Agrégateur de flux

L'Afrique veut transformer davantage de ses minerais sur son sol, plutôt que de les exporter à l'état brut. À Abidjan, décideurs et industriels réfléchissent au développement de chaînes de valeur locales pour capter une plus grande part des richesses générées par ces ressources..

A conceptual illustration of the Global Nobel Laureates Assembly at Castel Gandolfo, where Nobel laureates, AI experts, religious leaders and civil society representatives will confront the intertwined risks of artificial intelligence, nuclear weapons and war while seeking a new architecture for peace. Credit: INPS Japan

By Katsuhiro Asagiri
VATICAN CITY, Jul 13 2026 (IPS)

More than eight decades after the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki ushered humanity into the nuclear age, the world is confronting another technological revolution whose consequences extend far beyond science and industry.

Global Nobel Laureates Assembly on AI and Nuclear War

Nuclear weapons still possess the capacity to destroy civilization within hours. At the same time, artificial intelligence is transforming military planning, intelligence gathering, cyber operations and strategic decision-making in ways that the institutions established after World War II were never designed to govern.

Against this backdrop, more than 200 participants — including around 30 Nobel laureates and representatives of Nobel Prize-winning organizations, former heads of state and government, leading artificial intelligence researchers, scientists, Catholic figures and civil society representatives — are set to gather from July 14 to 16 at Borgo Laudato Si’ in the Pontifical Gardens of Castel Gandolfo.

The Global Nobel Laureates Assembly on Artificial Intelligence and Nuclear War will bring together some of the world’s most prominent voices in science, technology, peacebuilding and ethics to consider one of the defining questions of the twenty-first century:

Can artificial intelligence become a force for peace, or will it deepen the dangers of war in an already unstable nuclear age?

The three-day gathering will conclude in Rome on July 16 with the presentation of the Rome Declaration for an Unarmed and Disarming Peace, intended to set out principles and recommendations for addressing artificial intelligence, nuclear weapons, autonomous weapons, digital governance and emerging models of technological development.

Source: Progressive Hub

A World at a Strategic Crossroads

The timing of the Assembly is no coincidence.

The international security environment has become increasingly fragile. Russia’s war in Ukraine has shaken Europe’s post-Cold War security order. Conflicts in the Middle East have heightened fears of wider regional escalation. Relations among the major powers have deteriorated, while nuclear rhetoric has returned to international politics with an intensity not seen for decades.

At the same time, all nine nuclear-armed states are modernizing or expanding their arsenals. Many of the arms-control arrangements that once helped manage strategic rivalry have weakened, expired or become politically paralyzed. Channels of communication among adversaries have narrowed, increasing the danger of misunderstanding and miscalculation.

Artificial intelligence is entering this volatile environment at extraordinary speed.

AI systems can already process vast quantities of intelligence, identify patterns, assist military planning, strengthen cyber capabilities and accelerate decisions that once required hours or days of human deliberation. They may eventually provide new tools for crisis prevention, verification and early warning.

But those same capabilities could also make crises more dangerous.

Artificial intelligence may shorten the time available to political and military leaders during emergencies. It may generate unreliable or misleading assessments, magnify disinformation, increase the vulnerability of command systems to cyberattacks and encourage states to delegate more authority to automated technologies.

A conceptual illustration of world leaders confronting the growing influence of artificial intelligence on military power and nuclear decision-making, as technological advances threaten to outpace political judgment and international governance. Credit: INPS Japan

The central concern is not necessarily that a machine will independently decide to launch a nuclear weapon. The more immediate danger is that AI-generated information, predictions or recommendations could influence human decision-makers during moments of extreme pressure, when information is incomplete and the consequences of error are irreversible.

Humanity is therefore confronting a challenge unlike any it has faced before.

The question is no longer simply how nuclear weapons should be controlled. It is also how the relationship between artificial intelligence, military power and nuclear decision-making should be governed before technological developments outpace political judgment.

Pope Leo XIV, photographed in October 2025 during an audience with President of Brazil Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in the Vatican Credit: Wikimedia Commons

Why the Vatican?

