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Summary and Key Points: The F-4 Phantom II, an iconic third-generation American warplane, served from 1961 to 1996 and participated in conflicts like the Vietnam War and Desert Storm. Developed by McDonnell Aircraft, this tandem, two-seat, twin-engine jet was used by the U.S. Navy, Marine Corps, Air Force, and eleven other nations, including Iran.

-Powered by two General Electric engines, it could reach speeds of 1,485 mph and carry a variety of missiles and a Gatling cannon.

-Despite its impressive capabilities and service record, it was retired as newer fourth and fifth-generation aircraft, like the F-15 Eagle and F-16 Fighting Falcon, became operational.

The F-4 Phantom II Had the Perfect Lifespan

The F-4 Phantom II is one of America’s most iconic warplanes. After entering service in 1961 and retiring in 1996, this bird is the stuff of legends. A unique design, the F-4 Phantom II was the world’s premier third-generation warplane. It served in multiple conflicts, from the Vietnam War to Desert Storm. Even with its incredible service record, though, the warbird was retired at the appropriate time. 

The F-4 Phantom II was one of the best, but by that time, the plane was a third-generation bird living in a fourth-generation warplane world. In fact, by the time the last U.S. Phantom was retired, the fifth generation had already arrived. 

The F-4 In All Its Glory

A tandem, two-seat, twin-engine, all-weather, long-range supersonic jet interceptor and fighter-bomber, this warbird was originally developed by McDonnell Aircraft for the U.S. Navy. After it entered service with the Navy, the Marine Corps also adopted this plane, and so did the Air Force. Eleven other nations used these birds as well. 

As an interesting aside, the Islamic Republic of Iran’s military still uses the F-4s they inherited from the government of the deposed Shāh.

The F-4 Phantom II has a maximum range of 1,450 miles (2,334 km) and an operational ceiling of 56,100 feet (17,099 meters). It is powered by two General Electric J79-GE-17 afterburning turbojet engines, each producing 17,900 pounds of thrust. The maximum speed of the F-4 Phantom II was 1,485 miles per hour at 48,000 feet.

This bird was not to be toyed with. She carried with her into battle a 20 mm M61 Vulcan Gatling cannon with 640 rounds. In other words, she could do some damage as a close air support (CAS) bird. The Phantom also carried a variety of air-to-air and air-to-ground missiles, including the AIM-7 Sparrow, AIM-9 Sidewinder, AGM-65 Maverick, and AGM-45 Shrike. F-4 Phantom IIs could carry nuclear weapons as well. 

These birds came equipped with an impressive countermeasures suite including chaff and flare dispensers. What’s more, the F-4 Phantom II was equipped with an AN/APQ-72 radar, an AN/APG-59 pulse-Doppler radar, and an AN/APR-25 radar warning receiver. All these tools came in handy when needing to repel fire either from enemy warplanes or from the ground. 

F-4 Fighter Phantom: Its Time Had Come

With the arrival of fourth-generation successors such as the F-15 Eagle and F-16 Fighting Falcon, the F-4 Phantom II had served her purpose. 

Understandably, the men who flew her and who have studied her engineering love this plane. They should. But it simply could not compete with the next-generation birds. Even in the CAS mission set, the A-10 Thunderbolt II was a superior plane. 

The F-4 had its time. It broke multiple records. The F-4 had an astonishing initial climb rate of over 41,000 feet per minute. The F-4 set a transcontinental speed record as well as achieving the world sea level speed record. 

There is much to be proud of when remembering the F-4 Phantom II. But by 1996, its time had come. It needed to be retired with its legacy of heroic and legendary service. Just as all men should know when to leave the party, the same is true for planes. 

Author Experience and Expertise: Brandon J. Weichert

Brandon J. Weichert, a National Interest national security analyst, is a former Congressional staffer and geopolitical analyst who is a contributor at The Washington Times, the Asia Times, and The-Pipeline. He is the author of Winning Space: How America Remains a Superpower, Biohacked: China’s Race to Control Life, and The Shadow War: Iran’s Quest for Supremacy. His next book, A Disaster of Our Own Making: How the West Lost Ukraine, is due October 22 from Encounter Books. Weichert can be followed via Twitter @WeTheBrandon.

All images are Creative Commons or Shutterstock. Main image is from a fire aboard USS John F. Kennedy in 1968.

