Agrégateur de flux

Kolozsvár után a Nagyszebeni Nemzetközi Repülőteren is alkalmaznak új típusú, korszerű csomagszkennelést, amely lehetővé tette, hogy eltöröljék a kézipoggyászban szállítható folyadékokra vonatkozó 100 milliliteres korlátozást. A korlátozást szeptember 5-én törölte el a repülőtér, idő kellett ugyanis, amíg az új szkennereket engedélyeztették. Az Európai Bizottság engedélyezte olyan berendezések használatát a repülőtereken, amelyek lehetővé teszik, hogy az […]

Articolul A nagyszebeni repülőtéren is eltörölték a folyadékokra vonatkozó korlátozást apare prima dată în Kolozsvári Rádió Románia.

Ma, a 24 évvel ezelőtti, 2001. szeptember 11-ei terrortámadásokra emlékezünk. Ekkor volt az al-Káida terrorszervezet összehangolt öngyilkos merényletsorozata az Egyesült Államok ellen. Azon a reggelen 19 al-Káida gépeltérítő szállt fel amerikai utasszállító repülőgépekre, hogy az Egyesült Államok fő jelképeinek számító épületekbe vezessék bele a gépeket. A New York-i Világkereskedelmi Központ ikertornyaiba egy-egy repülőgép csapódott be, […]

Articolul 24 évvel ezelőtt követték el a WTC elleni terrortámadásokat apare prima dată în Kolozsvári Rádió Románia.

Bánffy Napot szervez szeptember 21-én a bonchidai kastélyban a Transylvania Trust Alapítvány. Szeptember 21-én 11 és 17 óra között a Bánffy Nap programjainak középpontjában a kastély és a család egykori és jelenlegi sorsa áll. Ezzel összhangban egy beszélgetést tartanak, amely az épületegyüttes jelenlegi felújítási folyamatait ismerteti, valamint bemutatják új, állandó kiállításukat gróf Bánffy Katalinról, Bonchida […]

Articolul Idén is lesz Bánffy Nap a bonchidai kastélyban apare prima dată în Kolozsvári Rádió Románia.

Az Amerikai Egyesült Államokban tegnap lelőtték Charlie Kirk véleményvezért, az Államok egyik legismertebb konzervatív aktivistáját. Donald Trump támogatója ellen a Utahi Egyetem rendezvényén követtek el merényletet. Charlie Kirk a kórházba szállítása után nem sokkal meghalt. A gyászhírt az amerikai elnök tette közzé. Charlie Kirk 31 éves volt. Az eddigi információk szerint mesterlövész követte el a […]

Articolul Merényletben megölték Charlie Kirk amerikai influenszert apare prima dată în Kolozsvári Rádió Románia.

The State of Qatar delivered a message, September 10, to UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres and to Sangjin Kim, the Charge d'Affaires at the Permanent Mission of the Republic of Korea and President of the Security Council for September, “regarding the cowardly Israeli attack that targeted residential buildings housing several members of the Hamas Political Bureau” in the capital, Doha. The message was delivered by the Permanent Representative of the State of Qatar to the United Nations Sheikha Alya Ahmed bin Saif Al-Thani. The State of Qatar requested that the message be circulated to members of the Security Council and issued as an official document of the Council.

By Alon Ben-Meir
NEW YORK, Sep 11 2025 (IPS)

Israel’s brazen attack on Hamas’ negotiating team in Qatar while they were deliberating a new ceasefire with Israel raises serious questions not only about the legality of the attack, which violated international laws and norms, and concerns over Qatar’s sovereignty, but also the potential regional and international fallout.

The fact that Israel notified the Trump administration of its impending attack and was given the green light to proceed adds another troubling dimension for all those who will be affected, especially the Gulf states.

Israel’s attack was calculated to achieve several objectives. First, Prime Minister Netanyahu did not want a new ceasefire at a time when the Israeli military is engaged in a major incursion into Gaza City to eliminate the remaining Hamas leaders and fighters.

Second, the gathering of Hamas’ top leaders in one place provided him with an opportunity to eliminate many of them, which he did not want to miss.

Third, he wanted to send a clear message to other Arab states that he would not hesitate to undertake bold action against what he considers an existential enemy, regardless of where they reside and how that might affect their relationship with the Arab countries involved.

