Agrégateur de flux

When it comes to energy security, Central Asian governments have shown an ability to adapt to shifting global and domestic trends.

Ein klarer Rahmen für den täglichen Ablauf

Wir beginnen mit der Festlegung eines präzisen Zeitplans, der sämtliche Reinigungs­aufgaben im Büro umfasst – von täglich genutzten Arbeitsplätzen bis hin zu seltener gepflegten Bereichen wie Fensterfronten oder Lüftungs­anlagen. Ziel ist es, nicht einfach „irgendwann“ zu reinigen, sondern strukturierte Abläufe einzuführen, die sauber, nachvollziehbar und effizient sind. Ein solcher Plan erleichtert das Controlling, steigert die Qualität und reduziert unnötige Zeit- und Kostenaufwände.

Zu diesem Zweck unterteilen wir den Ablauf in drei Kategorien: tägliche Routinen, wöchentliche Vertiefungen und monatliche bis quartalsweise Maßnahmen. Diese Gliederung hilft dabei, klarer zu definieren, was, wann und wie gereinigt wird. Der erste Schritt besteht darin, alle Flächen und Nutzer­gruppen im Büro genau zu erfassen – Arbeitsplätze, Besprechungsräume, Empfangsbereich, Sanitäranlagen, Küchen- und Pausenräume sowie Verkehrs­bereiche und Technikräume ­– und die jeweilige Häufigkeit der Reinigung festzulegen. So wird die Reinigung nicht dem Zufall überlassen, sondern zum planbaren Prozess.

Die tägliche Routine: Basis für dauerhaft gepflegte Räume

Der Grundstein für eine effektiv funktionierende Reinigung liegt in der täglichen Routine. Hier geht es um klar definierte, täglich wiederkehrende Aufgaben – z. B. Abfallentsorgung, Böden reinigen, Oberflächen abwischen, Sanitär­bereiche kontrollieren und Verbrauchs­materialien auffüllen. Wird diese Routine zuverlässig gelebt, verhindern wir, dass sich Schmutz festsetzt und Reinigungsleistungen später deutlich aufwändiger werden.

Ein gutes Beispiel hierfür ist die termingerechte Büroreinigung in Hamburg: Wird der tägliche Ablauf dort so organisiert, dass Reinigungskräfte klar wissen, wann welche Räume betreten werden, lässt sich Chaos vermeiden – etwa indem morgens nach Nutzer­beginn die Hot­Spots (Türgriffe, Küchenbereich, Empfang) bearbeitet werden, nachmittags dann Flure und Böden.

Zu den elementaren täglichen Aufgaben zählen:

• Alle Mülleimer leeren und Mülltrennung sicherstellen.
• Böden saugen und nebelfeucht wischen – besonders in stark frequentierten Flächen.
• Türklinken, Lichtschalter, Steuerelemente abwischen und ggf. desinfizieren.
• Arbeitsplätze, Empfang und Co. kurz entstauben – soweit die Objekte frei zugänglich sind.
• Sanitäranlagen prüfen, Seife und Papiermaterialien nachfüllen, sicherstellen, dass alles hygienisch einwandfrei ist.
• Küche und Pausenraum täglich reinigen: Oberflächen abwischen, Geräte prüfen, Essensreste beseitigen.

Die Regel: Je häufiger ein Bereich genutzt wird, desto häufiger ist eine Reinigung nötig – und desto eher amortisiert sich die Investition in eine saubere Umgebung.

Wöchentliche und monatliche Vertiefungen – Kontrolle und Prävention

Neben der täglichen Routine sind vertiefende Reinigungen nötig, um möglichen Verfall frühzeitig zu stoppen und die Nutzungsqualität hochzuhalten. Wöchentlich sollten z. B. Bildschirme, Tastaturen, Tiefenbereiche von Böden und Fluren, sowie Glasflächen gereinigt werden. Monatlich oder bei Bedarf sogar quartalsweise gehören Maßnahmen wie Polster- oder Teppich­schamponierung, Lüftungsreinigung und Außenflächen­pflege dazu.

Wöchentliche Aufgaben

• Tastaturen, Telefone, Monitore und häufig berührte Geräte entstauben und desinfizieren – entsprechend der hygienischen Anforderungen.
• Glasflächen reinigen – z. B. Fenster zu Besprechungsräumen, Glastüren – damit der Raum nicht nur sauber wirkt, sondern auch transparent und modern.
• Böden und Teppiche einer intensiveren Säuberung unterziehen – Staubanflug reduzieren, damit die Luftqualität im Raum stimmt.