From the Vault

Russia Freaked Out: Why the U.S. Navy 'Unretired' the Iowa-Class Battleships

Battleship vs. Battlecruiser: Iowa-Class vs. Russia's Kirov-Class (Who Wins?)

Roughly half of House and Senate Democrats boycotted the speech as protesters in Washington denounced the Israeli leader’s visit.

RÉCIT - Le Nouveau Front populaire entend exercer une pression maximale sur Emmanuel Macron pour imposer leur candidate, louée pour son «indépendance» et son «sérieux».

Violent demonstrations have shattered Sheikh Hasina’s aura of invincibility.

Negotiations are expected to occur in a few weeks with a focus on super-pollutants.

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The Republican ticket has unified—around a fundamentally unrealistic foreign policy.

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Summary and Key Points: Russia’s only aircraft carrier, Admiral Kuznetsov, has been stuck in drydock undergoing prolonged and problematic modernization efforts. Originally launched in the 1980s, the carrier has faced numerous issues, including design flaws, outdated mazut fuel, and significant operational failures.

-Kuznetsov has been beset by multiple fires, a falling crane, and embezzlement scandals at its repair shipyard.

-Despite plans to return it to service by the end of 2024, its troubled history and the ongoing Ukraine invasion suggest that it may never sail again. Scrapping the carrier could be the most practical option for Moscow.

Is It Time for Russia to Scrap the Embattled Admiral Kuznetsov?

The refit of Russia’s sole aircraft carrier goes on with no end in sight. For years now, Admiral Kuznetsov has been virtually wasting away at various shipyards as it undergoes “modernization” efforts on drydock. The plagued carrier might not ever enter service again. Even if the flagship of the Russian Navy does make it back out to sea, its troubled history, design flaws, and underwhelming capabilities will sideline the vessel. It will be more of a burden than an asset. 

Admiral Kuznetsov was supposed to venture from the port of Murmansk this year after spending nearly a decade tied to the dock. According to Russian state-run media last summer, the country’s only aircraft carrier was nearing the end of its refit saga. 

But this did not happen. The Soviet-era flattop remains dry-docked in Murmansk. As TASS reported: "According to the adjusted plan, factory sea trials of the aircraft carrier should begin in the spring of 2024. If the tests pass without glitches, then the ship can be handed over to the fleet at the end of 2024. If something goes wrong during the tests, then a shift to 2025 is inevitable." 

Clearly, Kuznetsov did not pass these initial tests.

Introducing Admiral Kuznetsov

Russia’s sole carrier was constructed by the Black Sea Shipyard during the Cold War and officially launched in the mid-1980s. Intended as the lead ship of a two-ship Kuznetsov class, the dissolution of the Soviet Union left Kuznetsov an only child. 

Kuznetsov was originally laid down as “Riga,” followed by “Leonid Brezhnev” and later “Tbilisi.” Ultimately, the carrier was renamed to honor Soviet Admiral Flota Sovetskoho Soyuza Kuznetsov. The Soviets intended Kuznetsov to function as a heavy aircraft-carrying cruiser during the Cold War, capable of supporting and defending missile-carrying submarines and other aircraft. However, the carrier’s design flaws, infrastructure issues, and perhaps bad luck have prevented her from achieving any of these missions.

Russia’s Sole Aircraft Carrier May Be Cursed 

Unlike modern carriers that are powered by nuclear energy, Kuznetsov runs on a goopy, tar-like substance called mazut. During the Cold War, this fuel source was popular due to its thick viscosity. While older military and commercial vessels relied on mazut in the past, the substance’s numerous shortcomings have led manufacturers to use nuclear or gas turbine propulsion systems instead. 

Kuznetsov was simply not built to withstand its intended service life. Poor piping installed during the carrier’s initial construction prevents its boilers from operating at full capacity simultaneously. This issue has only confounded the mazut’s drawbacks, as proper boiler and piping installations are required to ensure it can be adequately preheated and pressurized.

As previously detailed by Harrison Kass, “Mazut would be considered a Bunker B or Bunker C fuel. Bunker fuels, which is a colloquial term for the fuel oil that marine vessels use, are divided into A, B, or C classifications, based on their boiling points, carbon-chain lengths, and viscosities. A is the highest quality classification. C is the lowest. Lower quality fuel emissions, like mazut’s, typically produce large amounts of sulfur and have negative effects on the environment and human health.”

