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As Europe’s 28 heads of state or government gather again in Brussels this afternoon, it is worth recalling that special energy that European summits bring. This format is virtually unique in international affairs – even at G20 meetings “minders” are allowed in the room. It can make them wonderfully unpredictable and very human, especially (like today) when no big concrete decision needs to be taken. Here are three political live-rails to watch:
Read more20. The European Council strongly condemns the attacks by the Syrian regime and its allies, notably Russia, on civilians in Aleppo. It calls on them to bring the atrocities to an end and to take urgent steps to ensure unhindered humanitarian access to Aleppo and other parts of the country. The European Council calls for an immediate cessation of hostilities and for resumption of a credible political process under UN auspices. Those responsible for breaches of international humanitarian law and human rights law must be held accountable. The EU is considering all available options, should the current atrocities continue. Everything should be done to extend the ceasefire, bring in humanitarian aid to the civilian population and create the conditions for opening negotiations on a political transition in Syria.
21. The European Council invites the High Representative to continue, together with the Commission, pursuing the EU humanitarian initiative and medical evacuations in cooperation with the UN; and to reach out to key actors in the region on a political transition and on preparations for post-conflict reconciliation and reconstruction.
22. The European Council held a strategic policy debate on relations with Russia.
1. The European Council took stock of the latest developments concerning the EU's comprehensive migration policy, highlighting the importance of implementation. The debate focused in particular on the external dimension.
Protecting the external borders2. The entry into force of the European Border and Coast Guard Regulation on 6 October and national efforts are important steps in strengthening control of our external borders and getting 'back to Schengen' by adjusting the temporary internal border controls to reflect the current needs. Member States are now deploying staff and equipment to the European Border and Coast Guard, so as to reach full capacity for rapid reaction and returns by the end of the year.
3. The European Council calls for a swift adoption of the revised Schengen Borders Code enforcing systematic controls on all travellers crossing EU external borders and calls on the Council to establish its position on an entry/exit system before the end of 2016. It looks forward to the forthcoming Commission proposal for setting up a European Travel Information and Authorisation System (ETIAS), to allow for advance security checks on visa-exempt travellers and deny them entry where necessary.
Tackling migratory flows(a) Preventing illegal migration along the Central Mediterranean route4. More efforts are needed to stem the flows of irregular migrants, in particular from Africa, and to improve return rates. Recognising the significant contribution, including of financial nature, made by the frontline Member States in recent years, the European Council:
• recalls the importance of continuing to work towards the implementation of a Partnership Framework of cooperation with individual countries of origin or transit, with an initial focus on Africa. Its objective is to pursue specific and measurable results in terms of preventing illegal migration and returning irregular migrants, as well as to create and apply the necessary leverage, by using all relevant EU policies, instruments and tools, including development and trade;
• recalls the need to tackle the root causes of migration in the region, including by supporting displaced persons in the region, thus helping to prevent illegal migration, and underlines the contribution of the Valletta Action Plan and the proposed External Investment Plan in this context. It welcomes the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants and calls on all global actors to shoulder their responsibilities in this respect;
• takes note of the Commission's "First progress report on the Partnership Framework with third countries under the European Agenda on Migration";
• calls on the High Representative, including in her role as Vice-President of the Commission, to present at the December European Council meeting progress with the five selected African countries and the first results achieved in terms of arrivals and returns. It will set orientations for further work on compacts and consider extending the approach to other countries;
• invites all actors to continue close cooperation on the compacts with a view to intensifying operational delivery, and Member States to reinforce national administrative processes for returns.
(b) Maintaining and tightening control of the Eastern Mediterranean route5. A lasting stabilisation of the situation on the Eastern Mediterranean route requires the further implementation of the EU-Turkey statement and continued support for countries along the Western Balkans route. The European Council calls for:
• further efforts to accelerate returns from the Greek islands to Turkey, in line with the EU-Turkey statement, in particular by enhancing the efficiency and speed of asylum procedures;
• the rapid appointment of permanent coordinators in the Greek hotspots;
• Member States to respond in full to the calls for resources identified by the relevant EU agencies as being necessary to assist Greece;
• further progress on the full range of commitments vis-à-vis all Member States contained in the EU-Turkey statement, including as regards visa liberalisation. Co-legislators are invited to reach agreement within the next few weeks on the revision of the suspension mechanism applied to visas.
6. The European Council welcomes the progress made on developing compacts with Lebanon and Jordan to enhance support for refugees and host communities in both countries, and the signing of the "EU-Afghanistan Joint Way Forward on Migration Issues" on 2 October to tackle challenges linked to irregular migration and improve practical cooperation on returns, readmission and reintegration.