The choice of the Vatican as host is deeply symbolic.

The Holy See commands no nuclear arsenal and exercises little conventional military power. Yet it maintains diplomatic relations with most of the world’s states and has long sought to place human dignity, moral responsibility and the protection of civilians at the center of debates about war and peace.

The Assembly is being held at Borgo Laudato Si’, an educational and ecological center established in the gardens of the papal residence at Castel Gandolfo. According to the organizers, the meeting is inspired by Pope Leo XIV’s encyclical Magnifica humanitas, devoted to the protection of the human person in the age of artificial intelligence.

Its guiding vision — an “Unarmed and Disarming Peace” — suggests a concept of peace that goes beyond the absence of war.

An unarmed peace rejects the assumption that security can be permanently sustained through ever-greater military force. A disarming peace seeks not only the reduction of weapons but also the transformation of the political fears, rivalries and economic structures that perpetuate militarization.

This approach broadens the discussion beyond questions of technological safety.

It asks what kind of society humanity wishes to build as increasingly powerful systems reshape politics, economics, communication and warfare. It also raises a deeper ethical question: whether innovation will remain subordinate to human dignity, or whether human beings will gradually be subordinated to the technologies they create.

Beyond Governments

Perhaps the Assembly’s most significant feature is its recognition that governments alone can no longer govern all the technologies shaping the future.

During the Cold War, nuclear diplomacy belonged primarily to states. Agreements such as the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty were negotiated among governments because states controlled nuclear arsenals, delivery systems and the materials needed to build them.

Artificial intelligence presents a fundamentally different reality.

Many of the world’s most advanced AI systems are being developed by private companies, universities and research laboratories. Technology firms possess computing resources, data and specialized expertise that rival or exceed the capacities of many governments. Decisions made inside corporate research divisions can have global political, social and security consequences.

Effective governance will therefore require more than traditional diplomacy.

It will require sustained cooperation among states, technology companies, scientists, universities, international institutions, religious communities and civil society.

That is precisely why the Assembly will bring together Nobel laureates, AI companies, leading universities and research institutions, nuclear disarmament organizations, Catholic figures centered around the Vatican, and civil society organizations, including Soka Gakkai, a Buddhist-based movement engaged in peacebuilding, dialogue and nuclear abolition.

Global Nobel Laureates Assembly on Artificial Intelligence and Nuclear War

Participants and supporting institutions include representatives associated with OpenAI, Google DeepMind, Anthropic and AARU, as well as the Nobel Women’s Initiative, International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War, the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs, the Yunus Center and the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.

Universities and research institutions from Europe, Asia, North America and Australia are also expected to take part.

The significance of this gathering lies not simply in the prominence of those attending, but in the diversity of the communities represented.

Instead of relying exclusively on governments, the Assembly reflects an emerging model of global governance in which science, technology, ethics, religion and civil society seek common ground in addressing shared existential risks.

From Warheads to Algorithms

For much of the nuclear age, arms-control negotiations focused on physical objects: warheads, missiles, bombers, submarines, nuclear materials and testing facilities.

The AI age introduces a different set of challenges.

Algorithms are less visible than missiles. Software can be modified rapidly. Data can cross national borders almost instantaneously. Commercial systems developed for peaceful purposes can also have military applications. Verification, accountability and transparency become far more difficult when the relevant technologies are embedded in code, networks and privately controlled computing infrastructure.

This means that future arms-control and security frameworks may need to govern not only weapons but also the digital systems that inform, guide or accelerate their use.

Questions that once appeared theoretical are becoming increasingly urgent.

Should artificial intelligence ever be integrated into nuclear command-and-control systems? What level of human oversight must be maintained over autonomous weapons? How should states respond when AI systems produce conflicting warnings during a crisis? Can private technology companies be held accountable when their products are adapted for military purposes? And what international institutions are capable of establishing credible safeguards?

The Assembly cannot resolve all these questions in three days.