Kuznetsov’s mazut issue is not the carrier’s only limiting factor. The Russian carrier uses a simple bow ramp to carry out flight operations, while its foreign near-peers have shifted to magnetic-powered catapults and steam-powered catapults that work much better. The first and only time Kuznetsov used this system in combat was in 2016-2017, when she deployed to Syria. Two airframes were lost due to faulty arresting wires during this stint in the Middle East, essentially proving the carrier useless.

Should Moscow Scrap Admiral Kuznetsov Once and for All?

Kuznetsov’s Syria deployment is just one chapter in a desultory history. Between 2016 and 2022, the carrier suffered from multiple fires onboard, a falling crane, and even a crime of embezzlement relating to the shipyard where she once underwent repairs. It appears Kuznetsov will not re-enter service with the Russian Navy as planned by the end of the year.

Considering the ongoing invasion of Ukraine, it is unlikely the carrier will receive enough resources, funding, and labor to enable her to sail the seas any time soon. Perhaps nixing Kuznetsov altogether is the best plan of action for Moscow.

About the Author: Maya Carlin 

Maya Carlin, National Security Writer with The National Interest, is an analyst with the Center for Security Policy and a former Anna Sobol Levy Fellow at IDC Herzliya in Israel. She has by-lines in many publications, including The National Interest, Jerusalem Post, and Times of Israel. You can follow her on Twitter: @MayaCarlin. 

Image Credit: Creative Commons and/or Shutterstock. 

The former president’s health and mental acuity haven’t received nearly enough scrutiny.

Now that Democrats have installed Kamala Harris as the presumptive 2024 nominee, focus is shifting to who Harris may pick as her running mate. The Vice President pick is typically about pure political calculus – geography, deficiency balance, demography balance – and Harris’s pick will be no different.

Here are a few of the leading candidates, in no particular order.

Senator Mark Kelly

Mark Kelly probably has the most compelling biography in the Democratic Party. Combat pilot. Test pilot. Astronaut. Husband of a gun-violence victim (who happened to be a sitting congresswoman). Senator. The Kelly template is reminiscent of John Glenn’s, who pivoted from fighter pilot to the Mercury program, where he became the first American to orbit the Earth in Friendship VII, before serving as the US Senator from Ohio.

Glenn is an American icon, who enjoys broader name recognition than Kelly, for his early NASA exploits, although Kelly spent significantly more time in space (four Space Shuttle missions versus Glenn’s one Mercury mission).

Unlike Glenn, Kelly is not quite a national figure (politically). Yet Kelly has that moderate appeal (as a gun owner and Second Amendment supporter) that could help Harris attract independents. Oh, and Kelly represents Arizona – a vital swing state that will help decide the entire election.

Governor Josh Shapiro

“Perhaps nobody in the Democratic Party right now is a bigger rising star,” The Washington Post wrote of Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro. The former attorney general could become the first Jewish person ever elected on a presidential ticket and could help Harris compete for Pennsylvania’s all-important 19 electoral votes.

Shapiro could also help the Harris ticket appeal to independents and moderates. “More than 3 in 10 Pennsylvania Donald Trump supporters also supported Shapiro,” The Washington Post reported.  

Shapiro, like Kelly, is newer to national politics – and may seem green for a national ticket.

Governor Roy Cooper

Californian Kamala Harris could help bolster her credentials in the South with North Carolina Governor Roy Cooper. The second-term governor is a household name in North Carolina, where he has served in office since the 1980s.

Cooper remains extremely popular in North Carolina, where has won five statewide campaigns – in years that Republicans carried the state for the presidential election. Cooper is the most experienced, and presumably, the most politically savvy name on Harris’s shortlist. Cooper is also older, however, at 67 – which may be more of a turn-off than usual, given the concerns over Biden’s age, and the hype over Harris’s relative youth.  

Governor J.B. Pritzker

Governor J.B. Pritzker is well-established in elite Democratic circles, and, not coincidentally, happens to be a billionaire. Accordingly, Pritzker could help bring some mainstream and financial clout to the ticket (not that the ticket will be lacking in either).

But while Pritzker has been a competent governor, he doesn’t have the geographic appeal; Illinois is a solidly blue state that Harris likely has in the bag. What Harris needs on the ticket is someone who can help her win votes she would not otherwise earn. Pritzker may prove to be an electoral redundancy.

