groups within societies. We find that socially privileged people are more likely to take to the streets in pursuit of their demands, lending support to theories that identify society’s middle classes as drivers of protest action. We believe that the article’s findings will have significant implications for studies of contentious state society relations in the MENA region and beyond.

Uganda has some of the strictest anti-homosexual laws in the world.

The driver of the car involved in a fatal crash involving British heavyweight boxer Anthony Joshua has appeared in court in Nigeria.

La richesse produite par la RDC est très largement sous-estimée, le pays étant le seul parmi les dix premières économies d'Afrique subsaharienne à utiliser une base de calcul vieille de deux décennies. Un rebasage du PIB ferait alors presque doubler son niveau officiel actuel, le propulsant à un niveau comparable à celui du Kenya. Cette mise à jour est notamment nécessaire à l'élaboration d'une politique de développement efficace, qui ne peut se faire sans une connaissance plus précise de l'état réel de l'économie et des flux financiers en circulation.

Selon les dernières estimations du FMI, publiées en octobre dernier, le PIB nominal de la RDC s'élèverait à 82,3 milliards de dollars pour l'année 2025, plaçant le pays à la neuvième place en Afrique subsaharienne (et la douzième au niveau continental). La RDC se classe ainsi juste derrière la Tanzanie (87,4 milliards), et loin derrière le Kenya qui arrive en troisième position, après l'Afrique du Sud et le Nigeria (136 milliards).

Pour rappel, le PIB nominal est un indicateur permettant de mesurer la taille totale d'une économie. Par conséquent, il dépend en bonne partie de la taille de la population du pays concerné, dont il ne reflète alors souvent pas le niveau réel de dynamisme et de développement. Ainsi, la prise en compte du PIB nominal place systématiquement les pays les plus peuplés en bonne position dans les classements internationaux en la matière, même s'ils sont moins développés que leurs voisins. Ce qui bénéficie notamment à des pays comme le Nigeria et l'Éthiopie, qui font pourtant partie des pays les plus pauvres du continent (respectivement classés 34e et 41e en matière de PIB par habitant en 2025, très loin derrière la Côte d'Ivoire, le Sénégal ou le Kenya). L'utilisation de cet indicateur est donc de nature à bénéficier également à la RDC, troisième pays le plus peuplé d'Afrique subsaharienne (114 millions d'habitants, derrière l'Éthiopie, seconde avec 137 millions d'habitants).

Un PIB largement sous-estimé

Aujourd'hui encore, la RDC continue à utiliser l'année 2005 comme année de référence pour le calcul de la richesse produite annuellement sur son territoire. Elle est ainsi l'un des rares pays africains, et le seul parmi les dix premières économies subsahariennes, à s'appuyer sur une base de calcul aussi ancienne, contrairement à la plupart des pays africains qui effectuent des mises à jour à une dizaine d'années d'intervalle. Ainsi, l'année de référence est fixée à 2015 pour la Côte d'Ivoire, 2016 pour le Kenya, 2019 pour le Nigeria, ou encore 2021 pour le Sénégal.

La méthode utilisée par la RDC est donc particulièrement obsolète, ne prenant pas suffisamment compte de nombreuses activités économiques (voire pas du tout, dans certains cas), et notamment celles liées à des secteurs ayant émergé sur la scène internationale au cours des vingt dernières années, comme le numérique. Or, les différentes opérations de rebasage ayant été menées par des pays africains utilisant une base assez ancienne, et connus pour la faiblesse de leur administration publique, ont à chaque fois permis d'augmenter considérablement le niveau officiel de leur PIB. À titre d'exemple, celui-ci avait bondi de 89 % au Nigeria lorsque le pays avait effectué un rebasage en 2014, en remplaçant l'année 1990 par 2010 en tant qu'année de référence. Plus récemment, la Guinée a vu son PIB brusquement augmenter de 51 %, en octobre dernier, en se basant désormais sur l'année 2018, au lieu de 2006 précédemment. Ces hausses spectaculaires ont notamment été permises par la prise en compte partielle de l'économie informelle, qui continue toutefois à échapper en bonne partie aux statistiques officielles, comme partout ailleurs sur le continent.

Par conséquent, un rebasage du PIB de la RDC qui s'appuierait sur une année de référence bien plus récente, comme par exemple l'année 2023, permettrait probablement de presque doubler le PIB nominal du pays, le propulsant à un niveau se situant à environ 150 milliards de dollars. Soit un niveau comparable à celui du Kenya, actuellement estimé à 136 milliards de dollars pour l'année 2025, mais qui s'élèverait à environ 160 milliards de dollars en cas de rebasage identique.

La RDC se classerait alors au cinquième rang des économies d'Afrique subsaharienne, en dépassant la Tanzanie, le Ghana, la Côte d'Ivoire et l'Angola. Elle réintégrerait ainsi le top 5 dont elle faisait déjà partie dans les années 1960, au lendemain de son indépendance. Le pays devrait ensuite assez rapidement dépasser le Kenya, compte tenu de son rythme de croissance supérieur et de sa population bien plus importante (progression annuelle du PIB de 5,8 % sur la période de douze années 2014-2025, contre 4,7 % pour le Kenya).

La RDC fait d'ailleurs partie de l'Afrique subsaharienne francophone, qui constitue globalement la zone économiquement la plus dynamique du continent. Ce vaste ensemble de 22 pays a réalisé en 2025 le niveau de croissance le plus élevé d'Afrique subsaharienne pour la douzième année consécutive, affichant ainsi une progression annuelle de 4,1 % sur la période 2014-2025, contre seulement 2,1 % pour le reste de l'Afrique subsaharienne. Et ce, tout en maîtrisant davantage l'inflation, comme depuis plusieurs décennies (taux annuel de 4,2 % sur la même période, contre 19,8 % pour le reste de l'Afrique subsaharienne), et en affichant le niveau d'endettement le plus faible pour la neuvième année consécutive (dette publique estimée à 51,6 % du PIB en 2025, selon le FMI, contre 64,6 %).

L'importance du rebasage du PIB pour la RDC

Une mise à jour de la méthode de calcul du PIB entraînerait donc une hausse très importante du niveau de la richesse officiellement créée par le pays, qui devrait ainsi presque doubler tout en replaçant le pays parmi les cinq principales économies d'Afrique subsaharienne. De même, le PIB par habitant se situerait alors à environ 1 400 dollars (contre officiellement 772 dollars actuellement), faisant ainsi sortir la RDC de la liste peu enviable des dix pays les plus pauvres du continent, où sa présence actuelle est purement artificielle et injuste.