But by placing nuclear experts, Nobel laureates, AI developers, scholars, religious figures and peace advocates in the same forum, it may help establish a common vocabulary for debates that have until now often taken place in isolation from one another.

The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, signed 20 September 2017 by 50 United Nations member states. Credit: UN Photo / Paulo Filgueiras

A New Chapter in Global Governance?

History suggests that humanity has repeatedly responded to existential threats by creating new ideas, institutions and norms.

The Russell-Einstein Manifesto of 1955 warned that nuclear weapons had placed the survival of the human species in jeopardy. The first Pugwash Conference in 1957 opened channels of communication among scientists divided by the Cold War. The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty later became the central framework of the international nuclear order.

The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, adopted in 2017, further strengthened the humanitarian and moral challenge to nuclear deterrence by declaring nuclear weapons incompatible with international humanitarian principles.

Whether the Global Nobel Laureates Assembly will eventually be regarded as part of that historical lineage remains uncertain.

Declarations issued at international conferences rarely transform policy overnight. They may lack legal force, enforcement mechanisms or immediate political support. Their language can be aspirational, and their influence may not become visible for years.

Yet declarations can also change the terms of international debate.

The Russell-Einstein Manifesto did not eliminate nuclear weapons, but it helped inspire a movement. The first Pugwash meeting did not end the Cold War, but it established relationships that later contributed to arms-control diplomacy. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights was not initially binding, yet it became a foundational reference for international law and political legitimacy.

The importance of the Rome Declaration may therefore depend less on whether it produces immediate agreements than on whether it begins a sustained process involving governments, technology companies, universities, international organizations and civil society.

The larger question is whether it can help create norms before dangerous practices become entrenched.

Looking Toward the Rome Declaration

Palazzo Senatorio　Credit: Di Tournasol7 – Opera propria, CC BY-SA 4.0

The Assembly will culminate on July 16 with a formal session at the Capitoline Hill in Rome, where the Rome Declaration for an Unarmed and Disarming Peace is expected to be presented.

The document is intended to address the age of artificial intelligence, nuclear and autonomous weapons, new digital protocols and emerging models of digital development. According to the organizers, it will seek to promote international security based on cooperation, human dignity, integral development and peace among peoples.

The critical test will be whether the Declaration moves beyond broad ethical appeals.

Will it call for meaningful human control over nuclear and autonomous weapons systems? Will it propose restrictions on the role of AI in nuclear decision-making? Will it outline responsibilities for private AI companies? Will it recommend new international monitoring, dialogue or verification mechanisms? And will it establish a continuing process capable of translating principles into policy?

The answers will determine whether the meeting remains primarily symbolic or becomes the starting point of a broader “Rome Process” on artificial intelligence, nuclear risk and human security.

More than eight decades after Hiroshima and Nagasaki, humanity once again faces technologies capable of reshaping the future of civilization.

Nuclear weapons remain the most immediate means by which human beings could destroy their own societies. Artificial intelligence, meanwhile, is beginning to influence the speed, complexity and character of the decisions that could determine whether those weapons are ever used.

The defining challenge is therefore no longer simply whether humanity can control nuclear arms.

It is whether humanity can build institutions capable of ensuring that artificial intelligence strengthens human judgment rather than displacing it, reduces the danger of catastrophic error rather than magnifying it, and serves peace rather than war.

The answer will not emerge from three days of deliberation at Castel Gandolfo.

But the conversation beginning there may help shape international debates over technology, security and human responsibility for years to come.

Credit: UN photo

INPS Japan will report from Castel Gandolfo and Rome during the Assembly and will publish follow-up analysis after the Rome Declaration is presented on July 16. This article is brought to you by INPS Japan in collaboration with Soka Gakkai International in consultative status with UN ECOSOC.

 

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Alors que Bamako annonçait un renforcement de son dispositif sécuritaire, un convoi des Forces armées maliennes est tombé dans une embuscade dans le centre du pays. Une nouvelle attaque qui illustre la capacité des groupes armés à frapper les axes logistiques stratégiques et à maintenir une forte pression sur les FAMa.

