Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

This exciting and innovative Handbook provides readers with a comprehensive and globally relevant overview of the instruments, actors and design features of social protection systems, as well as their application and impacts in practice. It is the first book that centres around system building globally, a theme that has gained political importance yet has received relatively little attention in academia. Combining academic discussion with cases from the Global South and North, this Handbook offers practical recommendations on how greater harmonization across social protection policies, programmes and delivery mechanisms can be achieved. It also highlights the importance of linkages to other policy fields and issues such as taxation, humanitarian aid and livelihood approaches. Overall, the chapters argue that a systems approach is needed to respond to the individual needs of different groups in society and to face future challenges from demographic change, globalization, automation, climate change and pandemics.Targeting a broad audience, the Handbook on Social Protection Systems bridges the divide in academic debate around social protection in the Global South and North. It will be an invaluable resource for academics, students and practitioners.

This exciting and innovative Handbook provides readers with a comprehensive and globally relevant overview of the instruments, actors and design features of social protection systems, as well as their application and impacts in practice. It is the first book that centres around system building globally, a theme that has gained political importance yet has received relatively little attention in academia. Combining academic discussion with cases from the Global South and North, this Handbook offers practical recommendations on how greater harmonization across social protection policies, programmes and delivery mechanisms can be achieved. It also highlights the importance of linkages to other policy fields and issues such as taxation, humanitarian aid and livelihood approaches. Overall, the chapters argue that a systems approach is needed to respond to the individual needs of different groups in society and to face future challenges from demographic change, globalization, automation, climate change and pandemics.Targeting a broad audience, the Handbook on Social Protection Systems bridges the divide in academic debate around social protection in the Global South and North. It will be an invaluable resource for academics, students and practitioners.

This exciting and innovative Handbook provides readers with a comprehensive and globally relevant overview of the instruments, actors and design features of social protection systems, as well as their application and impacts in practice. It is the first book that centres around system building globally, a theme that has gained political importance yet has received relatively little attention in academia. Combining academic discussion with cases from the Global South and North, this Handbook offers practical recommendations on how greater harmonization across social protection policies, programmes and delivery mechanisms can be achieved. It also highlights the importance of linkages to other policy fields and issues such as taxation, humanitarian aid and livelihood approaches. Overall, the chapters argue that a systems approach is needed to respond to the individual needs of different groups in society and to face future challenges from demographic change, globalization, automation, climate change and pandemics.Targeting a broad audience, the Handbook on Social Protection Systems bridges the divide in academic debate around social protection in the Global South and North. It will be an invaluable resource for academics, students and practitioners.

Quel regard portez-vous sur la reprise de Kaboul, et au-delà de cela, du territoire afghan, par les Talibans, au bout d’une semaine d’offensive dans le pays, et 20 ans après avoir été délogés du pouvoir par une coalition occidentale menée par les États-Unis ?

C’est une victoire totale pour les Talibans et une défaite dramatique pour les États-Unis. Après 20 années de guerre, 2.000 milliards de dollars dépensés par les États-Unis, 83 milliards de dollars de transferts militaires américains auprès de l’armée afghane, des troupes au départ mal équipées ont reconquis le pays et contraint les Américains au départ, et à négocier afin de pouvoir évacuer leur ambassade. C’est une défaite totale pour les États-Unis, mais en même temps, il n’y avait pas d’autre solution que le départ dans la mesure où cette guerre n’était pas simplement gagnable et que si les États-Unis étaient restés cinq ans de plus, avec un effort supplémentaire, ça n’aurait rien changé. La preuve, depuis le temps que les militaires disent qu’ils contrôlent la situation, on voit bien qu’il n’en est rien. Dans cette optique-là, on peut se féliciter du fait que la France se soit retirée d’Afghanistan dès 2012 parce que ce n’était pas gagnable. En la prolongeant, on ne faisait qu’allonger le nombre de morts de part et d’autre.