Monatliche und quartalsweise Vertiefung

• Teppiche und Polstermöbel einer Schampoonierung oder professionellen Reinigung unterziehen: Staub und Allergene werden entfernt, Lebensdauer verlängert.
• Lüftungssysteme, Heizkörper und schwer zugängliche Bereiche reinigen – hier sammelt sich häufig Schmutz, der sich negativ auf Raumluft und Komfort auswirkt.
• Außen- und Eingangs­bereiche pflegen: Fußmatten reinigen oder wechseln, Gehwege und Fassaden kontrollieren – der erste Eindruck zählt.

Durch diese vertiefenden Maßnahmen wird sichergestellt, dass der tägliche Ablauf nicht müde wird oder ins Nachlassen fällt – Qualität bleibt konstant.

Rollenverteilung und Kommunikation im Reinigungsplan

Ein oft vernachlässigter Punkt ist die klare Zuordnung von Verantwortlichkeiten und eine transparente Kommunikation zwischen Reinigungs­personal, Facility Management und der Nutzer­seite (Mitarbeiter, Führungskräfte). Nur wenn jeder weiß: „Ich bin zuständig für …“, „Wann wird gereinigt?“, und „Was ist das Ziel?“, gelingt ein reibungsloser Ablauf.

Wir empfehlen folgendes Vorgehen:

1. Verantwortlichen benennen – z. B. eine interne Person, die mit der Reinigungsfirma, falls extern beauftragt, abgestimmt wird.
2. Leistungsbeschreibung festlegen – in der Reinigungsvereinbarung oder im internen Plan sollte stehen, welche Flächen in welchem Zeitraum und mit welcher Qualität zu reinigen sind.
3. Kommunikation etablieren – z. B. in Form eines Wochenüberblicks, bei dem Rückmeldungen möglich sind: „War heute alles sauber?“, „Gab es Probleme?“.
4. Qualität messen und nachsteuern – kleines Prüfprotokoll nach jeder Woche oder Monat: Wo gab es Abweichungen? Welche Maßnahmen sind zu treffen?

Diese klare Rollenverteilung schafft Verbindlichkeit, reduziert Missverständnisse und macht Reinigungsprozesse messbar.

Zeitliche Taktung und Anpassung an den Büroalltag

Reinigungsfirmen müssen sich dem Ablauf des Bürobetriebs anpassen – nicht umgekehrt. Der Taktplan richtet sich nach Nutzungs­intensität, Mitarbeiter­anzahl, Raumgrößen, Besuchsfrequenz und saisonalen Besonderheiten. Ein Büro in zentraler Geschäfts­lage, das täglich viele Besucher empfängt, benötigt ein anderes Reinigungs­level als ein kleines internes Büro mit wenigen Mitarbeitenden.

Wichtig: Der Zeitplan muss flexibel sein. Beispielsweise kann nach einer Veranstaltung im Haus ein Zusatz­einsatz nötig sein oder bei stark frequentierten Zeiten wie Winter mit viel Schuhverkehr. Ein gutes Beispiel ist hier die spezielle Vorbereitung von Lobby und Eingangs­bereich auf regnerische oder schneereiche Tage: Hier kann durch ein angepasstes Takt- oder Maßnahme­konzept die Reinigung effizienter gestaltet werden.

Die Reinigungsteams sollten daher mit kalibrierbaren Taktzeiten arbeiten – fester Grundvertrag kombiniert mit Spielraum für kurzfristige Anpassungen. Ein weiterer Vorteil: Wenn Reinigungskräfte in einem festen Turnus kommen, entsteht eine Routine, die von den Nutzern akzeptiert wird – etwa: nach Büroschluss, direkt vor dem Feierabend oder früh morgens vor Arbeitsbeginn.

Qualitätssicherung und Nachverfolgung

Wir bauen in den Plan standardisierte Qualitätskontrollen ein – denn Sauberkeit darf nicht dem Zufall überlassen sein. Dazu gehören: Checkliste, digitale Erfassung oder Papierform – was zählt ist die Verlässlichkeit. Jede Reinigung wird dokumentiert: Räume, Zeitpunkt, Filterung auf besondere Auffälligkeiten (z. B. Flecken, Gerüche, Defekte). Daraus entsteht eine Übersicht, in der Verbesserungs­potenziale sichtbar werden.

Darüber hinaus sollte alle paar Monate eine externe Nachmessung erfolgen: etwa Rückmeldung von Mitarbeitenden, Besucher­feedback oder ein „mystery check“ durch das Facility Team. Wird ein Mangel identifiziert, gilt: Anpassung im Taktplan oder Arbeitspaket. Nur so bleibt der Reinigungs­prozess langfristig leistungsfähig und stabil.