Une nouvelle attaque contre un convoi militaire

La violence ne faiblit pas au Mali. Dimanche 12 juillet, un convoi des Forces armées maliennes (FAMa) a été attaqué dans le centre du pays alors qu'il assurait une mission de ravitaillement entre plusieurs camps militaires. Selon plusieurs sources sécuritaires, l'embuscade s'est produite sur l'axe reliant Niono à Nampala, une zone régulièrement ciblée par les groupes armés. Des échanges de tirs nourris ont opposé les militaires aux assaillants. Plusieurs véhicules auraient été incendiés, des équipements militaires saisis et des soldats tués ou blessés. Les autorités maliennes n'ont toutefois pas publié de bilan officiel au moment de la rédaction de cet article. Cette attaque intervient après le passage de deux convois logistiques destinés à ravitailler différentes positions militaires dans le centre du pays, illustrant les difficultés persistantes des FAMa à sécuriser les axes routiers stratégiques.

Le GSIM poursuit sa stratégie d'usure

L'embuscade est attribuée au Groupe de soutien à l'islam et aux musulmans (GSIM), organisation affiliée à Al-Qaida et considérée comme l'un des principaux acteurs de l'insurrection au Sahel.Depuis plusieurs mois, le mouvement multiplie les attaques coordonnées contre les convois militaires, les camps et les infrastructures de transport. Cette tactique vise moins à conquérir durablement des territoires qu'à affaiblir progressivement les capacités logistiques de l'armée, perturber les ravitaillements et maintenir une pression constante sur les forces gouvernementales. En ciblant les convois, les groupes armés cherchent également à récupérer des armes, des munitions et des véhicules, ressources essentielles pour poursuivre leurs opérations.

Une menace qui s'étend du nord au centre du pays

Cette nouvelle embuscade s'inscrit dans une séquence sécuritaire particulièrement tendue. Début juillet, plusieurs positions militaires ont été visées simultanément dans le nord et le centre du Mali. La localité d'Anéfis, verrou stratégique situé sur l'axe reliant Gao à Kidal, a notamment été la cible d'une attaque, tout comme plusieurs positions à Gao et à Sévaré. La prison de Kéniéroba, à une soixantaine de kilomètres de Bamako, a également été prise pour cible.

La simultanéité de ces offensives illustre une stratégie visant à disperser les capacités de réaction des Forces armées maliennes (FAMa) en ouvrant plusieurs fronts à la fois. Si l'armée affirme avoir repris le contrôle de la situation sur différents secteurs, la multiplication de ces attaques témoigne de la capacité des groupes armés à coordonner leurs opérations et à maintenir une forte pression sur le dispositif sécuritaire malien.

Un défi sécuritaire loin d'être résolu

Le retrait des forces françaises puis de la Mission multidimensionnelle intégrée des Nations unies pour la stabilisation au Mali (MINUSMA) a profondément rebattu les cartes de la lutte contre les groupes armés. Désormais, Bamako s'appuie sur les Forces armées maliennes (FAMa), soutenues par les instructeurs et combattants de l'Africa Corps, qui a succédé au groupe Wagner. Malgré ce changement de doctrine et les opérations menées ces derniers mois, les attaques récentes montrent que les groupes jihadistes conservent une importante capacité d'initiative. Mobiles et flexibles, ils adaptent leurs modes opératoires, privilégient les embuscades contre les convois logistiques et ciblent les axes de ravitaillement, essentiels au déploiement des forces gouvernementales. Cette stratégie d'usure met en évidence les difficultés persistantes des autorités à sécuriser durablement les principales voies de communication. Au-delà des victoires tactiques revendiquées par l'armée, la liberté de mouvement des groupes armés continue de poser un défi majeur à l'État malien sur plusieurs fronts.

Le Tribunal de commerce de Cotonou a condamné, le 25 juin 2026, PROXIMITY GROUP AFRICA SA à payer 23.399.298 FCFA à STRALIX SARL.