Un rebasage du PIB permettrait d'ailleurs à la RDC de dépasser alors le Nigeria, qui se classe à la 34e place continentale en 2025 avec un niveau de seulement 1 200 dollars. La seconde place qu'occupe le Nigeria dans le classement des économies d'Afrique subsaharienne, après l'Afrique du Sud, n'est donc due qu'au poids démographique du pays, et non à ses performances économiques. En effet, le Nigeria n'a connu qu'un taux de croissance annuel de 1,9 % sur la période 2014-2025, ce qui place le pays, en réalité, parmi les moins dynamiques du continent. Son rythme de croissance économique a ainsi été largement inférieur à celui de la RDC, qui le dépasse désormais nettement en matière de PIB par habitant (en se basant sur une année de référence récente et identique), et qui pourrait donc le dépasser également en matière de PIB nominal, à moyen terme.

Mais au-delà de cette évolution spectaculaire au niveau des classements continentaux, la mise à jour des données relatives au PIB est d'autant plus importante pour le pays qu'elle est nécessaire à l'élaboration de toute politique de développement cohérente et efficace. En effet, la mise en œuvre d'une politique de développement nécessite la connaissance préalable de la situation réelle de l'économie nationale, à travers l'identification et la prise en compte des différentes activités économiques et des flux financiers circulant dans le pays. Une connaissance qui est notamment nécessaire pour pouvoir établir une politique fiscale adaptée et déterminer les recettes potentielles de l'État. Par ailleurs, l'augmentation significative du PIB qui résulterait de l'opération de rebasage, ferait automatiquement baisser le niveau d'endettement du pays (qui est déjà l'un des plus faibles du continent), ce qui est de nature à attirer davantage les investisseurs et bailleurs de fonds étrangers, et à augmenter ainsi les capacités de financement de l'État, tout en faisant parfois baisser les taux d'intérêt.

Selon les dernières informations publiées par le FMI, des travaux de rebasage du PIB sont actuellement en cours en RDC, fixant l'année 2022 comme nouvelle base de calcul. Cette mise à jour, qui devrait être finalisée en fin d'année, permettra ainsi au pays d'occuper un rang reflétant bien mieux son poids réel au niveau régional et africain, tout en l'aidant à mieux définir ses politiques de développement.

Le programme « Alabuga Start » attire chaque année des centaines de jeunes Africaines avec la promesse d'un billet d'avion gratuit, d'un logement subventionné et d'un salaire mensuel de 1 500$ pour une formation en Russie. Pourtant, depuis son lancement en 2022, plus de 350 femmes provenant de plus de 40 pays africains se sont retrouvées piégées dans des usines d'assemblage de drones militaires, payées bien moins que prévu, soumises à des horaires épuisants et exposées à des risques sanitaires et aux frappes ukrainiennes.

Du mécanisme d'attraction à la réalité de l'exploitation

Alabuga Start est géré par la zone économique spéciale d'Alabuga, située dans le Tatarstan. Dans les faits, c'est un complexe industriel reconverti depuis l'invasion de l'Ukraine en 2022, en centre névralgique de la production de drones Geran‑2 (dérivés du Shahed‑136). Le programme s'adresse aux femmes de 18 à 22 ans originaires de pays tels que la Sierra Leone, le Nigeria, le Cameroun, le Bénin, etc... et les recrute via des publicités sur Telegram, TikTok, X et Facebook. Sur ces réseaux, la promotion passe par des influenceurs qui sont payés pour diffuser des vidéos mensongères montrant des candidatures réussies, des visites culturelles et des promesses de postes en logistique, restauration ou même conduite de travaux.

À l'arrivée, la plupart des participantes découvrent une tout autre réalité. La majorité sont affectées à la chaîne de montage de drones ou à des tâches de ménage. Pire encore, elles manipulent des produits chimiques nocifs sans équipement de protection adéquat, ce qui entraîne des problèmes de peau et des maladies respiratoires. Les conditions de travail sont décrites comme « abusives », avec de longues heures de labeur sous surveillance permanente, également la confiscation du passeport et du téléphone, et des salaires largement inférieurs à ceux annoncés. Une ouvrière a même expliqué que le coût du logement, du billet d'avion et des cours de russe étaient déduits de son salaire, la laissant avec presque rien. Certains se retrouvent même avec des dettes tant les salaires sont misérables et la moindre commodité facturée.

Cette exploitation répond à une pénurie de main‑d'œuvre en Russie, aggravée par la guerre en Ukraine : en 2024, plus de 111 000 travailleurs africains sont entrés en Russie, soit une hausse de 50 % depuis 2022. Les usines d'Alabuga sont régulièrement ciblées par des frappes de drones ukrainiens, exposant les travailleuses à un danger mortel. Le modèle de recrutement s'étend au‑delà d'Alabuga Start. Des programmes similaires, parfois présentés comme des offres d'études universitaires, conduisent des jeunes Africains à être envoyés directement sur le front ukrainien, où ils sont formés brièvement avant d'être incorporés à des unités de combat. Nombre de vidéos ont exposé la ruse, montrant des étudiants africains envoyés sur le front, certains d'entre eux morts sur le champ de bataille.

Des vies contre des prix

Le recrutement s'appuie sur un réseau d'influenceurs payés, de groupes WhatsApp et de plateformes de messagerie. Le programme Alabuga Start a mené une campagne de recrutement agressive via de nombreuses publicités sur les réseaux sociaux comme X, Telegram et Facebook. Le rapport de la Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime montre que les influenceurs sont rémunérés pour chaque candidate recrutée. Un document édité par le programme russe, régit ce système de récompense « REGULATIONS on the Grant Competition "Alabuga Start" ». Plus ces rabatteurs arrivent à recruter de jeunes femmes, plus les récompenses sont juteuses. Des vidéos virales, comme celles d'Aya Langa ou de Cyan Boujee, ont été retirées après les avertissements des autorités sud‑africaines, qui ont ouvert une enquête sur le rôle de ces créateurs dans le « trafic d'êtres humains ». Au Bénin, des influenceurs comme Gilbert Dagan et son organisation web Soha TV, ont été identifié comme étant des relais payés du programme Alabuga Start. Des récompenses bien onéreuses au regard des vies sacrifiées sur l'autel de la cupidité.