Nachhaltigkeit und Kosten­optimierung im Fokus

Saubere Büro­flächen bedeuten nicht zwangsläufig höhere Kosten – im Gegenteil: Mit einem strukturierten Ablauf lassen sich Kosten senken, denn seltener notwendige Großreinigungen entfallen und oft durch kleinere regelmäßige Maßnahmen ersetzt. Gleichzeitig können wir durch den Einsatz umwelt­freundlicher Reinigungs­mittel und die Wahl effizienter Geräte (z. B. Mikrofasertücher, Spar­wassersysteme) nicht nur die Umwelt entlasten, sondern Kosten für Energie und Verbrauch reduzieren.

Aus Sicht der Planung berücksichtigen wir folgende Aspekte:

• Verbrauchsmaterialien zentral beschaffen und bedarfsgerecht einsetzen.
• Gerätewahl: moderne Sauger mit HEPA-Filter bei Teppichen, Mikro­fasersysteme bei Hartböden – effizient und effektiv.
• Zeitplanung: Reinigung nicht in Hauptarbeitszeit legen, um Unterbrechungen des Büroablaufs zu vermeiden.
• Zyklisierung: Häufige Flächen täglich oder wöchentlich reinigen, selten genutzte Flächen monatlich – so vermeiden wir Überpflege.

Fazit

Mit einem durchdachten Taktplan für die Büroreinigung schaffen wir nicht nur ordentliche und hygienische Arbeitsräume, sondern wir optimieren Aufwand, Zeit und Kosten. Durch tägliche Routinen, vertiefende Wochen- und Monatsmaßnahmen, klare Verantwortlichkeiten und flexible Anpassung an den Büroalltag entsteht eine saubere Umgebung, die langfristig tragfähig ist. Wer diese Struktur verinnerlicht und konsequent lebt, hebt die Büroreinigung auf ein neues Niveau – zuverlässig, transparent und wirkungsvoll.

Der Beitrag Sauberkeit auf Zeitplan: Wie Reinigungsfirmen den Büroalltag takten erschien zuerst auf Neurope.eu - News aus Europa.

Die private Stiftung wird von Mitgliedern der Familie Franco geleitet. Nach Ansicht der Regierung in Madrid verherrlicht sie den Franquismus und missachtet die Opfer der Diktatur.

Afghanistan occupies a central position in Tehran’s changing playbook, as the country is both a risk and a buffer for Iran.

600668 Maid Konjhodžić Edita Buçaj

PRISHTINË/PRIŠTINA, 2 November 2025 – On the International Day to End Impunity for Crimes against Journalists, the OSCE Mission in Kosovo launched the documentary “Beyond the Headlines”, which highlights the growing threats against media professionals and the urgent need for stronger institutional protection.

Produced in co-operation with local journalists, the documentary examines rising cases of online harassment, smear campaigns, and physical assaults. Since January 2025, 56 incidents against journalists have been reported, already exceeding last year’s total. Women journalists remain especially vulnerable to gender-based threats and harassment.

In addition to the documentary, the Mission is  supporting a debate on the same topic, which will be aired tonight on TV Dukagjini at 1900 hrs. The debate will feature prominent journalists and a prosecutor, who will discuss the challenges journalists face in exercising their duties and the institutional response from the justice system.

“The rise in attacks and online harassment, especially against women journalists, is deeply concerning and unacceptable,” said Gerard McGurk, Head of the OSCE Mission in Kosovo. “Greater, more sustained efforts are needed to ensure journalists can work safely and independently.”

The Chairperson of the Association of Journalists of Kosovo Xhemajl Rexha, noted that the last four years have been the most difficult for journalism in Kosovo, citing intensified attacks and lenient penalties that embolden perpetrators.

“The situation for journalists in Kosovo is worsening, with a worrying culture of impunity,” said Jan Braathu, OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media. “Authorities must recognize the essential role journalists play in democracy and act decisively to ensure their safety.”

The Mission takes the issue of the safety of journalists seriously. Over the years, OSCE has worked closely with partners - the Press Council of Kosovo, the Independent Media Commission, and the Association of Journalists of Kosovo - to translate this commitment into concrete action. Besides providing legal aid to journalists facing defamation lawsuits or digital harassment, the Mission donated protective vests and jackets marked with PRESS insignia to help journalists be easily identified during protests and crisis events.

It has also organized joint crisis reporting training for journalists and the Kosovo Police and produced court reporting guidelines to help both journalists and members of the judiciary better understand each other’s roles, rights, and responsibilities.