L'émission d'un ordre de virement bancaire ne suffit pas, à elle seule, à éteindre une dette. Encore faut-il que les fonds parviennent effectivement au bénéficiaire. C'est le principe qu'a rappelé le Tribunal de commerce de Cotonou dans son jugement n°057/2026/CJ1/S2/TCC du 25 juin 2026, rendu dans un litige opposant STRALIX SARL à PROXIMITY GROUP AFRICA SA.

L'affaire trouve son origine dans l'exécution de prestations réalisées par STRALIX pour la succursale guinéenne de PROXIMITY GROUP AFRICA dans le cadre d'un marché conclu avec ECOBANK Guinée. Une facture n°0117-AG-SC-ST-25, émise le 8 décembre 2025, d'un montant de 36.672 euros, soit 23.399.298 FCFA, demeure impayée.

Pour régler cette créance, PROXIMITY GROUP AFRICA affirme avoir initié, le 17 décembre 2025, un virement international depuis son compte domicilié chez ECOBANK Guinée. Son compte aurait bien été débité. Mais plusieurs mois plus tard, STRALIX assure n'avoir reçu aucun paiement.

Selon PROXIMITY GROUP AFRICA, sa banque lui aurait indiqué que le virement avait été rejeté par la BIIC avant d'être retourné. La banque béninoise soutient au contraire n'avoir jamais reçu les fonds.

Face à cette situation, STRALIX assigne, le 27 mars 2026, PROXIMITY GROUP AFRICA, ECOBANK Guinée et la BIIC devant le Tribunal de commerce de Cotonou. Elle réclame le paiement de sa facture, 400 millions FCFA de dommages-intérêts ainsi que des frais irrépétibles.

En défense, PROXIMITY GROUP AFRICA reconnaît devoir la somme réclamée mais estime s'être libérée de son obligation dès lors que le virement a été ordonné et que son compte a été débité. Elle demande que la responsabilité soit transférée à ECOBANK Guinée.

Pour le Tribunal, « le virement international initié, le 17 décembre 2025 (...) n'a pu atteindre la société STRALIX SARL » et « la BIIC SA n'a pas non plus reçu les fonds ».

La juridiction ajoute que « les raisons pour lesquelles la société ECOBANK Guinée SA n'a pas exécuté l'ordre de virement ne sont pas connues de la juridiction de céans », ce qui ne permet pas d'apprécier la responsabilité de cette banque dans l'échec de l'opération.

S'appuyant sur l'article 1315 du Code civil, le Tribunal rappelle que « celui qui réclame l'exécution d'une obligation doit la prouver. Réciproquement, celui qui se prétend libéré doit justifier le paiement ». Les magistrats en déduisent que, STRALIX n'ayant jamais reçu les fonds, « c'est à bon droit qu'elle en sollicite le paiement ».

En conséquence, PROXIMITY GROUP AFRICA est condamnée à payer à STRALIX 36.672 euros, soit 23.399.298 FCFA, correspondant à la facture impayée.

Le Tribunal a rejeté la demande de 400 millions FCFA de dommages-intérêts formulée par STRALIX. Il considère que PROXIMITY GROUP AFRICA « a manifesté sa bonne foi en effectuant un ordre de virement » et que le préjudice invoqué ne se distingue pas de celui résultant du simple non-paiement de la créance.

Les juges déboutent également PROXIMITY GROUP AFRICA de sa demande de 50 millions FCFA de dommages-intérêts contre ECOBANK Guinée, estimant que les pièces du dossier montrent que les fonds ont finalement été recrédités sur son compte et que le préjudice allégué n'est pas établi.

Ce jugement rendu en premier ressort est susceptible d'appel.
M. M.

La saison sèche s’est installée à Kinshasa, apportant son lot de froid, vents et poussière. Dans des quartiers comme Kimbondo (Mont‑Ngafula), réputés pour leurs basses températures, les habitants adaptent leurs comportements pour préserver leur santé et leur confort.