Peut-on dire que c’est le premier camouflet pour le président états-unien Joe Biden, notamment en matière de politique extérieure, sachant que les États-Unis ont dépensé 2.000 milliards de dollars en 20 ans, comme vous le rappeliez à l’instant ? Est-ce un échec pour Biden ? Bien sûr, on peut dire que la crédibilité stratégique américaine est entachée. Et les alliés européens, asiatiques ou arabes vont y regarder à deux fois pour juger du sérieux de l’engagement américain, et les spécialistes de politique extérieure Outre-Atlantique ne se privent pas de critiquer Biden. Mais en même temps, on peut dire que sur le plan intérieur, la population américaine va être satisfaite de cette décision parce qu’il y avait une très forte lassitude par rapport aux guerres menées par les États-Unis, à cause de leur coût et de l’accumulation des morts. Cela illustre finalement les deux points d’accord entre Trump et Biden en matière de politique étrangère: le premier, c’est l’hostilité envers la Chine. Le second, c’est mettre fin à ces guerres qui n’ont que trop duré. Quelles seront les conséquences concrètes de ce retour des Talibans au pouvoir en Afghanistan et dans la région de l’Asie centrale ? Une partie de la population afghane va être soulagée par la fin de cette guerre, mais celle-ci a un prix énorme : l’instauration d’un régime ultra-répressif. Notamment concernant le droit des femmes, puisque derrière un discours qui se veut rassurant, les Talibans n’ont pas beaucoup changé. Ils ont un discours pour séduire l’opinion internationale, ne pas trop l’inquiéter. Mais on voit bien que dans les villes qu’ils ont conquises, ils font régner leurs lois totalitaires, interdisant le sport, la musique, interdisant aux femmes de pouvoir se rendre à l’université, ne tolérant pas qu’elles puissent aller à l’école au-delà de l’âge de 12 ans. Il va y avoir un terrible retour en arrière, et les Talibans vont restaurer un régime rétrograde, extrêmement répressif, comme ils l’ont fait partout. Quelles leçons l’Occident peut tirer de cet échec militaro-politique, selon vous ? D’une part qu’on ne résout pas les questions politiques par des moyens militaires. D’autre part que la disproportion des moyens militaires n’est en rien le gage d’un succès. Les interventions occidentales pour réformer ou modifier des sociétés non-occidentales ont toutes étaient des échecs cuisants. – Afghanistan, Irak, Libye –, même si elles sont différentes, car l’intervention en Afghanistan a tout de même était largement soutenue. N’est-ce pas donner un certain écho à la phrase du révolutionnaire Maximilien Robespierre : « Personne n’aime les missionnaires armés » ? Effectivement. Même enrobé de bons sentiments et de volonté démocratique, le fait de calquer de façon complètement artificielle des schémas de pays occidentaux modèles sur des pays qui ont des coutumes et des habitudes tout à fait différentes, et qui plus est de le faire par la force, ne peut que conduire à des échecs pathétiques, aussi bien pour ces sociétés-là que pour les puissances intervenantes et pour la stabilité régionale globale. Est-ce que la Chine, voisine de l’Afghanistan, a un intérêt à ce retour des Talibans au pouvoir ? Si oui, lequel ? Les Chinois n’ont pas d’intérêt spécifique direct au retour des Talibans au pouvoir. Ils ont néanmoins deux préoccupations: se garantir la possibilité de pouvoir exploiter les richesses minières de l’Afghanistan d’une part, et éviter que les Talibans ne viennent prêter main-forte aux Ouïghours d’autre part. C’est la raison pour laquelle des liens diplomatiques existent déjà entre le régime chinois et les Talibans. Propos recueillis par Jonathan Baudoin pour Quartier Général.

The negotiations and implementation of the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) between the European Union (EU) and the 79 countries forming the Organisation of the African, Caribbean and Pacific States (OACPS) – a group of developing countries largely sharing a colonial past with EU members – were conflict-ridden from the beginning. Transforming a decades-long system of unilateral tariff preferences into quasi-reciprocal trade agreements, at the heart of controversies are the potentially adverse effects of the EPAs inflicted on African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries. In our recently published article we explore this allegation by providing an early ex-post assessment of the EPAs’ effects on two-way trade flows between the European Union and the ACP countries. An empirical assessment is key to inform the heated discussions on EPAs and EU-ACP trade relations and to also shed new light on the debate on the European Union as a potentially normative trade power which uses its economic strength to advance non-trade objectives such as sustainable development.

The negotiations and implementation of the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) between the European Union (EU) and the 79 countries forming the Organisation of the African, Caribbean and Pacific States (OACPS) – a group of developing countries largely sharing a colonial past with EU members – were conflict-ridden from the beginning. Transforming a decades-long system of unilateral tariff preferences into quasi-reciprocal trade agreements, at the heart of controversies are the potentially adverse effects of the EPAs inflicted on African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries. In our recently published article we explore this allegation by providing an early ex-post assessment of the EPAs’ effects on two-way trade flows between the European Union and the ACP countries. An empirical assessment is key to inform the heated discussions on EPAs and EU-ACP trade relations and to also shed new light on the debate on the European Union as a potentially normative trade power which uses its economic strength to advance non-trade objectives such as sustainable development.

The negotiations and implementation of the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) between the European Union (EU) and the 79 countries forming the Organisation of the African, Caribbean and Pacific States (OACPS) – a group of developing countries largely sharing a colonial past with EU members – were conflict-ridden from the beginning. Transforming a decades-long system of unilateral tariff preferences into quasi-reciprocal trade agreements, at the heart of controversies are the potentially adverse effects of the EPAs inflicted on African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries. In our recently published article we explore this allegation by providing an early ex-post assessment of the EPAs’ effects on two-way trade flows between the European Union and the ACP countries. An empirical assessment is key to inform the heated discussions on EPAs and EU-ACP trade relations and to also shed new light on the debate on the European Union as a potentially normative trade power which uses its economic strength to advance non-trade objectives such as sustainable development.