Des vies qui se retrouvent méprisées une fois arrivée en Russie. Les témoignages recueillis confirment des formes de racisme systémique. Des superviseurs russes qualifient les travailleuses de « mulâtre », de « nègre » et les soumettent à des humiliations, du harcèlement sexuel voire à la prostitution pour subvenir à leurs besoins. Ce racisme se retrouve dans le programme d'Alabuga mais également dans la vie quotidienne. En Russie, les étudiants sont marginalisés et moqués dans les écoles, les hommes sur le front sont plus mal équipés que les soldats russes et souvent envoyés comme de la chair à canon. Une vidéo diffusée par l'ONG Alabuga Truth montre un soldat africain à qui l'on a attaché une mine anti‑char autour du cou, puis insulté par son « compagnon d'arme russe ».

Les discours officiels russes, présentés comme amicaux envers l'Afrique, masquent une stratégie néo‑coloniale. La fourniture de visas, de billets d'avion et de « formations » n'est qu'un prétexte pour capter une main‑d'œuvre bon marché, l'exploiter dans une économie de guerre et la sacrifier sur le front. Les autorités africaines réagissent timidement face à l'ampleur du phénomène. Le Zimbabwe, le Kenya, le Bénin et d'autres pays ont lancé des enquêtes ou appelé à la vigilance, mais la coopération reste limitée, laissant notamment les victimes sans soutien consulaire ni possibilité de rentrer.

Alabuga Start illustre comment la Russie détourne la jeunesse africaine sous le couvert d'opportunités éducatives et professionnelles, transformant des promesses de dignité en une forme moderne d'esclavage. Une exploitation économique et militaire au détriment des jeunes femmes et hommes du continent qui rêvaient d'opportunités. L'urgence d'une mobilisation africaine pour bloquer ces réseaux, protéger les citoyens vulnérables et mettre fin à ce néo‑colonialisme salarial se fait attendre. A l'heure actuelle, le programme Alabuga Start recrute toujours et selon son document régissant les rétributions pour l'enrôlement de jeunes femmes dans le programme, 195 places doivent être trouvées au Bénin.

Omar SYLLA !
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After a long time in the wilderness, Zimbabwe are again contending on the biggest stage at the 2026 T20 World Cup - this is the story of their resurgence.

Dr Anasaini Cama of the Fred Hollows Foundation conducts tropical disease training in the Solomon Islands. Credit: Shea Flynn/RTI International

By Catherine Wilson
SYDNEY, Australia, Feb 25 2026 (IPS)

Two Pacific Island nations have been applauded for their successes in the global health campaign to eliminate the infectious eye disease, Trachoma.

Better disease data, effective treatment campaigns and improved access to water and hygiene contributed to the major progress now being celebrated as 27 nations worldwide are declared Trachoma-free by the World Health Organization (WHO). But, above all, experts say that the key to the permanent riddance of diseases is a genuine buy-in to the eradication programmes by entire communities.

“Trachoma elimination efforts are most effective when communities understand the disease, trust the interventions and are actively involved in prevention activities,” Dr Anasaini Cama, Pacific Trachoma Technical Lead at The Fred Hollows Foundation, a global non-government organisation working to eradicate preventable blindness, told IPS.

Finally eliminating Trachoma in countries such as Papua New Guinea is a major achievement when more than 80 percent of people live in rural and remote communities, where the risk of infection is especially high.

“This milestone reflects the power of public health at its best…It is a reminder that equity, visibility and prevention must be at the heart of our health system,” Elias Kapavore, Minister for Health in PNG, the most populous Pacific Island nation of more than 10 million people, told the media last year.

The infectious eye disease is one of 21 Neglected Tropical Diseases that, under Sustainable Development Goal 3.3, are being targeted for global eradication by 2030. And reports reveal that strides are being made. Between 2002 and 2025, a period of little more than two decades, the global population at risk of Trachoma fell from 1.5 billion to 97.1 million people, WHO reported in January.

Children in rural communities in southwest Pacific Island countries, including Papua New Guinea, were highly vulnerable to eye infections, such as Trachoma. Now the country has been applauded for its campaign to eliminate the disease. Credit: Catherine Wilson/IPS

“Trachoma, once a leading cause of blindness in Fiji, was widespread in the 1950s, with prevalence exceeding 20 percent among children in some areas. Today, following sustained national action, the prevalence of active Trachoma has fallen to below 1 percent,” Fiji’s Health Minister, Dr Ratu Antonio Lalabalavu, told local media.

Trachoma is the leading cause of blindness around the world and is found primarily in tropical climate zones and rural communities affected by poverty and lack of basic services. It is caused by a micro-organism, Chlamydia trachomatis, known to be carried by flies, with children and those living in overcrowded conditions the most vulnerable. In advanced cases of the disease, there is chronic scarring of the underside of the eyelid, which can then turn inward, resulting in the eyelashes inflicting permanent damage to the eye’s cornea.

Trachoma was first identified in PNG and Fiji when health surveys were conducted in the 1950s. Studies also revealed that it was endemic in the Solomon Islands and Vanuatu. More recently, in 2015, extensive studies were carried out in the provinces of Central, Madang, Morobe, East New Britain, Southern Highlands and Western in PNG as part of the Global Trachoma Mapping Project. The prevalence of trachomatous inflammation-follicular (TF) in children aged 1-9 years was found to be between 6 percent and 12.2 percent, exceeding the WHO threshold of 5 percent.

The disease can be debilitating and make it increasingly difficult for a child to attend and participate in school classes and, thus, hinder their development and increase their exposure to poverty and malnutrition.

Changing the conditions and habits through which the disease thrives is, therefore, crucial. And this is a vital part of WHO’s recommended approach, called the SAFE strategy. That is, surgery for patients with an advanced stage of the disease, including blindness, prescribing antibiotics to diminish infection, encouraging facial cleanliness, and environmental improvements.

Today, the development charity Mercy Works is working to boost better health in very remote villages in Kiunga in Western Province, close to the far western border of PNG, by ensuring supplies of clean water. Here, “safe water remains a daily challenge,” Andrew Lowry, Head of Mercy Works’ Programs, told IPS. “Frequent flooding contaminates water sources and damages infrastructure. Many communities have no road access, so materials and tradespeople travel by plane or boat, and often on foot. Schools and health centres often operate without a reliable water supply, making basic hygiene practices difficult to sustain.”

Mercy Works installs rainwater collection and storage systems in schools, health centres, and villages in both the Western Province and the Simbu Province in the Highlands region.