/ Golfe, Koweït, Irak, Iran, Mer, Frontières - Golfe / Golfe, Koweït, Irak, Iran, Mer, Frontières

DÉCRYPTAGE - Le chef de l’État a voulu faire de ce dernier défilé l’occasion de souligner le « réarmement » impulsé sous sa présidence. Une valorisation de son bilan qui devrait se décliner à de multiples reprises d’ici à la fin de son mandat.

Plus d’un an après avoir annoncé qu’il allait «reconsidérer» son projet d’acquérir 88 chasseurs-bombardiers F-35A auprès de Lockheed Martin en raison de tensions diplomatiques, politiques et commerciales avec les États-Unis, le Canada n’a toujours pas précisé ses intentions. Sans doute afin de lui mettre la pression, le Pentagone a suspendu sa participation au Permanent Joint...

Cet article Pour ses futurs F-35, le Canada commande des missiles air-sol JSM à Kongsberg pour plus de 400 millions d’euros est apparu en premier sur Zone Militaire.

En Guinée-Bissau, le principal opposant Domingos Simões Pereira retourne en prison. Il a été arrêté ce vendredi à l'issue d'une nouvelle audition devant le tribunal militaire.  Les autorités l’accusent d'être impliqué dans une tentative de coup d'État présumée, tandis que ses avocats et ses proches dénoncent une procédure illégale et un acharnement politique.

On 24 June, in Sudan, women and children displaced by the fighting in Al Obeid seek refuge in Tagat, gathering shelter for the internally displaced. Credit: UNICEF/PFP Geneva

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 13 2026 (IPS)

Throughout 2026, the humanitarian crisis in Sudan has deteriorated significantly, prompting the United Nations (UN) to raise alarm over the escalation of human rights violations. Persistent clashes between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) continue to cause mass civilian casualties, drive widespread displacement, and obstruct the delivery of life-saving aid. As a result, war-torn communities are being pushed further into catastrophe, struggling with severe shortages of essential basic services and the rapid spread of infectious disease.

According to the latest UN findings, since the outbreak of hostilities in 2024, at least 59,000 civilians have been killed due to ongoing insecurity, while an additional 14 million people have been forcibly displaced. Characterized by the UN as the “worst humanitarian crisis in the world”, approximately 33.7 million people are in urgent need of aid. Millions are currently residing in highly restricted areas that remain out of reach for humanitarian organizations.

The past six months alone have been particularly turbulent for war-torn communities, with daily drone strikes being reported across Sudan, with the Kordofan and Darfur localities reporting the highest numbers of child casualties. Figures from the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) show that since May, there have been more than 35 child casualties recorded across North Kordofan, including at least 18 children killed and over 17 others injured. Some of these children are as young as two months old.

Repeated bombardment and artillery shelling have caused widespread destruction to civilian infrastructure, damaging or rendering non-functional homes, health facilities, schools, water systems, markets, and critical supply routes, which has severely restricted access to essential services. The UN estimates that roughly 500,000 civilians are at risk in and around the Al Obeid and wider North Kordofan regions, where even minor surges in violence could expose more children to grave protection risks, including death, injury, and displacement.

“Children are being caught in a relentless cycle of violence, displacement and deprivation,” said Sheldon Yett, UNICEF Representative for Sudan. “For many children, there is no safe place left. They are being killed and injured in their homes, on the roads, in markets, and while attempting to access essential services such as education and healthcare. Children must never be a target. Their lives, rights and futures must be protected.”

The disruption of water infrastructure and the collapse of the national health system have ravaged war-torn displaced communities, particularly in North Kordofan, which has been described as the epicenter of the conflict. This has resulted in a deadly new outbreak of cholera, which has already claimed more than 100 lives.

On July 10, Dr. Shible Sahbani, the World Health Organization’s (WHO) Representative to Sudan, told reporters in Geneva that there have been over 1,330 confirmed cholera cases, including 114 deaths. The true number of fatalities related to this outbreak is estimated to be much higher, with humanitarian organizations expressing fears that the outbreak could spread among hundreds of thousands of civilians who have fled North Kordofan and reside in overcrowded, unsanitary conditions. WHO also noted that civilians struggle with persistent outbreaks of dengue, malaria, meningitis, hepatitis E, and measles.