Fourth, he wanted to project Israel as the dominant power in the Middle East, if not the hegemon, especially at this juncture when Israel is enjoying nearly unconditional support of the Trump administration.

Fifth, Netanyahu wanted to prevent the collapse of his government by complying with the demands of two of his extremist ministers who threatened to resign if he were to stop the war before the elimination of Hamas “from the face of the earth,” however lofty and unattainable a goal that might be. The attack in Doha was too tempting to pass up.

It is rather hypocritical of Netanyahu to attack Hamas on Qatari soil, when in fact Qatar’s years-long aid payments to the Gaza Strip through Hamas, meant to pay public salaries and prevent a humanitarian crisis, was approved by Netanyahu himself and sent through Israeli territory in cash-filled suitcases—all in an effort to create a wider divide with the Palestinian Authority and prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state.

UN Secretary-General António Guterres condemned the attack and noted that Qatar has played a constructive role in efforts to secure a Gaza ceasefire and the release of hostages held by Hamas.

France’s President Macron said, “Today’s Israeli strikes on Qatar are unacceptable, whatever the reason. I express my solidarity with Qatar and its Emir, Sheikh Tamim Al Thani. Under no circumstances should the war spread throughout the region.”

The adverse implications of Israel’s attack will reaffirm the prevailing international view of Israel as a rogue state that blatantly ignores international norms of conduct and believes it can do so with complete impunity. Still, there will be a time when Israel will have to account for its mischiefs.

The attack further strained the relationship between Israel and Egypt, in particular, because it has been and continues to be involved in the ceasefire negotiations.

Moreover, the attack has certainly further damaged the chance of normalizing relations with other Gulf Arab states, even though both Netanyahu and Trump wanted to expand the Abraham Accords.

The Gulf states are now concerned about the US’ commitment to their security, given that the Trump administration allowed a close ally—Israel—to attack another ally, especially as Qatar hosts the largest US military base in the region.

According to Al Jazeera, Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman al-Thani condemned Tuesday’s strike on Doha, calling it “state terrorism” allegedly authorized by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. He said the attack demanded a firm regional response and warned that Qatar would defend its territory, reserving the right to retaliate and take all necessary measures.

To be sure, the pitfall of all of these developments transcends the Israel-Hamas war and the prospect of a new ceasefire. Israel’s habitual assassinations of its enemies, irrespective of their country of residence, raises a serious question as to how far Israel, with the support of the Trump administration, will go in violating international norms of conduct and laws with presumed impunity.

Indeed, beyond the green light that Trump gave Netanyahu to attack Hamas leaders in Doha, his unrelenting support of Netanyahu’s genocidal war in Gaza is deeply troubling for many countries around the world. They now see the US, which has been leading and preserving the world order in the wake of World War II, as a country that lost its way and poses an extraordinary danger to global stability.

Without the US’ consent, Netanyahu would not have dared to attack any of Israel’s enemies across the region, be they Lebanon, Iran, Yemen, Syria, and now Qatar. They see the US as the culprit and are extremely concerned about what might come next.

None of this augurs well for either Israel or the United States because sooner or later, these actions will sow consequences that neither nation can ignore and will come back to haunt them in a very real way.

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is a retired professor of international relations, most recently at the Center for Global Affairs at New York University (NYU). He taught courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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A Szlovák Hidrometeorológiai Intézet (SHMÚ) előrejelzése szerint felhős/borús időjárás várható csütörtökön (9. 11.). Sok helyen alakulhatnak ki esők vagy záporok. Elvétve kiadós csapadék is eshet. Napközben nyugaton fokozatosan felszakadozik a felhőzet, s csak elszórtan valószínű csapadék.