About the Author: Harrison Kass

Harrison Kass is a defense and national security writer with over 1,000 total pieces on issues involving global affairs. An attorney, pilot, guitarist, and minor pro hockey player, Harrison joined the US Air Force as a Pilot Trainee but was medically discharged. Harrison holds a BA from Lake Forest College, a JD from the University of Oregon, and an MA from New York University. Harrison listens to Dokken.

Families dig with their bare hands for loved ones buried under the mud of landslides.

Will the U.S. Navy replace its dedicated electronic warfare fighter jet with a new aircraft? Based on some recent statements by Boeing officials, it looks like that the Navy is thinking of replacing the EA-18G Growler electronic warfare fighter jet with an improved version of the brand new F-15EX Eagle II.

F-15EX Eagle II: A New Electronic Warfare Fighter Jet?

To begin with, electronic warfare aircraft like the EA-18G Growler have a niche but very important mission: find and suppress enemy radar and radio by jamming and kinetic strikes to enable other fighter jets and bombers to complete their missions.

As air defense weapon systems and sensors become more advanced so electronic warfare aircraft become more important on the battlefield.

In a potential conflict with China in the Indo-Pacific, electronic warfare aircraft would play a key role in helping the U.S. military and its allies establish air superiority. Beijing has invested heavily in Anti-Access/Aerial Denial (A2/AD) systems to restrict the capabilities of the Navy and prevent its aircraft carriers from entering the fray in force. Several of these A2/AD systems rely on powerful sensors and radars to perform their mission. This is where electronic warfare aircraft like the EA-18G Growler come into play.

A New Electronic Warfare Fighter Jet?

According to Boeing’s executive director for fighter jet business development, Rob Novotny, the defense and aerospace giant is evaluating the technical feasibility of introducing the electronic warfare capabilities of the EA-18G Growler into the F-15EX Eagle II platform.

The Boeing official highlighted that the project is quite new and is currently undergoing the initial stages of determining viability. In terms of potential clients, Novotny said that both NATO and U.S. allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific would likely be interested.

The F-15EX Eagle II is the newest fighter jet in the U.S. military. A 4.5th generation aircraft, the F-15EX Eagle II is a multirole aircraft that can achieve both air superiority and deliver accurate strikes on the ground. The Air National Guard received its first operational F-15EX Eagle IIs this summer.

The Navy has been using the EA-18G Growler operationally since 2009 and today flies approximately 150 aircraft of this type. Based on the structure of the F/A-18 Hornet/Super Hornet, the EA-18G Growler is expected to go out of production in the next few years, thus encouraging discussion about the Navy’s future electronic warfare capability.

“Modern aerial combat requires command of the electromagnetic spectrum, and this platform would lead the way into the next decade or two,” Novotny said. 

The brand new F-35C Lightning II stealth fighter jet that is gradually entering service for the Navy is also capable of electronic warfare missions, but the EG-18 Growler remains the only dedicated aircraft for that type of mission in America’s naval air fleet.

There is an argument that giving the electronic warfare mission to the F-35C would be the better option, given the aircraft’s stealth capabilities. However, there is another argument that electronic warfare capability could create stealth conditions if enemy sensors are taken out from afar via electronic warfare means.

“Stealth means, to me, I can go to a place where the enemy doesn’t want me to go, and I can operate in their environment, achieve my objective, and not be targeted,” the Boeing official added. 

About the Author

Stavros Atlamazoglou is a seasoned defense journalist specializing in special operations and a Hellenic Army veteran (national service with the 575th Marine Battalion and Army HQ). He holds a BA from Johns Hopkins University and an MA from Johns Hopkins’ School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS). His work has been featured in Business Insider, Sandboxx, and SOFREP.

Image Credit: Creative Commons. 

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The Working Sub Group on Planning of Military Cooperation of the India-Russia Intergovernmental Commission on Military and Military Technical Cooperation (IRIGC-M&MTC) held its 3rd Meeting on 23-24 July, 2024 at New Delhi

Last month’s Russia-North Korea summit was a reminder of the dangers of bilateral military cooperation between the two rogue regimes. 

Pyongyang has provided millions of artillery rounds and dozens of missiles to prolong Moscow’s brutal invasion of Ukraine. In return, Pyongyang receives economic benefits and potentially high-end military technology.

Less noticed were pledges by Russian President Vladimir Putin and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un to augment bilateral trade. Resulting measures could increase the already extensive numbers of North Korean workers in Russia. These workers, along with those sent to China and other countries, work in violation of UN resolutions. They allow the Kim regime to evade international sanctions by earning foreign currency for its prohibited nuclear and missile programs.