Nearly 4,000 kilometres southeast of PNG in Fiji, Cama has witnessed the impacts of eye diseases and interventions that have been effective. In the north of the country, she visited villages that were kept clean and neat and it was difficult to see if there was overcrowding in the households. “Generally, extended families living together is considered normal. What we did notice, and similarly in nearby villages, was the water issues, where water was not always available and water trucks would cart water to the village,” Cama told IPS.

In the community, “children were active and did not appear unwell in any way,” she recounted. “It was only when health care workers flipped the child’s eyelids that the inner surface of the eyelid would have follicles that were typical for Trachoma.” Once a child was diagnosed, Tetracycline eye ointment was prescribed to be applied twice a day for six weeks, together with recommended regular face washing.

This year, WHO announced that, for the first time since world records began, the number of people requiring healthcare intervention for Trachoma has fallen below 100 million. Yet the future cannot be one of complacency. Rising climate extremes across the Pacific Islands could reverse this achievement.

“Climate change can impact Trachoma programmes and cause re-emergence of Trachoma, meaning long-term vigilance is required,” Cama emphasised. “Flooding and warmer temperatures can damage sanitation systems that lead to a reduction in environmental hygiene, causing an increase in the presence of flies in the community, which can increase the spread of Trachoma. Through drought and low rainfall, accessibility to water is decreased, making regular face washing and hygiene more challenging.”

Boosting the number of trained health professionals is also critical in countries where national health services battle against limited resources, medical supplies and manpower. “One of the biggest challenges in the Pacific is the shortage of trained eye care specialists,” Cama said.

This is the case in both Fiji and PNG, where “only 8 of 22 provinces actually have an eye doctor”. To overcome this deficit, the Fred Hollows Foundation established the Pacific Eye Institute, the region’s first ophthalmic training institute, in Suva, Fiji. “Our goal is to have at least one eye doctor and a team of eye nurses in every province [in PNG],” she said.

The dividends of extinguishing diseases, such as Trachoma, are profound for people and communities. And aspirations of national development can be realised when health services contend with a diminished burden of illness, more children can finish their education and more people of working age can contribute to their communities and the economy.

Note: This article is brought to you by IPS Noram in collaboration with INPS Japan and Soka Gakkai International in consultative status with ECOSOC.

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A delegation of the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET), led by Committee Chair David McAllister (EPP, Germany), visited Podgorica and Tirana from 16 to 18 February.
The visit enabled AFET MEPs to evaluate the state of play of accession negotiations and outstanding reform priorities in each country and reaffirm Parliament's commitment to supporting both countries on their European paths.
Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

A delegation of nine Members from the Committee on Foreign Affairs, led by Marta Temido, (S&D, Portugal), visited Belgrade on 23 January. During the visit MEPs met with representatives of the government and the National Assembly, political parties from both the majority and the opposition, as well as with representatives of media, civil society, think tanks, academia and students.
The delegation visit took place as a follow-up to EP resolution on Serbia adopted on 22 October 2025, asking ''to assess, on the ground, the state of democracy, the ongoing protests, attacks on demonstrators and repression targeting students, academics, educators and public-sector employees''.
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Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Cover photo of the new UNESCO report, Re|Shaping Policies for Creativity. Credit: Diana Ejaita/UNESCO

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Feb 25 2026 (IPS)

As generative artificial intelligence (AI) rapidly expands across nearly every sector of society, those that work in cultural and creative industries are expected to bear some of the greatest losses. With AI-generated content projected to dominate global markets in the coming years, combined with a lack of strong regulatory frameworks to protect intellectual property and AI’s ability to produce content quickly at a low cost, the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) warns that generative AI may become a major driver of inequality, threatening the livelihoods of millions of cultural workers around the world.

“It is no longer sufficient to simply celebrate the potential of digital tools,” said Lodovico Folin-Calabi, Director of the UNESCO Liaison Office in Brussels and UNESCO Representation to the European Union.“We must critically examine how these technologies are deployed, who is designing them, and whose voices are represented or excluded in their development.”

On February 18, UNESCO released the latest edition of its flagship report, Re|Shaping Policies for Creativity, examining how digital transformation and emerging technologies are reshaping the global cultural landscape. Drawing on data from more than 120 countries, the report highlights the growing impact of artificial intelligence, changing global trade dynamics, and increasing pressures on artistic freedom. UNESCO calls on governments, international institutions, and technology platforms to strengthen policy frameworks to prevent widening inequalities and protect the rights and livelihoods of creators, presenting a roadmap of more than 8,100 policy measures.

The report emphasizes that while emerging digital technologies offer new opportunities for innovation and provide artists with tools to expand their reach and streamline creative production, they have also deepened existing inequalities and made economic success increasingly uncertain. It projects that generative AI could lead to global revenue losses of up to 24 percent for music creators and 21 percent for audiovisual creators by 2028. These losses are compounded by artists’ growing reliance on digital income streams, which now account for nearly 35 percent of their earnings—marking a 17 percent increase from 2018.

As digital technologies become more integral to artists’ livelihoods, the rise of AI-generated content, increased risks of intellectual property infringement, and ongoing market volatility may make it even more difficult for cultural workers to remain sustainable. In recent years, streaming platforms and content curation systems have shifted to prioritize specific forms of content from popular creators, leaving smaller, lesser-known creators with far fewer opportunities for exposure or success.

“I think emerging artists struggle more than established artists with the rise of AI,” said Kiersten Beh, a traditional illustrator based in New Jersey. “Senior artists—especially freelance ones—already know how to promote themselves and get their work out there, and many of them have built strong relationships with clients over time. I fear that as an emerging artist, I don’t have these connections yet and instead find myself competing with AI directly.”

The report also underscores persistent gaps in how countries protect artists and their work. Only 61 percent of the countries surveyed were found to have adequate frameworks in place to safeguard artistic freedom and prevent intellectual property infringement from AI.

While approximately 85 percent of countries included cultural and creative sectors in their national development plans, just 56 percent outlined specific cultural objectives, highlighting a clear disconnect between broad commitments and concrete action. Furthermore, only 37 percent of the countries surveyed reported having measures to support cultural workers operating in environments entrenched in political instability, prolonged conflict, or displacement.

“We, international organizations, states, artists, and humanity in general, must stand together in ensuring that AI does not limit the rights of everyone who wants to be involved in artistic creativity,” said Alexandra Xanthaki, United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur in the field of cultural rights. “This includes not only artists, but anyone who wants to take part in artistic life.”