Almost a decade of negotiations on the European Pact on Migration and Asylum came to an end in May 2024. Statements such as “it is perhaps one of the most important decisions in this legislative period, and it is certainly one of the most difficult for many” and “Today is a truly historic day, as we have delivered on the Migration and Asylum Pact, possibly the most important legislative package of this mandate” illustrate how much political weight was placed on the New Pact. As the Pact moves from negotiation to implementation, one question stands out: What impact will a negotiation process that was both lengthy and finalized under enormous time pressure have on implementation?

To understand the interplay of the Pact’s negotiations and implementation, a look back on how the process evolved over the past decade is essential. The first proposals were presented in 2015 in “A European Agenda on Migration”. However, no agreement was reached during the term of the Jucker Commission (2014-2019), due to persistent differences between member states. Upon entry into office, Ursula von der Leyen made a New Pact on Migration and Asylum one of her priorities. To underline its importance she included it in her political guidelines and in the mission letter to Commissioner Ylva Johansson and Vice-President Margaritis Schinas. Although this initiative was more a reformulation of the Agenda on Migration than a completely new Pact, it was ultimately successfully negotiated under the first von der Leyen Commission.

The successful conclusion of the negotiations was presented by the Commission as an important and just-in-time success. But what will the Pact change? Simplified and accelerated procedures will be mandatory in a broad variety of cases, introducing new grounds for detention. Intensified partnerships with third countries constitute an essential part of a reinforced external dimension. Lastly, instead of a binding solidarity mechanism, the Pact applies “flexible solidarity”, giving the member states the opportunity to choose their contribution à la carte.

Political negotiations under time pressure

Upon her election as Commission President in 2019 Ursula von der Leyen made securing an agreement on the New Pact within her term of office one of her top priorities. However, in September 2021, she admitted that “progress has been painfully slow” and urged the co-legislators to “speed up the process”. One instrument adopted to address this concern was an inter-institutional agreement setting out a joint roadmap, signed by the European Parliament and the rotating Presidencies of the Council of the EU (France, Czechia, Sweden, Spain and Belgium) in September 2022. This roadmap set a clear deadline: “Conclusion of the whole Pact by the end of this parliamentary term.”

But even with the new 2020 proposals and a joint roadmap in place, member states remained deeply divided. Some pushed for a mandatory relocation mechanism, while others wanted to limit secondary movements; this conflict continued to be a key point of contention. The differing priorities of member states, combined with the preference of some governments to pursue decisions by consensus, even where qualified majority voting applied, are among the main reasons that delayed the process. Following the roadmap, inter-institutional negotiations were supposed to begin by the end of 2022. However this timeline could not be met, as the Council only reached agreement on several key elements in June 2023. 

The Crisis and Force Majeure Regulation exemplifies inter-institutional negotiations under time pressure. In September 2023, the EP announced that further interinstitutional negotiations would be put on hold. The reason: although close to the targeted end of the negotiations, the member states – again – had not yet taken a position on this controversial piece of legislation. Indeed, the Council only agreed to a negotiating mandate for the Regulation on 4 October 2023. Given that the declared aim was to conclude negotiations before the end of the year, this left little time to bridge institutional differences and finalise such a complex legislative package.

Despite these constraints, on 20 December 2023, the Council announced that a deal had been found on the core political elements of the Pact. After years of protracted discussions, political agreement was finally reached, although many of the technical aspects still required further work. Officially, the EP approved the final package of legislative acts on 10 April 2024 and the Council on 14 May. A four-month period to develop the core political principles into technically mature legislative acts seems to be rather short. Considering that the Pact includes ten legislative texts that are interconnected and supposed to form a common framework without internal contradictions, this appears to be a mammoth task. By shifting the negotiations away from the technical level, the political symbolic value of reaching an agreement came to outweigh considerations of legal and practical feasibility.

Implementation at the technical level

While negotiations on the Pact took place at the political level between member states, the process of implementation takes place at the technical level. At the EU level, this process is steered by the Commission, which kicked the process off in June 2024 with the release of the Common Implementation Plan (CIP). As with the negotiations, there is an implementation deadline: the CIP specifies what steps need to be taken to ensure that the instruments of the Pact are operational by June 2026.

The process had a rocky start: the first major milestone in the implementation of the Pact was the submission of the National Implementation Plans (NIPs) by the member states in December 2024. In these plans, member states must outline how they want  to apply the changes that the Pact necessitates. Although the CIP was published in June rather than September so that “Member States have the maximum time to prepare their National Implementation Plans (…)”, half of the member states missed the first deadline. By June 2025, 25 member states had submitted their NIP.