(c) Remaining vigilant about other routes7. The EU will continue cooperation with other countries and closely monitor flows along other migration routes, including the Western Mediterranean, so as to be able to rapidly react to developments.
Addressing other elements of the comprehensive strategy8. The European Council calls upon:
• EASO to ensure that the asylum intervention pool becomes operational as soon as possible to support at any time and in sufficient numbers frontline Member States. To that effect, Member States will communicate as soon as possible the necessary experts to EASO and EASO will complement Member States' efforts by providing the necessary training and by contracting as required additional experts or services, with the support of the Commission;
• Member States to further intensify their efforts to accelerate relocation, in particular for unaccompanied minors, and existing resettlement schemes1;
• the Council to agree before the end of the year on its position on the External Investment Plan, which is aimed at boosting investments and job creation in partner countries, with a view to swift agreement with the European Parliament in the first half of 2017.
9. The European Council also calls for work to be continued on the reform of the Common European Asylum System, including on how to apply the principles of responsibility and solidarity in the future. The European Council will revert to the issue in December.
1 This is without prejudice to the position of Hungary and Slovakia, as contained in the Court proceedings launched relating to Council Decision n°2015/1601, and to the position of Poland, which has intervened in support of the applicants.
The European Council adopted conclusions on migration, trade, global and economic issues and external relations.
After the Brexit vote, there has been a temptation in Brussels to blame British insularity for the outcome, with the hope that some policy tinkering will suffice to bring other national electorates in line. This is a dangerous illusion. The EU needs to radically rethink the balance between the freedom and protection it aims to provide. Voters won’t be fooled by ultimately empty bureaucratic slogans such as “Europe of results”, “big on big stuff, small on small stuff” or “better Europe”. The distinction “freedom versus protection” offers a better tool for defining a political response. It reveals real dilemmas. It demands sincerity, not platitudes.
It would be a mistake to say that the “Leave” camp won the 23 June referendum merely because of lies, propaganda or a smear campaign against Brussels. The result was not simply down to British voters behaving irrationally, or because the UK press is in the chains of the likes of Rupert Murdoch, or thanks to the dawn of fact-free politics. With lies and propaganda alone, you do not convince 52% of people to vote against their economic self interest. The British public expressed something else with this vote, which may be perfectly “rational”, once you broaden the scope of the analysis. It’s not just about the economy.
The Leave slogan, “Take back control”, was so effective because it was indistinguishably about both sovereignty and identity. The fact that identity politics is beating economic interests has come as an existential shock to the EU. The reason is that it contradicts the EU’s central doctrine, the basic tenets of European integration.Since the “Coal and Steel” days, the system has been built on the ideas that economic interdependence will create grateful populations and that integration is a one-way street towards “ever closer union”. In a way, the Brexit vote was unthinkable. But it’s happened. So the doctrine has to change.
It doesn’t really matter whether people no longer believe economic warnings given by “experts”. The referendum result is obviously part of a wider Western phenomenon of voters rejecting the logic of globalisation, with its open markets and open borders. The Left focuses on trade (the proposed TTIP deal between Europe and the United States, the EU, the euro) and the Right on immigrants (variously Muslims, Mexicans, Poles and Romanians). But as illustrated by US presidential contenders Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump, the net result is the same: a battle between the “extremes” and the “centre”. This face-off means danger for Europe, as the Union is one big democratic space with battles being fought at every single election across the continent. Although other battlegrounds exist, such as Austria, the Netherlands or Italy, the crucial frontline state – the place where Europe is under real pressure – is France. The country is of systemic importance because of its size, its political system and its current state of shock. The French presidential elections in spring 2017 must not be lost to populist extremes. As elsewhere, this means winning back the centre, the swing voter. It requires a message of unity, of movement – and a new strategy.
“The EU needs to radically rethink the balance between the freedom and protection it aims to provide”
To win back the centre, the Union must find a new balance between its work in favour of economic freedoms and opportunities and the role that is asked of it as a “protector”. The Brexit vote, the French election and other upcoming polls show that people either appreciate the freedom, openness and opportunities the EU provides, or they fear the disorder the EU produces in terms of migration, competition for jobs, or loss of national control. There is a split between the “movers” – the entrepreneurs, young people, students, the rich – versus the “stay-at-homes” – people who rely on welfare-state arrangements, the elderly, or those who dislike foreigners. This isn’t a matter of “the elite” against the “people”, but pretty much a 50/50 split, as shown both in the UK referendum and the Austrian presidential elections. What’s important is that the EU must not focus on its own 50%, with more of the old “market” stuff and some extra communication. It must reach out to the other half too. Otherwise we risk – in only a few years’ time – a civil war in which the EU side will be outnumbered. Alongside the old “Opportunities Europe”, we must build and communicate “Protection Europe”.
