Union européenne

Approuvé par l'UE, cet accord doit encore être ratifié par les parlements nationaux avant d'entrer en vigueur

The post Mode de vote assoupli pour les députées européennes enceintes : Metsola salue une « fissure dans le plafond de verre » appeared first on Euractiv FR.

La Commission présentera désormais les mesures relatives aux infrastructures numériques, dont le projet CAIDA, à la fin du mois de mai, selon l'agenda du collège

The post Le paquet phare sur la souveraineté technologique de l’UE une nouvelle fois reporté appeared first on Euractiv FR.

En Ukraine, le président Volodymyr Zelensky affirme que Kiev a repoussé une nouvelle offensive russe d'ampleur ce mois-ci alors qu'il entame une nouvelle tournée auprès de ses alliés et fera étape à Londres. Le président ukrainien met en avant des succès de Kiev sur la ligne de front. Que sait-on précisément de l'état actuel des combats ?

The chair of Parliament's Committee on Fisheries wants to trigger the EU’s crisis and transition temporary framework due to the impact of the conflict in the Middle East.
Committee on Fisheries

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

The chair of Parliament's Committee on Fisheries wants to trigger the EU’s crisis and transition temporary framework due to the impact of the conflict in the Middle East.
Committee on Fisheries

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

L'essor de l'IA autonome soulève des questions quant à savoir si la réglementation européenne est déjà dépassée

The post Les agents IA, prochain obstacle pour la législation européenne ? appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Les ministres des Affaires étrangères européens ignorent l'appel de Trump en faveur d'un soutien militaire dans le détroit d'Ormuz

The post « Personne » ne souhaite s’engager dans une guerre américano-israélienne contre l’Iran, déclare Kaja Kallas appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Une polémique éclate au sujet d'une coordination présumée de l'extrême droite lors du vote sur l'immigration

The post Merz affirme que Weber « porte la responsabilité » d’un vote d’extrême droite au Parlement européen appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Le modèle publicitaire controversé « payer ou consentir », accusé de continuer à enfreindre la législation, notamment le règlement sur les marchés numériques

The post Le modèle publicitaire de Meta enfreint toujours la réglementation européenne, selon des associations de consommateurs appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Le président de la Commission européenne demande aux dirigeants de l'UE d'envisager une « trajectoire de décarbonisation plus réaliste »

The post Von der Leyen suggère d’alléger la facture CO₂ des industriels pollueurs appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Pasquale Tridico déclare à Euractiv que l'Europe doit cesser de faire « tout ce que veulent les Américains »

The post INTERVIEW : Bruxelles devrait tenir tête aux États-Unis quant à la taxe sur les services numériques, estime un haut législateur européen appeared first on Euractiv FR.

En novembre, il a obtenu de Madrid une nouvelle aide militaire d'un montant de 615 millions d'euros

The post Zelenskyy se rendra en Espagne pour s’entretenir avec Sánchez appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Également dans l'édition de mardi : Merz contre Weber, le podcast de Sánchez, Kubilius, un préservatif géant

The post Naviguer dans le détroit de Budapest appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Earth observation satellite operator Planet Labs on 10 March said it would start imposing a 14-day delay on the release of images from the Middle East. Officially, the US company said the decision was the result of "consultation with experts [...]

As the Director of National Intelligence (DNI) Tulsi Gabbard kicks off her series of annual congressional hearings on 17 March [...]

A chief of staff at the French foreign ministry, who was dismissed in October last year after only two weeks [...]

Fighters from the private military firm Asociatia RALF have been on the lookout for new opportunities since the arrest and [...]

The "Xi Jinping" method for channelling and professionalising exchanges between the government and the research community (IO, 09/05/24) is working [...]

The sudden ousting last month of Kamchybek Tashiev, who had [...]