These challenges are particularly pronounced in the Global South, where artists face heightened risks tied to technological barriers and widening digital divides. The report notes that essential digital skills are held by approximately 67 percent of people in developed countries, compared with just 28 percent in developing nations. Additionally, only 48 percent of surveyed countries have developed systems to track the consumption of digital cultural content.

Colombian independent expert Viviana Rangel emphasized these imbalances when speaking to UNESCO in October 2025. “Our region doesn’t produce this kind of technology–it consumes it. This places us in a more vulnerable position against the unintended effects of these technologies in the cultural field,” she said, adding that AI systems often sideline the perspectives and inputs of artists in the Global South.

Meanwhile, support for vulnerable artists remains significantly inconsistent and underfunded, leaving many exposed to emerging risks such as digital surveillance and algorithmic bias. Direct public funding for cultural sectors remains strikingly low – below 0.6 percent of the global GDP – and is projected to decline further in the coming years.

Additionally, progress toward ensuring universal support for cultural workers remains uneven, with a pronounced gender gap affecting female artists. Although the share of women leading cultural institutions worldwide has increased from 31 percent in 2017 to 46 percent in 2024, significant disparities persist: women hold 64 percent of leadership roles in developed countries, compared to just 30 percent in developing nations. Moreover, entrenched policy frameworks continue to position women primarily as cultural consumers rather than recognizing and supporting them as creators and leaders.

Achieving a sustainable future for artists and cultural workers in the age of AI will require more than technological adaptation–it demands equitable policy reform and coordinated global action. Through its latest report, UNESCO calls for renewed investment, a more balanced market, and stronger collaborative measures between governments, institutions, and industry leaders to safeguard artistic freedom and ensure that creative work remains a viable livelihood. The agency further stresses that creativity must continue to serve as a vital source of economic opportunity, cultural diversity, and social cohesion in a rapidly digitizing world.

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Length of video : 30'

Disclaimer : The interpretation of debates serves to facilitate communication and does not constitute an authentic record of proceedings. Only the original speech or the revised written translation is authentic.
Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Result of the General Assembly vote on the draft resolution "Support for lasting peace in Ukraine" adopted during the emergency special session. 24 February 2026 Four years after Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the UN is marked the day with high-level debate and renewed calls to end the war - including in the General Assembly which passed a resolution reaffirming its strong commitment to the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Ukraine. Credit: UN Photo/Manuel Elías

By Philippe Leclerc
GENEVA, Feb 25 2026 (IPS)

After surviving the harshest winter in a decade, millions of displaced Ukrainians are confronting a growing crisis marked by hardship and ongoing attacks as peace prospects remain distant.

Inside Ukraine, repeated attacks on housing, energy systems and essential services throughout the winter left millions without heating or electricity for prolonged periods. While temperatures are slowly rising, the damage remains. An estimated 10.8 million people inside the country need humanitarian assistance in 2026, and 3.7 million are internally displaced.

At the same time, 5.9 million Ukrainians remain refugees abroad. Across Europe, host countries have provided protection and opportunities at an unprecedented scale, giving refugees access to education, healthcare and employment. This has helped millions regain stability and contribute to host communities.

As the war continues, however, more is needed to support refugees from a displacement crisis with no clear end. Alongside Temporary Protection, States should explore options for alternative arrangements for longer stay. These can bring stability for the most vulnerable in particular, for whom return may not be immediately possible even after the war.

Evidence shows that meaningful inclusion delivers results and refugees significantly boost host country economies. In Poland, analysis by UNHCR and Deloitte showed that Ukrainian refugees’ net impact amounted to 2.7 per cent of the Polish GDP, in 2024. With increased language training and wider recognition of credentials, access to decent work and self-reliance can improve for refugees across the region.

Inside Ukraine, communities continue to repair homes, restore services and rebuild livelihoods, with the support of UNHCR and NGO partners. But after four years of war, resilience has limits. Sustained humanitarian assistance remains essential, alongside scaled-up recovery and reconstruction support to prevent further displacement and enable safe conditions for return.

When conditions allow, gradual and voluntary returns will be critical for Ukraine’s recovery. UNHCR is working with the Government and partners to restore people’s documents, support rehabilitation of social infrastructure and repair war-damaged homes. UNHCR also works with partners to analyse refugees’ intentions, forecast return movements and support Ukraine’s recovery planning.

Since the start of the full-scale war, UNHCR and partners have supported 10 million people with emergency aid, protection services and psychosocial support. In 2026, UNHCR plans to assist a further 2 million people inside the country, subject to sufficient funding. Across the region, UNHCR and partners are supporting 1.7 million refugees and the States hosting them, with a focus on inclusion and self-reliance.

As winter fades, the humanitarian crisis does not. We must support the people of Ukraine with humanitarian relief and recovery inside the country, and with safety and self-reliance abroad.

Philippe Leclerc is UNHCR’s Regional Director for Europe and Regional Refugee Coordinator for the Ukraine Situation

IPS UN Bureau

 

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The bill seeks prison terms of five to ten years for what it describes as "acts against nature".

Intensified attacks in the Kordofan region have led to mass casualties as peace remains elusive.

Intensified attacks in the Kordofan region have led to mass casualties as peace remains elusive.

Participants observe a visual montage linking Abu Dhabi’s Zayed Award ceremony, the Sant’Egidio interfaith forum in Rome and the Astana Congress of Leaders of World and Traditional Religions — symbolizing the emerging “rehearsal space” where religion, civil society and state diplomacy converge. (Credit: INPS / Illustrative image)

By Katsuhiro Asagiri
ABU DHABI, United Arab Emirates, Feb 24 2026 (IPS)

As wars drag on and the international order grows increasingly unstable, Abu Dhabi has been offering a different kind of narrative. It sought to recognize early efforts at reconciliation, bring religious leaders into the same space, and place former adversaries under the same spotlight. At the heart of the February 4, 2026 Zayed Award for Human Fraternity ceremony was an attempt to make visible, in a public setting, the choice of moving in the direction of easing conflict.

Pope Francis and Ahmed el-Tayeb sign the Document on Human Fraternity。Credit: Vatican News

Timed to coincide with the United Nations–designated International Day of Human Fraternity, the ceremony drew heads of state, religious leaders and civil-society representatives. The award traces its origins to the 2019 Document on Human Fraternity, signed in Abu Dhabi by Pope Francis and the Grand Imam of Al-Azhar, Ahmed Al-Tayeb. The document is widely regarded as a historic declaration that set out a global call for interreligious dialogue and peaceful coexistence.