Besides the rocky start, the implementation process is also complicated by technical problems in the legislation. The political agreement on the Pact promised simplified asylum procedures. However, legal analysis of the provisions of the new Asylum Procedures Regulation (APR) shows that the new rules lead to “considerable complexity”. This is because the new legislation expands the (mandatory) use of special procedures, creating distinctions between groups of migrants. When the APR was first proposed in 2021, NGO umbrella organisation ECRE warned of a “procedural labyrinth”. At the same time, the APR mandates that the asylum border procedure should take no more than 6 months in the regular procedure. The implementation demands far-reaching operational changes to the asylum systems of member states, which were not a focus of the negotiation process.

It is now up to the technical level to ensure that this “procedural labyrinth” is implemented in the member states. To do so, the Commission has created dedicated country teams for each member state and organises meetings of expert groups, attended by representatives of the Commission and member states. According to the CIP, these meetings aim to facilitate discussion and the exchange of information and best practices, and issue guidance. The legal experts of the Commission clarify for member states how provisions must be interpreted. Additionally, the European Union Agency for Asylum (EUAA) is involved in the issuing of guidance and training for those working on the ground in member states’ asylum systems. By June 2026, the implementation of the APR and other instruments of the Pact should have led to “convergence in the assessment and decision-making process of individual asylum applications across Europe (…)”.

What’s next?

We have described a sharp contrast between the political and contested nature of the Pact negotiations, and the technical nature and challenges of its implementation. Even after adoption, this contrast remains: as is stated in the Commission’s State of play on the implementation of the Pact on Migration and Asylum from June 2025, “while progress is being made at the technical level, sustained political engagement and ownership at national level remain essential to address the identified challenges effectively”.

Here lies the main challenge of the implementation of the Pact: while steps are being taken at the technical level, the support for a European approach to migration and asylum policy at the level of national governments is wavering as political discourse on migration moves further to the right. Although we cannot predict the future, recent events such as the (planned) border closures in Germany and the Netherlands have shown that rather than a “coordinated response”, member states favour unilateral, restrictive actions that only serve to further harden Europe’s treatment of vulnerable migrants and weaken free movement in the Schengen Area.

The instruments of the Pact should be operational by June 2026, meaning that the implementation process is over halfway. It is unclear what EU member states’ asylum systems will look like at that time, but the chances of “convergence” are unlikely. For that, implementation is too challenging and cooperation too politically contested.

 

Nicola Diedrich is a PhD candidate at the Fulda Graduate Centre of Social Sciences, specializing in the Centre’s branch on European Integration. Her research focuses on negotiation dynamics within the EU from a micropolitical perspective.

Puck Overhaart is a PhD Candidate in Political Science and Public Administration at Radboud University in Nijmegen, the Netherlands. Her research focus is on the enforcement of EU migration law.

The authors are responsible for the content of the blogposts.

This blog post is based on the outcomes of the SCEUS Summer school on European Union migration policies, which took place in Salzburg, 7-11 July 2025, as part of EUCHALLENGES, a Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence co-funded by the European Commission under grant agreement no. 101127539.

The post The Pact: Between Negotiations and Implementation appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

Prosecutors, investigators and law enforcement officials from across Albania came together in Lalëz on 29–30 October 2025 for a two-day training on anti-money laundering and anti-corruption measures. Organized by the OSCE Presence, the course aimed to strengthen Albania’s institutional and operational capacities to investigate complex financial crimes.

The event brought together prosecutors from the Special Structure against Corruption and Organized Crime (SPAK) and district prosecution offices, investigators from the National Bureau of Investigation, officers from the Albanian State Police and representatives from the General Directorate of Anti-Corruption and the Tax Investigation Unit. Participants shared regional experiences and practical methodologies to tackle corruption and financial crime more effectively.

Through in-depth sessions and case-based discussions, participants examined effective approaches to preventing corruption in public procurement, detecting illicit financial flows, tracing proceeds of crime and reinforcing international co-operation in criminal investigations.

Opening the event, Catherine Dunmore, Senior Legal Officer at the OSCE Presence in Albania, emphasized that financial crime and corruption continue to undermine public trust and the rule of law. She highlighted the importance of sustained inter-institutional co-ordination among prosecutors, investigators and law enforcement authorities to strengthen accountability, integrity and effectiveness within Albania’s justice chain.

The course saw the contribution of five distinguished experts: Colonel Giampiero Carrieri, Diplomatic Attaché at the Embassy of Italy in Albania; General Giovanni Salerno, Commander of the Special Anti-Corruption Unit of Italy’s Guardia di Finanza; Mirko Kučina, Head of the Economic Crime and Corruption Service at the Croatian National Police; Vedran Libl, Deputy Director of the State Prosecutor’s Office for the Suppression of Organized Crime and Corruption (USKOK); and Hergis Jica, Head of the Co-ordination Affairs Sector at the EUROPOL Directorate of the Albanian State Police.