A better European balance between freedom and protection can mean one of two things: mitigating the disruptive effects of freedom, or providing order. The former is essential for social and economic security. Since the EU cannot credibly claim to replace welfare states without becoming the “super-state” voters abhor, it should at least stop undermining existing national or local places of care and protection. Three topics spring to mind in this respect. The first is to build on the UK’s “new settlement” from February 2016 and the principle of an emergency brake on free movement. Second, find a solution for the Posted Workers Directive, not least in view of the French elections. Third, handle the granting to China of Market Economy Status – by 16 December 2016 according to World Trade Organization rules – with greater care, to square the sensitive balance between freedom and protection in international trade.
Aside from respecting existing forms of protection, the Union can do more to produce order. Since the Brexit vote, the themes of internal and external security have rightly been highlighted. The June 2016 decision for a European system of border guards is useful, but what matters now is implementation. Another “border issue” is enlargement. At some point, leaders must decide for how long they want to continue playing the hypocritical game around Turkish membership. They must realise there aren’t only geopolitical considerations involved, but also costs in terms of the Union’s capacity to regain people’s trust.
The first signs are encouraging. In his letter inviting leaders to the Bratislava Summit in mid-September, European Council President Donald Tusk addressed the issues head on: ‘People quite rightly expect their leaders to protect the space they live in… [it is] crucial to restore the balance between the need for freedom and security, and between the need for openness and protection’. This is not surprising, since the security theme fits the Pole’s profile as liberal realist. More remarkable was European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker’s implicit endorsement of the same line of thinking in his State of the European Union speech on 14 September, both for what he said (about border guards, border controls and action against Chinese dumping) and for what he omitted (not a word on TTIP in a 50-minute speech).
The phase of denial seems to be over. In the months ahead European leaders need to build concretely on this new balance between freedom and security.
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The European Union was created to maintain peace and resolve cross-border and common challenges. We need to become better at resolving challenges if we’re to strengthen public support for the EU – and environmental issues are a crucial area for action. With stricter climate policies, increased investment in renewable energy and new green jobs, the EU can demonstrate leadership that will resonate around the world.
The last few years have been tough for us pro-Europeans. We have watched reluctantly as the EU has unsuccessfully attempted to manage the refugee crisis sweeping the continent. As a politician in the country that has taken in by far the most asylum-seekers per capita, I have looked on with great sadness as EU members have failed to work together in a fair manner. Instead, country after country has stepped back from the asylum laws and international conventions we have all sworn to uphold. The EU should be better than this, and be able find solutions that enable us to share the responsibility equally.
The next setback has, of course, been Brexit. As Minister for the Environment, I find it particularly unfortunate that one of the EU’s most progressive voices on climate change is to leave the Union. The UK has been proactive and ambitious on crucial EU climate measures such as emissions reduction targets and the design of the EU Emissions Trading System. But Brexit is, of course, serious in a wider sense, and risks breathing life into other EU-critical forces. The answer can never be an impassive EU or inactive member states. Quite the reverse; when populist and Eurosceptic winds blow, it falls to those of us who believe in the EU to show that we are willing to give cooperation our all. Regardless of developments after Brexit, the Swedish Government is dedicated to working hard for the future of the EU.
There is now reason to carefully consider how we should develop our cooperation and, in so doing, increase public support for the EU. I am convinced that one of the most important keys to popular support is environmental and climate policy. It’s so clear-cut that the EU must tackle environmental issues, as these issues often transcend national borders. Greenhouse gas emissions and other forms of pollution do not respect frontiers. In addition, because of the internal market, it’s reasonable that environmental regulations be competitively neutral throughout the EU. European citizens should understand that this is an area where we act together. And if it’s done right, people will see and appreciate what’s being done.
Within the broad spectrum of environmental issues, I believe there are several aspects that will be of particular importance. We must begin by stepping up the pace of climate efforts and the expansion of renewable energy in Europe. The Paris Agreement places obligations upon us. The stricter target of keeping the global temperature increase as close to 1.5°C as possible means that we in the EU must also work on our policies. I am glad that the EU has ratified the Paris Agreement so quickly. Now let’s implement it.
The EU’s Emissions Trading System (ETS) is central to climate policy. More and more trading systems are being trialled around the world, many of them modelled on the EU system. But the EU ETS must be tightened up. There are too many emissions allowances in the system and the price is too low to send proper signals to the market. We need to further lower the emissions cap for the next trading period, reduce the possibility of emissions allowances being allocated for free, and tighten the market stability reserve to ensure fewer emissions allowances in the market. EU citizens need to see the real results generated by an effective ETS, and for this reason the trading funds that are linked to the system should be more heavily directed at the renewable sector.