Seven years on, the international landscape has become even more fragmented. Even so, the organizers have framed the ceremony not merely as an awards event, but as a symbolic platform intended to encourage a minimum measure of restraint when politics turns turbulent.

Shoring Up a Fragile Peace

The moment that drew the most attention this year was the recognition of Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev for their peace agreement. After decades of confrontation, the award functioned as a form of international endorsement for a still-fragile peace process in the South Caucasus.

Zayed Prize 2026 to Armenia and Azerbaijan Credit: Vatican News

Peace agreements are often most vulnerable immediately after they are reached. Domestic political backlash and deep-seated mistrust can easily undermine implementation. In that sense, bringing the two leaders onto the same stage was not a declaration that the journey was complete; it was an attempt to “reinforce” diplomatic progress. By recognizing leaders who chose dialogue at an early stage, the award appears aimed at widening the political space for compromise—and at making it harder for opponents to overturn the agreement.

The award, however, extended beyond state leadership. The 2026 laureates also included Afghan girls’ education advocate Zarqa Yaftali and the Palestinian nonprofit Taawon, honoring efforts to continue humanitarian and development work under conditions of conflict and political instability. It also underscores the award’s intention to bridge “top-down politics,” such as peace agreements, with “bottom-up peacebuilding” that supports communities on the ground. The underlying message is clear: even with treaties and agreements in place, peace cannot take root if the schools, healthcare, and local support systems needed to sustain society remain fragile.

A Dialogue Circuit Linking Rome and Astana

The closing ceremony held against the backdrop of the ancient Roman ruins, the Colosseum. Credit: Community of Sant’Egidio

Abu Dhabi’s ceremony is not an isolated event. In October 2025, Rome hosted the annual forum “Religions and Cultures in Dialogue for Peace,” organized by the Community of Sant’Egidio. Inheriting the spirit of the 1986 Assisi gathering, the forum serves as a continuing platform that brings together religious leaders, political figures, and representatives of civil society. The Holy See (the Vatican) is a central participant, exercising its moral authority to connect ethical appeals with debates in international politics.

Further east, Kazakhstan has institutionalized interfaith engagement through the Congress of Leaders of World and Traditional Religions in Astana. Both the Holy See and the Grand Imam of Al-Azhar have consistently participated, helping to sustain the congress as a venue for structured interreligious dialogue.

Seen in this light, Rome, Astana, and Abu Dhabi are not merely separate events; they emerge as nodal points in a broader space of dialogue that links religion and diplomacy. Put differently, they function like a regular service designed to keep the lines of communication open—ensuring that the ability to meet and talk does not fall silent.

Religious Actors Across Borders

On Feb. 4, a Soka Gakkai delegation led by Vice President Hirotsugu Terasaki attended the 2026 Zayed Award for Human Fraternity ceremony in Abu Dhabi, UAE. At the invitation of @ZayedAward, the delegation joined global religious leaders. On Feb. 3, the delegation met with Judge Mohamed Abdelsalam, Secretary-General of the Zayed Award for Human Fraternity and they delivered a letter from Soka Gakkai President Minoru Harada to the Grand Imam of Al-Azhar His Eminence Ahmed Al-Tayeb. Credit: SGI

Not only states sustain this network. Like the Holy See and religious leaders from around the world, Hirotsugu Terasaki, Director-General for Peace Affairs of Soka Gakkai International (SGI) — an organization with some 13 million members worldwide — has taken part in dialogue venues in Abu Dhabi, Rome and Astana.

Ahead of the Abu Dhabi ceremony, Terasaki met with Judge Mohamed Abdelsalam, Secretary-General of the award, and delivered a letter from Minoru Harada, President of Soka Gakkai, addressed to Grand Imam Ahmed Al-Tayeb. The two exchanged views on the need to further strengthen “heart-to-heart dialogue” that transcends religious differences.

The stages created by the United Arab Emirates and Kazakhstan—both of which place emphasis on “spiritual diplomacy”—are more than mere events. What gives these settings moral authority and lends them ethical weight as arenas for peacebuilding is a sustained architecture of dialogue, underpinned by relationships that religious and civil-society leaders have cultivated over many years. Put differently, it is a system for meeting regularly and ensuring that lines of communication do not fall silent. Even when interstate relations grow tense, religious and civil-society networks can keep channels of dialogue open, serving as a buffer against rupture.

The fact that Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev engaged with this year’s award ceremony through a video address, and that Director-General Terasaki has moved across dialogue venues such as Abu Dhabi, Rome, and Astana, quietly suggests the presence of such networks where religion and diplomacy intersect. Likewise, the Holy See has also been one of the actors continuously involved in all three of these settings.

Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev extended his congratulations to Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan on being given the Sheikh Zayed Award for Human Fraternity in a video address. Credit: Akorda

Shared Words, Different Realities

The vocabulary repeatedly invoked in these forums is strikingly consistent: fraternity, coexistence, dialogue, and human dignity. At a time when multilateralism is faltering and traditional channels of mediation are weakening, this language also serves a political purpose—allowing states to signal, at home and abroad, a preference for dialogue over force and to project the image that they are not stoking confrontation, but providing a venue in which tensions can be managed.

Yet the distance between ceremony and reality does not disappear. Celebrating a peace agreement does not necessarily guarantee its implementation. Honoring efforts in girls’ education does not automatically reopen classrooms. Proclaiming coexistence does not stop violence overnight. Awards can encourage compromise and bless dialogue, but they are not mechanisms that can compel outcomes.

Even so, governments and religious and civil-society networks continue to engage in these venues—through attendance, public statements, and sustained involvement—because they remain among the few public settings where opposing parties can appear side by side. There are not many spaces where actors in tense relationships can stand in the same room, where restraint is openly affirmed, and where interfaith ties can function as informal diplomatic channels.

A Place to “Rehearse” Peace

A woman crafts a mosaic depicting a peace dove in the Za’atari refugee camp in Jordan. Credit: UN Women/Christopher Herwig

The Zayed Award for Human Fraternity, the peace commemorations in Rome, and the interfaith congress in Astana—taken together—reveal the growing reach of a diplomatic approach that advances not through force or pressure, but through convening, dialogue, and the steady maintenance of relationships. It is a framework that can be symbolic at times, yet capable of exerting a quiet influence.

They also point toward the emergence of a new diplomatic domain where religion, civil society and state interests converge.