The OSCE Presence in Albania organized the activity through cross-departmental collaboration, reflecting its integrated approach to promoting transparency, resilience and co-operation across the justice and security sectors.

On 30 September 2025, Ursula von der Leyen announced that the European Union will present new climate targets for 2035 and 2040 at COP30 next year. As Europe prepares for COP30 in Belem, these goals are meant to reinforce Europe’s global leadership on climate action. This statement shows that the EU is preparing to move from long-term promises to concrete actions toward climate neutrality.

However, as new targets take shape, Europe’s spending priorities are beginning to raise questions about the EU’s genuine commitment to climate action. The Climate Policy Initiative highlights that only a small share of global climate finance in 2021–2022 — about 5% of the total per year — was directed toward adaptation. The aim of adaptation is to help people and ecosystems cope with the unavoidable effects of climate change — such as building flood defences, improving drought-resistant agriculture, or developing early-warning systems. Yet much of this funding failed to reach low-income countries, where the need for such support is greatest. Moreover, the debate surrounding the $250 billion climate finance proposal at COP29 underscores this issue. While adaptation funding struggles to reach affected communities, NATO members collectively spent €343 billion on defence in 2024, and new rearmament plans could generate hundreds of millions of tonnes of CO₂ emissions over the next decade. This imbalance underscores how Europe’s spending priorities may tell a different story about what it values — human security or military power?

This gap in priorities has tangible human consequences. Ultimately, addressing the climate crisis is not only about emissions trajectories or dates on a roadmap, but also about people: the farmers who lose crops to drought, families who flee floods, or communities forced to move because their homes are no longer safe. From local to global, climate change is reshaping mobility across Europe and beyond.

And here, one fact must be underlined from the very beginning: the effects of climate change are not gender neutral.

Women and marginalised groups often face the steepest barriers in displacement: reduced access to resources, higher risks of poverty, and greater exposure to violence. It is essential to adopt a gender lens in any global response to climate-induced migration, especially when it comes to resilience building and addressing the gendered dimensions of climate migration. Yet EU policy frameworks still largely overlook these realities by making almost no reference to gender or intersectionality in national or EU-level approaches.

EU governance policy is gender blind

For all its progress on climate mitigation, the EU remains unprepared for the challenges to governance posed by climate migration.

People displaced by environmental disasters are not protected under the 1951 Refugee Convention, and within the EU, such cases rarely qualify for international protection, as there are deficiencies in the protection of environmentally displaced persons under existing asylum frameworks. While complementary protection mechanisms — such as the Qualification Directive, the Temporary Protection Directive, and the Return Directive’s non-refoulement provisions — could in principle offer alternatives for people displaced by environmental factors, each of these instruments has significant gaps and limitations. Most climate-displaced people remain in a legal limbo: not fully recognised, not adequately protected, and often excluded from access to housing, work, or healthcare.

A European Parliament’s report highlights that people forced to move due to environmental factors fall outside existing protection regimes. Although the New Pact on Migration and Asylum, adopted in 2024, is an attempt to create a more coherent approach to migration management, it still fails to acknowledge climate-induced mobility as a distinct governance challenge. It continues to prioritise border control and return procedures over forward-looking adaptation and inclusion measures, leaving a major policy gap.

This gap becomes even more concerning when seen through a gender lens. Displaced women often depend economically on others, face reduced mobility and political visibility, and are more vulnerable to gender-based violence. The UN Women policy brief on migration and climate change explicitly warns that women on the move are more likely to experience exploitation and loss of income after climate-related displacement, while having limited access to legal protection and humanitarian assistance. Despite this, EU frameworks continue to treat migrants as a homogeneous group, overlooking how overlapping inequalities — gender, age, migration status, disability, etc.— compound vulnerabilities.

Towards an intersectional approach

These limitations lead to a broader gap in EU governance, one that calls for a more integrated and inclusive approach. Addressing this blind spot requires an intersectional shift in EU governance. Intersectionality helps us understand how different dimensions of identity overlap, producing compounded risks. For example, a woman with an irregular legal status displaced by flooding does not only experience climate stress. She also carries the burdens of gendered exclusion and legal precarity that deepen her vulnerability.