Viktor Orbán’s February 14, 2026 speech at Budapest’s Várkert Bazár, delivered eight weeks before Hungary’s April 12 parliamentary elections, marked a decisive rhetorical shift: the European Union, not Russia, was presented as Hungary’s primary strategic threat. While many observers framed the speech as campaign populism, a structural reading tells a more complex story.   This analysis draws on the 2024–2025 Hungarian Sovereignty Index developed by the International Burke Institute and referenced in related analytical discussions by Dor Moriah experts. The purpose is not normative judgment, but structural comparison: to what extent does Orbán’s rhetoric correspond to Hungary’s measurable sovereignty configuration?   According to the Burke Institute’s latest assessment cycle, Hungary scores 454.4 out of 700 possible points — 64.9% overall sovereignty — placing it within the global top 100. Yet this aggregate hides a striking asymmetry across the seven sovereignty dimensions.   Hungary’s strongest dimension is Cultural Sovereignty (81.9/100), followed by Cognitive Sovereignty (69.2/100) and Political Sovereignty (66.9/100). Its weakest dimensions are Technological Sovereignty (52.6/100) and Military Sovereignty (52.0/100), with Economic Sovereignty positioned in a vulnerable mid-range (64.5/100). The gap between the strongest and weakest dimensions approaches 30 percentage points — a structural imbalance rather than uniform autonomy.   This asymmetry is key to understanding Orbán’s narrative.   In his speech, Orbán declared: “Those who love freedom should fear Brussels, not the East.” He compared the European Union to the Soviet regime that once dominated Hungary. Within the Burke framework, this rhetorical repositioning aligns with Hungary’s economic vulnerability. Since 2022, billions of euros in EU structural funds have been frozen over rule-of-law disputes. Hungary’s Economic Sovereignty score of 64.5 reflects resilience, but also exposure to conditional financial leverage.   From a sovereignty perspective, conditional fund freezing functions as an economic pressure mechanism. Orbán reframes this structural dependency not as accountability enforcement, but as external coercion. Whether one accepts that framing or not, the measurable vulnerability exists.   The most controversial element of Orbán’s speech concerns civil society organizations and independent media. He promised a post-election “cleanup” of what he described as “pseudo-NGOs” and “bought journalists,” accusing them of serving Brussels’ interests. Within the Burke hybrid vulnerability model, foreign-funded political influence infrastructure is treated as a potential pressure vector against Political Sovereignty (66.9/100).   Hungary’s political sovereignty score places it in a gray zone: stable governance and institutional continuity coexist with EU oversight mechanisms and external conditionality. In such a configuration, the distinction between legitimate civil oversight and external political leverage becomes analytically difficult to disentangle.   Orbán extends this logic to the opposition Tisza party, which polling data places 8–12 percentage points ahead of Fidesz. He characterizes it as an EU-aligned political project. From a cognitive sovereignty standpoint — Hungary scores 69.2 in this dimension — Orbán asserts the right to redefine the threat narrative. Cognitive Sovereignty measures a state’s capacity to independently shape its strategic worldview. His rhetoric attempts to reclaim that interpretative autonomy.   Importantly, Hungary’s strongest sovereignty domain — Cultural Sovereignty (81.9/100) — forms the backbone of this strategy. With 99.6% Hungarian language usage, extensive cultural infrastructure, and constitutionally embedded identity protections, Hungary maintains unusually high identity cohesion by European standards. Orbán’s emphasis on civilizational defense mobilizes from strength, not weakness.   Notably absent from his speech are Hungary’s structural material vulnerabilities. Technological Sovereignty remains at 52.6/100, reflecting heavy import dependency and limited strategic autonomy in critical supply chains. Military Sovereignty stands at 52.0/100, indicating deep NATO integration and constrained independent defense capacity. These weaker domains are not rhetorically emphasized — likely because they cannot be reversed quickly.   Instead, Orbán’s strategy appears to follow a “cascade prevention logic.” If Political Sovereignty (66.9) erodes, EU-imposed reforms could affect cultural and educational autonomy, which in turn would weaken Cognitive Sovereignty. Once identity-based resilience declines, vulnerability to informational and political pressure increases — regardless of unchanged technological or military dependency. In this reading, protecting political autonomy becomes a precondition for preserving stronger identity dimensions.   The paradox lies in Hungary’s electoral dynamics. Orbán maintains approval ratings above 57%, yet faces polling deficits. EU funds remain frozen during an election year. Economic growth in 2025 was only 0.3%. These facts can support two competing interpretations.   The liberal-democratic view argues that EU conditionality defends rule-of-law norms and that opposition momentum reflects genuine democratic dissatisfaction. The sovereignty-defense view argues that economic leverage during an electoral cycle structurally advantages EU-aligned political actors.   The Burke framework cannot adjudicate between these interpretations. It measures structural vulnerabilities, not intentions. Hungary’s 64.9% sovereignty score places it in contested space — neither fully autonomous nor fully dependent. In such a configuration, both democratic accountability pressures and external leverage mechanisms can operate simultaneously.   The broader implication is methodological. Sovereignty and democracy may function in tension rather than harmony in mid-level states with asymmetrical sovereignty profiles. Hungary demonstrates that high cultural and cognitive cohesion can compensate for technological and military weakness — but only if political autonomy remains intact.   Whether Orbán’s rhetoric reflects legitimate sovereignty defense or political overreach remains debated. What is empirically demonstrable, however, is that his threat framing corresponds closely to Hungary’s measurable sovereignty asymmetry as assessed by the International Burke Institute and discussed in related analytical reflections by Dor Moriah experts.   In an era where many medium powers operate between dependency and autonomy, Hungary’s case illustrates a structural dilemma: civil society can simultaneously function as democratic oversight and as a perceived vector of external leverage. The ambiguity is not rhetorical — it is embedded in the numbers.   At 454.4 out of 700, Hungary stands in the middle ground of contemporary sovereignty politics. And in that middle ground, narratives of democracy promotion and sovereignty protection increasingly collide — each claiming legitimacy, neither fully disprovable through metrics alone.