In today’s international environment, it is precisely these small points of contact that can carry real significance. Before peace is institutionalized as policy, there are only limited spaces where its shape can be publicly “rehearsed.”

The Abu Dhabi ceremony is one of those rare stages. It did not resolve a conflict, nor did it erase suspicion. Even so, choosing dialogue—and continuing to make that choice visible in the open—constitutes an act in itself: a clear signal, in an age of polarization, of a commitment to restraint over enmity.

This article is brought to you by INPS Japan in collaboration with Soka Gakkai International, in consultative status with the UN’s Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC).

INPS Japan

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Senegal's prime minister says it is "regrettable" that 18 of its football fans have been handed prison sentences related to disturbances at the 2025 Afcon final.

Credit: Georgios Kostomitsopoulos/NurPhoto via Getty Images

By Inés M. Pousadela
MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, Feb 24 2026 (IPS)

The Islamic Republic of Iran has put down another uprising, with a ferocity that makes previous crackdowns seem restrained. The theocratic regime has survived, but it has done so by substituting violence for the economic security it cannot provide and the political legitimacy it no longer has. Its show of force is also an admission of weakness.

The protests that began on 28 December were triggered by a specific event — the collapse of the rial to a record low — but rooted in years of accumulated grievances. The second half of 2025 alone saw at least 471 labour protests across 69 Iranian cities. Inflation stood at 49.4 per cent. The 12-day war with Israel in June sent the Tehran Stock Exchange down around 40 per cent and cost many people their jobs. The United Nations Security Council reimposed sanctions in September. The government cut fuel subsidies in November and slashed exchange-rate subsidies in December. Over 40 per cent of Iranian households now live below the poverty line and around half the population consume fewer than the recommended 2,100 calories per day.

It was this collapse that brought typically conservative bazaar merchants onto the streets. Within two weeks, the protests had spread to all of Iran’s 31 provinces, drawing in the urban middle class, working-class communities and people from rural provinces who had historically been among the regime’s most reliable supporters. What began as an economic stoppage rapidly became political defiance. For the millions who joined the striking merchants, the plummeting currency and rising cost of food were not market failures; they were proof of the regime’s corruption and ineptitude. Generation Z played a central role, demanding not reform but profound change. Lethal repression provided further confirmation the system was beyond reform.

The state’s response evolved. Initially it offered token economic concessions alongside its usual crowd control violence such as batons and teargas. When it became clear that a widespread movement with political demands had taken hold, it shifted to total attrition. On 8 January, authorities imposed a near-total internet shutdown and authorised security forces to use military-grade weapons against crowds. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) – a parallel military structure, major political force and economic empire with a direct stake in the regime’s survival – spearheaded the crackdown, with its affiliated Basij paramilitary networks playing a central role in street-level violence.

The casualty figures were deliberately obscured by the internet blackout, but all evidence points in the same direction. Hengaw Organisation for Human Rights reported that at least 3,000 civilians — including 44 children — were killed in the first 17 days. Iran Human Rights, citing Ministry of Health sources, documented a minimum of 3,379 deaths across 15 provinces. The US-based Human Rights Activists News Agency reported around 7,000 verified fatalities by mid-February, with 12,000 further cases under review. Time magazine cited hospital records suggesting the toll may have reached 30,000. Even the lowest of these figures vastly eclipses the 537 deaths recorded during the 2022-2023 Woman, Life, Freedom protests. Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s concession that ‘several thousand’ had been killed confirmed the order of magnitude.

By 16 January the streets had been cleared, but a quieter repressive campaign continued, with nighttime raids, enforced disappearances and mass detentions in unofficial holding sites outside the legal system, targeting not only protesters but also doctors who treated the wounded, lawyers who provided legal assistance, bystanders who helped and people who posted supportive statements online. Authorities have detained over 50,000 people. Revolutionary Courts have fast-tracked mass indictments through summary trials, often conducted online and lasting mere minutes, with defendants denied independent legal counsel and confessions extracted under torture. Eighteen-year-old Saleh Mohammadi, whose retracted confession was obtained after interrogators broke bones in his hand, has been sentenced to be publicly hanged at the site of his alleged crime. Dozens more face imminent execution.

The regime has, for now, held: its security forces have not fractured, there have been no significant elite defections, and the IRGC has maintained its capacity for suppression. But it rules over a country with a wrecked economy, a battered nuclear programme, weakened regional proxies and a population that has run out of reasons to comply. Each protest cycle has required a higher threshold of state violence to suppress, a sign the regime has no other tool left.

What prevents weakness from becoming collapse is the absence of any alternative. The international response briefly suggested external pressure might tell – but did not. Donald Trump told Iranian protesters that ‘help is on its way’. The European Union listed the IRGC as a terrorist organisation. The UK imposed fresh sanctions. The Iranian diaspora held at least 168 protests across 30 countries. But the international noise simply enabled the regime to spread the narrative that the uprising was foreign-directed.

The exiled opposition is fragmented along ethnic, ideological and generational lines, seemingly more consumed by internal rivalries than the task of converting widespread discontent into sustained political pressure. Inside Iran, the most credible opposition voices — Nobel laureate Narges Mohammadi, reformist politician Mostafa Tajzadeh and veteran leader Mir Hossein Mousavi — are imprisoned or cut off from public life.

A weakened regime facing a leaderless opposition can endure, but what it cannot do is reverse its decay. Violence may clear the streets, but it cannot rebuild the economy, restore trust or give Iran’s young people a reason to stay. The regime has bought time, at an ever-rising price, but the crisis it’s suppressed isn’t going away.

Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Head of Research and Analysis, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report. She is also a Professor of Comparative Politics at Universidad ORT Uruguay.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

 

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UN Secretary-General António Guterres speaks at the opening of the 61st session of the Human Rights Council at the Palais des Nations, in Geneva. Meanwhile, Volker Turk, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, addresses (below) at the opening of the High-level segment of the Human Rights Council. Credit: UN Photo/Violaine Martin

By Volker Turk
GENEVA, Feb 24 2026 (IPS)

A fierce competition for power, control and resources is playing out on the world stage at a rate and intensity unseen for the past 80 years.

People are feeling unmoored, anxious and insecure. The gears of global power are shifting; the consequences are not clear. Some are signalling the end of the world order as we know it.

But today, I want to talk about another world order. One that is organised from the ground up, and that is unshakeable. A foundational system of how people relate to each other, based on our inherent worth, our hopes, and our common values.