Ethiopia is the second largest refugee-hosting country in Africa; it accommodates around 700,000 refugees, mostly from neighbouring countries. Humanitarian and development actors are increasingly highlighting the local integration of refugees as a durable solution to protracted refugee situations. Hosting states are called upon to include refugees in their national public services, rather than to sustain a parallel (humanitarian) system, and to empower refugees to secure their own livelihoods as part of the local community. The international community has endorsed this idea by adopting the Comprehensive Refugee Response Framework (CRRF) and vowing financial support. Ethiopia is one of the pilot countries implementing this framework. However, the execution of the ambitious approach faces many challenges. This paper focusses on the role of local governments within the CRRF implementation process; they have not yet been the focus of attention even though sustainable solutions largely depend on them. Results show that the CRRF implementation process has slowed down considerably in the past years, mostly remaining on a project base. Shifting political priorities, a lack of leadership and coordination at the national level as well as the unclear role and low capacities of local governments are major barriers to the local integration of refugees.

Ethiopia is the second largest refugee-hosting country in Africa; it accommodates around 700,000 refugees, mostly from neighbouring countries. Humanitarian and development actors are increasingly highlighting the local integration of refugees as a durable solution to protracted refugee situations. Hosting states are called upon to include refugees in their national public services, rather than to sustain a parallel (humanitarian) system, and to empower refugees to secure their own livelihoods as part of the local community. The international community has endorsed this idea by adopting the Comprehensive Refugee Response Framework (CRRF) and vowing financial support. Ethiopia is one of the pilot countries implementing this framework. However, the execution of the ambitious approach faces many challenges. This paper focusses on the role of local governments within the CRRF implementation process; they have not yet been the focus of attention even though sustainable solutions largely depend on them. Results show that the CRRF implementation process has slowed down considerably in the past years, mostly remaining on a project base. Shifting political priorities, a lack of leadership and coordination at the national level as well as the unclear role and low capacities of local governments are major barriers to the local integration of refugees.

Ethiopia is the second largest refugee-hosting country in Africa; it accommodates around 700,000 refugees, mostly from neighbouring countries. Humanitarian and development actors are increasingly highlighting the local integration of refugees as a durable solution to protracted refugee situations. Hosting states are called upon to include refugees in their national public services, rather than to sustain a parallel (humanitarian) system, and to empower refugees to secure their own livelihoods as part of the local community. The international community has endorsed this idea by adopting the Comprehensive Refugee Response Framework (CRRF) and vowing financial support. Ethiopia is one of the pilot countries implementing this framework. However, the execution of the ambitious approach faces many challenges. This paper focusses on the role of local governments within the CRRF implementation process; they have not yet been the focus of attention even though sustainable solutions largely depend on them. Results show that the CRRF implementation process has slowed down considerably in the past years, mostly remaining on a project base. Shifting political priorities, a lack of leadership and coordination at the national level as well as the unclear role and low capacities of local governments are major barriers to the local integration of refugees.

Education is a high priority in all societies. Nevertheless, the amount of attention families in the Republic of Korea (RoK) are paying to the education of their children is truly amazing. Long school and study days are quite common. To ensure students’ health, authorities have enacted rules for after-school programs to close by 10 pm in some provinces or at midnight in other provinces.

Education is a high priority in all societies. Nevertheless, the amount of attention families in the Republic of Korea (RoK) are paying to the education of their children is truly amazing. Long school and study days are quite common. To ensure students’ health, authorities have enacted rules for after-school programs to close by 10 pm in some provinces or at midnight in other provinces.

Education is a high priority in all societies. Nevertheless, the amount of attention families in the Republic of Korea (RoK) are paying to the education of their children is truly amazing. Long school and study days are quite common. To ensure students’ health, authorities have enacted rules for after-school programs to close by 10 pm in some provinces or at midnight in other provinces.

The paper examines the effects of social protection on food consumption and nutrition, two central variables in the Sustainable Development Goal 2 of the 2030 Agenda. First, it discusses the theoretical mechanisms through which different social protection schemes can influence the various indicators of food consumption and nutrition. Major attention is given to cash benefits programmes – non-contributory cash transfers (CTs) and contributory social insurance cash benefits – and food transfers. Then, the paper illustrates the empirical evidence concerning CTs in nine countries in sub-Saharan Africa. This analysis reveals that social protection schemes paying sufficient attention to key design and implementation features, play a major role in improving food consumption and are often successful in improving diet diversification. In contrast, these programmes do not reach the last mile, i.e. improving final nutritional outcomes, when they are not integrated with other interventions addressing nutrition knowledge and behaviour, or tackling malnutrition of vulnerable groups.