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Moscow’s centuries-long ambition to dominate the South Caucasus is collapsing. Armenia’s defiance, Azerbaijan’s sharp responses, and the West’s growing involvement have shattered the Kremlin’s “backyard” myth. The region no longer bows to imperial dictates — a new era is unfolding.   Russia’s influence in the South Caucasus is rapidly shrinking. Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s open rejection of Moscow’s “divide and rule” policies became a symbolic turning point. Once considered a loyal ally, Yerevan now openly questions the value of its ties with the Kremlin.   Baku and Tbilisi, for their part, had long voiced frustration with Moscow’s imperialist posture. Russia’s tactic of exploiting ethnic divisions to maintain dominance has lost its previous force. Georgia’s experience with Abkhazia and South Ossetia proves that separatism as an instrument of control is unsustainable.   At the funeral of an Azerbaijani soldier who died in the war in Ukraine, the presence of his Armenian comrade and his words to the grieving mother — “From now on, you are also my mother” — struck a deep emotional chord across the region. This humane gesture stood in stark contrast to the hostility cultivated by Moscow and resonated as a powerful call for peace and reconciliation.    In late 2024, a civilian Azerbaijani plane was shot down by a Russian Pantsir-S1 missile, killing 38 people. The incident marked a watershed moment in Baku-Moscow relations, with President Aliyev openly threatening international legal action against Russia.    The arrest of Russian citizens, including Sputnik staff, in Azerbaijan further eroded the Kremlin’s image. These developments exposed Moscow’s declining status as an “untouchable” power in the region.   The Washington summit created a framework for Armenian-Azerbaijani understanding and effectively sidelined Russia’s role as mediator. The United States’ assertive diplomacy has accelerated the emergence of a new political order in the South Caucasus, underscoring the collapse of Moscow’s last bastions of influence.   Analysts highlight that a generation has grown up in the South Caucasus independent of Russia. The Russian language and cultural presence are steadily declining in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia. Instead, ties with the West, Turkey, and regional initiatives are taking precedence.   Moscow is losing its grip on a region it long considered its unquestioned “backyard.” — Armenia is openly resisting. — Azerbaijan is holding the Kremlin accountable through legal and political measures. — Georgia is pursuing its sovereign course. — The United States and other Western actors are shaping a new geopolitical reality.   The South Caucasus is no longer Russia’s domain. A new chapter is being written — one that rises from the ashes of imperial illusions, toward independence and freedom.

At a time of heightened geopolitical tension in the South Caucasus, Iran’s President Masoud Pezeshkian selected Armenia as his first destination. The visit aimed to preserve regional balance, strengthen economic and transport ties, and respond to Western-backed initiatives threatening to sideline Tehran near its northern frontier.   Iran and Armenia share a border and centuries of intertwined history. During his trip, President Pezeshkian referred to Armenia as a “friend and neighbor,” emphasizing that the goal was not only to sign new agreements but also to accelerate the implementation of earlier commitments in economic, cultural, and social fields.   Tehran’s concerns were sharpened by the U.S.-brokered “Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity” (TRIPP), which proposes linking mainland Azerbaijan to its Nakhchivan exclave via Armenian territory. Iranian officials viewed this as a plan that could diminish Iran’s regional leverage. Pezeshkian’s visit sent a clear signal that Iran rejects projects undermining its influence in the South Caucasus.   The visit carried a strong economic agenda. Both governments prioritized energy partnerships, trade expansion, and infrastructure development. Multiple agreements were signed covering pipelines, electricity grids, and new transport corridors. The two sides set ambitious trade goals: reaching $1 billion annually in the near term, with plans to expand to $3 billion in the next phase.   The United States has become increasingly active in regional mediation between Armenia and Azerbaijan. By traveling to Yerevan, Pezeshkian reaffirmed Tehran’s intent to remain a key stakeholder. Consistent with Iran’s long-standing policy, his administration reiterated support for Armenia’s territorial integrity and voiced opposition to projects such as the controversial Zangezur corridor.   Beyond hard politics, the visit also highlighted cultural and humanitarian ties. From historic Persian architecture in Armenia to the Iranian cultural center in Yerevan, symbols of shared heritage remain important pillars of bilateral relations. Pezeshkian stressed that cooperation is not limited to state contracts but is grounded in mutual understanding and centuries of friendship.   By choosing Armenia at this critical juncture, Iran’s president sought to: — defend Tehran’s influence in a rapidly shifting regional landscape, — resist Western-backed projects near its border, and — deepen economic, cultural, and political ties with a trusted neighbor.   The move was both pragmatic and symbolic — a reminder that Armenia remains a vital corridor for Iran’s ambitions in the South Caucasus.