I am referring to people’s pursuit of dignity, equality, and justice. This quest is innate to what makes us human: to be free, to be heard, and to have our basic needs met.

And it is a strong counterbalance to the top-down, autocratic trends we see today. The use of force to resolve disputes between and within countries is becoming normalized.

Inflammatory threats against sovereign nations are thrown about, with no regard to the fire they could ignite. The laws of war are being brutally violated.

Mass civilian suffering – from Sudan, to Gaza, to Ukraine, to Myanmar – is unfolding before our eyes. In Sudan, there needs to be accountability for all violations by all parties – notably, the war crimes and possible crimes against humanity committed by the Rapid Support Forces in El Fasher. Such atrocities must not be repeated in Kordofan or elsewhere. All those with influence need to act urgently to put an end to this senseless war.

The situation in Gaza remains catastrophic. Palestinians are still dying from Israeli fire, cold, hunger, and treatable diseases. The aid allowed in is not enough to meet the massive needs. There are concerns over ethnic cleansing in both Gaza and the West Bank, where Israel is accelerating efforts to consolidate unlawful annexation. Any sustainable solution must be based on two states living side by side in equal dignity and rights, in line with UN resolutions and international law.

Tomorrow marks four years since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Four interminable and agonizing years. Civilian casualties have soared, and Russia’s systematic attacks on Ukraine’s energy and water infrastructure could amount to international crimes. The fighting needs to end, and I urge a focus on human rights and justice in any ceasefire or peace agreement.

In Myanmar, five years after the military coup, the awful conflict is claiming even more civilian lives, and the humanitarian situation continues to deteriorate. The recent elections staged by the military have only deepened people’s despair.

Across most violent conflicts today, journalists, health and aid workers are targeted, in blatant violation of international law. These actions must not be allowed to harden into the new normal.

States need to be persistent objectors to violations of the law – by pursuing accountability, and by clearly denouncing these egregious crimes with consistency, and without exception.

Meanwhile, violence and tensions are resurging in some countries, including South Sudan and Ethiopia. And authorities in Iran have violently repressed mass protests with lethal force, killing thousands.

I will provide more detail on these and other country situations in my global update later this week. Developments around the world point to a deeply worrying trend: domination and supremacy are making a comeback.

If we listen to the rhetoric of some leaders, what lurks behind it is a belief that they are above the law, and above the UN Charter. They claim exceptional status, exceptional danger or exceptional moral judgement to pursue their own agenda at any cost. And why wouldn’t they try, when they are unlikely to face consequences?

They build and sustain systems that perpetuate inequalities within and between countries. Some weaponise their economic leverage. They spread disinformation to distract, silence and marginalize.

A tight clique of tech tycoons controls an outsize proportion of global information flows, distorting public debate, markets, and even governance systems. Corporate and state interests ravage our environment, robbing the riches of the earth for their own gain.

But at the same time, people are not watching all this from the sidelines. They are activating their power, from the ground up. Women and young people especially are leading these movements.

They are claiming their right to basic living conditions, to fair pay, to bodily autonomy, to self-determination, to be heard, to vote freely, and many other rights. From Nepal to Madagascar, from Serbia to Peru and beyond, people are demanding equality and denouncing corruption.

Neighbours and communities are standing up for each other – sometimes even risking their lives. People are protesting war and injustice in places far from home, expressing solidarity and pressuring their governments to act.

They see human rights as a practical force for good – and they are right. Human rights are anathema to supremacy: they are a direct challenge to those who seek and cling to power. That is what makes human rights radical, and that is what gives them force.

They are universal, timeless, and indestructible.

Human rights didn’t magically appear with the Universal Declaration on 10 December 1948.
People have been seeking freedom and equality long before these principles were codified in national or international agreements.

In the late 1700s, enslaved people in modern-day Haiti rose up against colonial rule, in the name of racial equality. The American and French revolutions challenged unaccountable authority. The Abolitionist movement was a rejection of the Transatlantic slave trade – the most brutal system of subjugation.

In the early 1900s, women joined together to demand the right to vote. The fight for gender equality continues. After the bloodshed of two World Wars and the Holocaust, the UN Charter reasserted faith in fundamental human rights, and in the dignity and worth of the human person.

The 20th century then ushered in a period of decolonization, which reaffirmed the right to self-determination. People mobilized to end racial segregation, for labour rights, and to protect the rights of LGBT people.

Mothers marched together to seek justice for their disappeared children, from Argentina to Sri Lanka to Syria. And young people raised their voices for climate justice.

Human rights are the thread that runs through all these movements. And we do not take their achievements for granted. Tyranny will seize any chance and exploit any opening. We must keep standing up for human rights, in solidarity with each other.

When we come together, we wield more power than any autocrat or tech billionaire. The struggle for human rights can never be derailed by the whims of a handful of leaders with reactionary, supremacist agendas.

While some States are weakening the multilateral system, we need bolder and more joined-up responses.

First, this means calling out violations of international law, regardless of the perpetrators. Too often, denouncing violations by one party is labelled as siding with the enemy. In reality, it is upholding universality, and the pursuit of justice for all.

The alternative – selective, fragmented responses – weakens international law and hurts us all.
The entire human rights ecosystem is designed to promote universality and ensure consistency. This includes the tools mandated by this Council. I condemn all attacks against them.

Second, we need stronger commitment to accountability. This includes strengthening the International Criminal Court and encouraging national prosecutions under the principle of universal jurisdiction. We need to increase the cost of breaking international law.

Third, let’s forge coalitions to champion what unites us, and uphold equality, dignity, and justice for all. We must protect the diversity of the human family and demonstrate what we gain by standing together.

In the coming weeks, we will set in motion a Global Alliance for Human Rights to capture the energy and commitment that is palpable everywhere.

This will be a cross-regional, multi-stakeholder coalition of States, businesses, cities, philanthropists, scientists, artists, philosophers, young people and civil society.

It will confront top-down domination with grassroots solidarity and support. It will represent the quiet majority, who want a different world. Human rights are not political currency, and they are not up for grabs.

Our future depends on our joint commitment to defend every person’s rights, every time, everywhere.

https://news.un.org/en/story/2026/02/1167015

IPS UN Bureau

 

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L'entrepreneur technologique et analyste des dynamiques géopolitiques numériques Bembong Ngala Francis Gildes adresse une lettre ouverte à la Commission de l'Union Africaine. Le professionnel du numérique alerte sur l'extraction massive des données africaines via l'IA et les risques liés au CLOUD Act américain.