“We are particularly concerned about the spread [of cholera] to El-Obeid in North Kordofan, where the access is very limited and where the fragile health system is under increasing strain,” said Sahbani. “Health facilities are overwhelmed there and access to care is very, very limited.”

“We call for our partners and donors to help us to be able first to access and second to be able to send enough supplies and enough facilities in El-Obeid. But we know that the situation there is very, very bad and it’s worsening with higher risk of disease outbreaks, malnutrition, violence, including violence against women and children.”

On July 3, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) reported that El Obeid has faced “siege-like” conditions for the past 18 months, with the area currently being under SAF control. UN Human Rights Chief, Volker Türk, told reporters that OHCHR has documented 15 drone strikes in El Obeid and surrounding areas between June 6 and 28, leaving at least 45 civilians killed and 41 others injured. The true number of casualties is projected to be much higher.

“These attacks, and fuel shortages, have a compound impact, making it difficult for civilians to access clean water, food, transport and healthcare, and to communicate with each other and the outside world,” said Türk. “Some people are selling their belongings to finance their escape from the city. For many, the exorbitant cost of transport, and constant attacks on vehicles along exit routes, make leaving impossible.”

Furthermore, OHCHR has documented a sharp rise in human rights violations over the course of the year. According to Türk, OHCHR has recorded numerous instances of summary executions, abductions, torture, and sexual violence, particularly along routes regularly used by displaced civilians travelling across Kordofan. In El Obeid, there is a substantial risk of arbitrary arrest and detention, with the agency recording numerous cases where civilians fleeing RSF-controlled areas have been accused of collaborating with the SAF.

On June 18, Türk highlighted this surge in abuses, issuing a stark warning that an imminent offensive “risked fresh commission” of serious international crimes. He specifically noted an alarming rise in ethnically motivated attacks and the use of starvation as a weapon of war. On June 20, the UN Security Council adopted a statement in which members called for an immediate cessation of the RSF’s assault on El Obeid, as well as for all human rights violations to be thoroughly investigated and for perpetrators to be held accountable.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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In partnership with the Permanent Mission of the Kingdom of the Netherlands and the Division of Policy, Evaluation and Training (DPET) of the UN Department of Peace Operations (DPO), IPI cohosted a hybrid public policy forum on “What MINUSMA Teaches Us about the Future of UN Peacekeeping” on July 13th.

DPO recently launched the lessons learned report “MINUSMA: A Peace That Was Not Enough,” which examines the decade-long deployment of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA), which concluded its withdrawal in late 2023. The report identifies implications that extend beyond Mali and are directly relevant to the future of UN peacekeeping. It also points to the limits of UN peacekeeping in the absence of a stable peace and underscores the importance of carefully managing UN transitions.

The event facilitated a focused, policy-oriented discussion on how lessons from MINUSMA can inform more effective, adaptable, and context-sensitive UN peacekeeping. Speakers shared reflections from the Malian, regional, and UN perspectives regarding the operational and political challenges facing international engagement.

Key takeaways from the event include the need to:

• Expand the UN toolbox to contextualize missions to individual situations;
• Center national ownership, including in driving the political process;
• Manage expectations in contexts of asymmetric warfare and;
• Carefully delineate roles and responsibilities when parallel forces are present.

Opening Remarks:
Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, President and Chief Executive Officer, International Peace Institute

Speakers:
David Haeri, Director, UN DPET, DPO
H.E. Issa Konfourou, Permanent Representative of the Republic of Mali to the UN
Mahamat Saleh Annadif, Former SRSG and Head of MINUSMA, Member of the African Union High-Level Panel of Eminent Experts (virtual)
Emma Birikorang, Director of Research, Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Centre (KAIPTC) (virtual)

Closing Remarks:
Ed Caelen, Military Advisor, Permanent Mission of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the UN

Moderator:
Jenna Russo, Director of Research and Head of the Brian Urquhart Center for Peace Operations and Peacebuilding, International Peace Institute

The post What MINUSMA Teaches Us about the Future of UN Peacekeeping appeared first on International Peace Institute.