Without acknowledging these intersections, EU migration and climate frameworks risk reproducing the same inequalities they claim to address. Symbolic attempts — like adding the word ‘gender’ to a strategy document — are not enough. Professor Gill Allwood points out that the EU’s Adaptation Strategy (2021) refers to gender just once in a single footnote noting that “men and women, older people, persons with disabilities, displaced persons, or socially marginalised groups have different adaptive capabilities”. The Mobility Strategy and Action Plan does little better: it mentions gender once, in a paragraph about encouraging more women to work in transport. However, these are acknowledgments, not actions.

The European Institute for Gender Equality has underlined that gender considerations in EU climate and environmental policies remain unevenly integrated and insufficiently implemented. In this sense, many scholars and civil society organisations criticised the EU Gender Equality Strategy (2020–2025) for lacking concrete mechanisms to implement its intersectional commitments, arguing that it remains largely rhetorical and fails to translate intersectionality into actionable policy change. Hence, can the EU truly claim leadership on climate justice if gender remains an afterthought?

What is needed is structural integration, not rhetorical inclusion. This means creating genuine coordination between climate, migration, and gender policy bodies, so these areas work together rather than in silos. It also means using gender-disaggregated data to guide adaptation and migration funding, ensuring that resources reach those most at risk. Local actors, particularly municipalities, must be supported, as they are often the first to face the realities of displacement and adaptation. As highlighted by the Platform on Disaster Displacement, responses to climate-related displacement should prioritise human dignity, rights, and inclusion — not only border control.

Why now?

The urgency is clear. The European Environment Agency recently warned that more than 81% of Europe’s protected habitats are already in poor and bad conservation status. Floods, fires, and heatwaves will grow more severe in the years ahead, driving mobility both within the EU and across its borders.

At the same time, the Gender Equality Strategy (2026–2030) is currently being rewritten. Civil society groups and the European Institute for Gender Equality are calling for stronger, institutional commitments that move past tokenistic mainstreaming. This moment offers a rare opportunity to connect those gender commitments with climate and migration governance. If the gendered dimensions of climate impacts and mobility are not identified and measured at this stage, they will not be meaningfully addressed and implemented at the later stages. Inherently, the same blind spots will persist in the next decade of EU policymaking.

COP30 will be remembered for the targets Europe sets. But it could also be remembered for whether Europe recognizes that climate ambition without social justice is incomplete. Climate migration is already happening; its gendered impacts are already visible. The question is whether the EU will take them seriously.

Conclusion

Climate change is not gender-neutral — and neither is climate migration. Across Europe and beyond, women and marginalised groups are already experiencing its unequal effects. Yet decades of fragmented policies have shown that treating climate, migration, and gender as separate agendas only deepens inequality. The next phase of EU action must confront these overlaps head-on.

As Europe prepares to set new climate targets for 2035 and 2040, this moment offers more than a chance to tighten emission goals — it is an opportunity to redesign governance around inclusion and justice. That means integrating gender and intersectionality at every stage, from policy design to implementation and evaluation, and ensuring that those most at risk are both visible and heard in the process.

If the EU is consistent about equality, dignity, and justice, this is the time to act. Climate action that fails to account for who is most affected will never be truly effective. Targets and numbers may define ambition, but intersectionality will define fairness.

 

Berfin Tutku Ozcan, PhD Candidate in Human Rights, Global Politics and Sustainability at Sant’Anna School of Advanced Studies in Pisa, Italy.

Authors are responsible for the content of the blogposts.

This blog post is based on the outcomes of the SCEUS Summer school on European Union migration policies, which took place in Salzburg, 7-11 July 2025, as part of EUCHALLENGES, a Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence co-funded by the European Commission under grant agreement no. 101127539.

 

The post From Climate Goals to Human Impacts: Why the EU Needs an Intersectional Shift Before COP30 appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

Even amid de-escalation efforts, there is strategic value to rebuffing Beijing’s overreach. 

Maid Konjhodžić Edita Buçaj

PRISHTINË/PRIŠTINA, 2 November 2025 – To mark the International Day to End Impunity for Crimes against Journalists, the OSCE Mission in Kosovo produced the documentary “Beyond Headlines [insert hyperlink],” which highlights the growing threats against media professionals and the urgent need for stronger institutional protection.

Produced in co-operation with local journalists, the documentary examines rising cases of online harassment, smear campaigns, and physical assaults. Since January 2025, 56 incidents against journalists have been reported, already exceeding last year’s total. Women journalists remain especially vulnerable to gender-based threats and harassment.

In addition to the documentary, the Mission is  supporting a debate on the same topic, which will be aired tonight on TV Dukagjini at 1900 hrs. The debate will feature prominent journalists and a prosecutor, who will discuss the challenges journalists face in exercising their duties and the institutional response from the justice system.