The collective will to make the ETS as good as it needs to be is currently lacking. But the Swedish Government wants results here and now, so we have chosen to go ahead alone with the required action. To increase the price of emissions, we have launched a programme to purchase and cancel emissions allowances, at a cost of €30m a year. In addition, we will make it tax-deductible for private individuals, companies and organisations to offset emissions using the ETS. We are inviting everyone to get involved in climate adaptation.
But climate policy is not just about emissions trading. The EU also needs to become better at expanding and managing renewable energy. The Energy Union is an important element in this. A functioning internal market is vital if we are to achieve the EU’s climate and energy targets in a cost-effective manner, with a view to transitioning to 100% renewable energy in the long term. A functioning market is also important for developing better transmission capacities, more integrated networks and a cohesive market. This is crucial for the future, and must be acted on as a joint task for all EU member states.
Perhaps as important is to show more clearly how environmental and climate issues are already affecting our citizens. Climate change threatens the security of all. It puts at risk access to clean
water and so the ability to avoid bacteria and other dangerous particles that cause serious illness. Air pollution claims thousands of lives every year, and affects all of us daily; it will do so to an
even greater extent in the future. Unimpeded climate change will increase the risk of extreme weather events, meaning drier and warmer weather where it’s already hot, and more extreme
precipitation in many areas. This summer, Europe received a painful reminder of what a warmer climate brings. Wild fires of the kind that have ravaged southern Europe risk becoming more common, and the consequences are serious. Here in Sweden, south-eastern parts of the country have suffered a drought following a couple of winters of reduced precipitation, causing serious damage to agriculture. In other parts of the EU, there has been heavy rainfall.
The answer to these challenges is not just about climate measures, but is contained to a large extent in other common EU policies. We need frameworks and regulations to ensure good water quality, protect biodiversity and ensure the tougher management of permits for endocrine disruptors and other chemicals. We need strict regulations on pollution from traffic and industry to reduce quantities of hazardous particles in our air. The key for the future is to show how important all of these policy instruments are to the daily lives of people living in the EU.
The EU offers many benefits, and we must highlight them. They include the possibility to study, work and live in other countries, and a larger market for goods and enterprises, as well as greater
opportunities for cross-border action for security and peace, and against terrorism. But Sweden will continue to act on the conviction that environmental issues are also crucial. We will work for the most ambitious policy possible to underscore that Brexit will only be a footnote in the successful history of the EU. Instead of backing off and fearing for the future of the Union, we will invest in it and make it even better.
IMAGE CREDIT: Sehenswerk/Bigstock.com
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Today's Tripartite Social Summit could not have been better timed. We needed this meeting to hear from the social partners on major political issues including Brexit, trade policy and our work-plan for the months ahead reflected in the Bratislava Roadmap.
This was the first time the social partners met formally since the British referendum. There was whole-hearted agreement around the table as regards our approach to Brexit. I really appreciate social partners' strong and impartial position, especially when it comes to the support for our common rules and principles, namely the Single market and four freedoms. Today I saw that people who gathered here feel responsible not only for the interests of their organisations but also for Europe as a whole.
When it comes to the trade deal with Canada I would like to thank the social partners for their engagement and our rich discussion, during which I felt quite a wide support for CETA. On the other hand, it is clear for me and our social partners that in the age of globalisation, people expect trade agreements like TTIP or CETA to be safe for workers, consumers and companies. We have to understand all the doubts and reasons behind them in order to build public support for trade. Because, in the first place, these are the interests of our people that must be protected and respected, and I want to make it very clear.
As you know the challenge now is to find consensus to move forward with the CETA agreement, while addressing the concerns of Belgium. Negotiations are ongoing as we speak, because they have turned out to be politically more difficult than many expected. We know that some work is still needed and we fully respect that. Personally I hope that we will find a way forward on CETA during the European Council.
This week leaders will also discuss trade defence instruments. For trade to be free, it needs to be fair. And this is why making progress on our trade policy also means having the right tools to defend Europe from unfair trading practices. We will do our best to make it happen.
Tomorrow we will also discuss migration. I am glad to say we are slowly turning the corner. Our actions are best seen on the Eastern Mediterranean route, where we observed a 98% drop in the influx of irregular migrants between September of last year and this year. Now we must reduce the flows across the Central Mediterranean route. To that end, we need to do more on returns of irregular economic migrants. Leaders will discuss this issue in more depth, while the High Representative will update us on the progress with the African countries. Concrete results are expected already in December.
Tomorrow we will also have a strategic discussion about Russia. The objective is to address our overall, long-term relations with this important neighbour. Looking ahead to the decisions we will need to take in December, our main asset in dealing with Russia remains our unity. To date, regardless of our differences, we have always managed to remain united. And we must continue to do so. This will also be crucial when it comes to Russia's role in Syria. Thank you.