Le président américain Emmanuel Macron a réuni lundi 13 juillet les 37 pays de la « coalition des volontaires » à Paris pour accentuer le soutien militaire à l'Ukraine, notamment dans la défense antiaérienne, et afficher le « réveil stratégique » de l'Europe, alors que Moscou dénonce une « coalition va-t-en guerre ».

Incarcéré depuis le 13 avril à Pretoria, l’activiste doit être présenté, mardi 14 juillet, devant un juge sud-africain pour deux affaires distinctes. Il est notamment poursuivi pour « blanchiment d’argent et financement du terrorisme » par le Bénin, qui demande son extradition.

Environ 800 hectares de la forêt de Fontainebleau ont brûlé à l'est de Paris. 500 pompiers sont sur le terrain ainsi que des bombardiers d'eau, mobilisés pour éteindre les feux, qui pourraient avoir une origine volontaire, selon Laurent Nunez, ministre de l'Intérieur. Les explications avec Thierry Marcelli, maître de conférences à l’Université de Corse, spécialiste des feux de forêt. 

Le Parlement hongrois a adopté lundi 13 juillet un amendement constitutionnel visant notamment à mettre fin au mandat du président Tamas Sulyok, qualifié de « marionnette » de Viktor Orban par le Premier ministre Peter Magyar. Les députés ont adopté l'amendement par 139 voix pour et 6 contre, lors d'un vote boycotté par le parti nationaliste Fidesz de M. Orban, vaincu lors des législatives d'avril après 16 ans au pouvoir.

L’équipe sénégalaise a été éliminée en seizièmes de finale du Mondial face à la Belgique (3-2), alors qu’elle menait deux buts à zéro à quatre minutes de la fin réglementaire du match.

En janvier, après s’être rapproché de Thales [et de sa division CortAIx] et signé un protocole d’accord avec l’Agence ministérielle pour l’intelligence artificielle de défense [AMIAD] pour développer l’usage de l’IA dans le domaine de l’aviation de chasse, Dassault Aviation annonça un partenariat stratégique avec la société française Harmattan AI pour «accélérer l’intégration de l’autonomie...

Cet article Un Rafale F4 a réussi un essai de combat collaboratif avec un drone autonome doté d’une charge de guerre électronique est apparu en premier sur Zone Militaire.

It was a milestone for Beijing’s nuclear forces—but not necessarily the provocation many analysts have made it out to be.

Depuis quelques semaines, le continent semble découvrir le réchauffement. Les chercheurs ont pourtant alerté : l'Europe se réchauffe deux fois plus vite que la moyenne du reste du monde. Et les épisodes que l'on connait cet été ne sont pas les premiers. Mais la prise de conscience est lente et, surtout, les adaptations difficiles à mettre en œuvre.

L'athlète béninoise Noélie Yarigo a remporté le titre de championne de France du 800 mètres, dimanche 12 juillet 2026, à l'occasion de l'Open de France d'athlétisme disputé au stade de Blois, en France.

Sous les couleurs de l'AJ Blois-Onzain, l'internationale béninoise s'est une nouvelle fois illustrée dans sa discipline de prédilection. La Guéparde de Pendjari a réalisé une performance qui lui permet de décrocher le titre national français sur le 800 mètres.

Après cette consécration, Noélie Yarigo a partagé son émotion sur sa page Facebook, évoquant une saison particulièrement éprouvante. « Cette saison a été la plus dure de ma vie. Il y a eu des blessures, des doutes, des jours où j'avais juste envie d'arrêter. (…). Cette médaille, elle est pour tous ceux qui se battent dans l'ombre », a-t-elle écrit.

Cette nouvelle distinction vient récompenser la persévérance de l'athlète béninoise, qui continue de porter haut les couleurs du Bénin sur les pistes internationales.