“The rise in attacks and online harassment, especially against women journalists, is deeply concerning and unacceptable,” said Gerard McGurk, Head of the OSCE Mission in Kosovo. “Greater, more sustained efforts are needed to ensure journalists can work safely and independently.”

The Chairperson of the Association of Journalists of Kosovo Xhemajl Rexha, noted that the last four years have been the most difficult for journalism in Kosovo, citing intensified attacks and lenient penalties that embolden perpetrators.

“The situation for journalists in Kosovo is worsening, with a worrying culture of impunity,” said Jan Braathu, OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media. “Authorities must recognize the essential role journalists play in democracy and act decisively to ensure their safety.”

The Mission takes the issue of the safety of journalists seriously. Over the years, OSCE has worked closely with partners - the Press Council of Kosovo, the Independent Media Commission, and the Association of Journalists of Kosovo - to translate this commitment into concrete action. Besides providing legal aid to journalists facing defamation lawsuits or digital harassment, the Mission donated protective vests and jackets marked with PRESS insignia to help journalists be easily identified during protests and crisis events.

It has also organized joint crisis reporting training for journalists and the Kosovo Police and produced court reporting guidelines to help both journalists and members of the judiciary better understand each other’s roles, rights, and responsibilities.

The deployment, small as it is, marks a first for Japan in several ways.

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Aarhus Centres, long recognized as key platforms for advancing environmental democracy, transparency, and citizen participation, convened for their Annual Meeting on 30 and 31 October at Vienna’s Hofburg Palace and online. Organized by the Office of the Co-ordinator of OSCE Economic and Environmental Activities (OCEEA), the event brought together over 40 representatives of Aarhus Centres, national authorities, international organizations, and civil society.

Participants discussed the role of Aarhus Centres in supporting the implementation of the UNECE Aarhus Convention and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, focusing on access to justice in environmental matters, protection of environmental defenders, and community-based disaster risk reduction.

In his opening remarks, Ambassador Bakyt Dzhusupov, Co-ordinator of OSCE Economic and Environmental Activities, emphasized that the Aarhus Centres play a vital role in promoting environmental democracy and good governance by connecting governments, civil society, and local communities.

Kimmo Laukkanen, Deputy Head of Mission and Head of the Economic and Environmental Dimension Unit of Finland’s 2025 OSCE Chairpersonship, highlighted the importance of engaging citizens, authorities, and the private sector in addressing environmental challenges, while underscoring Finland’s commitment to gender equality and inclusion of youth and persons with disabilities in OSCE activities.

Marco Keiner, Director of the Environment Division at UNECE, underlined the continued relevance of the Aarhus Convention in ensuring environmental rights and accountability.

In his keynote speech, Michel Forst, UN Special Rapporteur on Environmental Defenders under the Aarhus Convention, reaffirmed the need to protect individuals and groups advocating for environmental justice.

The meeting also featured a practical capacity-building session on gender mainstreaming, supporting participants in integrating gender perspectives into climate policy, project management, and the protection of environmental human rights defenders.

The 2025 Aarhus Centres Annual Meeting was made possible through the contributions of Italy, Germany, and Norway to the OSCE extra-budgetary project “Strengthening Aarhus Centres in the OSCE area to promote good environmental governance and sustainable development.”

For Singapore, whose security rests as much on perception as on capability, defense modernization is not a discretionary choice. It is strategic signaling.

Alors que la Commission envisage de nouvelles règles pour les consommateurs en ligne, l'organisme néerlandais de protection des consommateurs demande à l'UE de réglementer l'industrie des jeux vidéo.

The post Les Néerlandais reprochent aux développeurs de jeux de ne pas protéger les joueurs en ligne appeared first on Euractiv FR.

He was mobbed at the seminary. The rockstar welcome he received should worry Delhi.

Cheng's position on cross-strait issues and reformist agenda pits her against more traditional members of the KMT.

La BBC a recueilli des témoignages choquants de résidents fuyant la ville soudanaise d’El Fasher, capitale de l’État du Darfour-Nord, après sa prise par les forces de soutien rapide (FSR).

Die EU hat von der Welthandelsorganisation grünes Licht erhalten, als Reaktion auf US-Zölle auf spanische Olivenimporte Ausgleichsmaßnahmen zu ergreifen.

Cette hausse s'explique notamment par une industrie du tourisme florissante en Espagne et des investissements plus nombreux de la part des entreprises françaises.

The post La croissance de la zone euro en légère hausse malgré la stagnation de l’Allemagne et de l’Italie appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Kazakhstan and its neighbors continue to balance their ties with Washington alongside their deep economic and security links with Russia and China.