North Korea, for decades, sent its citizens to work abroad for wages that benefit the regime. However, UN Security Council Resolution 2397, adopted in December 2017, required UN member-states to repatriate all North Korean workers within their borders by December 2019.

Despite this edict, more than 100,000 North Korean laborers continue to work in 40 countries, though predominantly in China and Russia. They generate an estimated annual revenue of $500 million for Pyongyang. They labor in factories, agriculture, construction, logging camps, and mining operations. North Korea also operates restaurants in at least five countries, generating $700 million in annual revenue for the regime.

In December 2023, a Russian Construction Ministry official announced that Moscow requested 2,000 workers from North Korea in order to address labor shortages in Siberia. In February 2024, hundreds of North Korean workers were seen disembarking from a train near Vladivostok. In April 2024, North Korea sent workers to the Russian-occupied Donbas region in Eastern Ukraine.

In 2022, Chinese officials indicated there were 80,000 North Koreans just in Dandong, a seafood industry hub. Large groups of North Koreans have been sent to work at clothing and electronics parts factories in China’s Jilin Province.

North Korean overseas workers are exploited. They work in highly abusive conditions and in violation of international labor laws. The workers usually receive only 10% to 30% of their salary, with the rest provided directly to the North Korean government. Workers have to relinquish their passports and often work between 14 and 16 hours a day, with no holidays, except perhaps for one day a month. They can suffer confinement, beatings, and sexual exploitation.

Recently, North Korean workers in China engaged in strikes and riots after not receiving wages for several years. In January 2024, some 2,000 North Korean workers occupied a factory in Jilin Province, beating to death a North Korean official in charge of managing them, to protest unpaid wages.

In addition to laborers, North Korea sends IT workers overseas for activities both illicit and legitimate (though still UN-proscribed). The North Koreans use false foreign identities to fraudulently gain employment as freelance computer engineers with technology and virtual currency companies. Thousands of highly skilled North Korean information technology workers currently operate in Belarus, China, Malaysia, the Philippines, Russia, and Singapore.

Some North Korean IT workers can earn more than $300,000 per year, with 90% of the wages going to the regime. Most of the North Korean IT workers are engaged in non-hacking computer activity, but they are often involved in virtual currency companies and are able to launder illicitly obtained funds back to North Korea. Some use their access to foreign companies to carry out malicious cyber activities.

In May 2024, the United States announced charges against an Arizona woman, a Ukrainian man, and three foreign nationals on allegations of illegally helping North Korean IT workers pose as U.S. citizens and gain employment with 300 unwitting U.S. companies. The scam provided money and proprietary information to the North Korean regime.

Identifying and exposing North Korean violations will be harder after Russia vetoed the annual reauthorization mandate for the UN Panel of Experts created in 2009 to identify evidence of violations of UN resolutions. The panel also monitored and publicized UN member-states’ compliance with enforcing required sanctions.

Half-hearted enforcement of U.S. laws and UN sanctions by the Biden administration undermines the effectiveness of international efforts to hold North Korea, and other nations, accountable for violating those laws. The U.S. has also long refrained from going after Chinese and Russian banks and businesses assisting North Korea’s illicit nuclear and missile programs.

The U.S. should target North Korean overseas workers by requesting countries eject North Korean workers lest they face secondary sanctions against their companies, government agencies, or financial institutions.

Similarly, Washington should impose sanctions against any entity supporting North Korean cybercrimes and malicious cyber activity, including by providing technology, equipment, training, and safe haven to North Korean hackers.

Washington should take the lead in working with foreign governments to reduce Pyongyang’s use of illicit means to finance its growing military threat to the region and to the American homeland.

About the Author: Bruce Klingner

Bruce Klingner is Senior Research Fellow for Northeast Asia at the Heritage Foundation. He previously served 20 years with the CIA and Defense Intelligence Agency, including as CIA’s Deputy Division Chief for Korea.

Image Credit: Shutterstock. 

Secretary of State for Defence, John Healey, signed a joint declaration with German Minister of Defence, Boris Pistorius, on 24 July, 2024.

RÉCIT - La présidente de la région Île-de-France a investi 500 millions d’euros pour la réussite des Jeux olympiques dont la moitié dans les transports

En première ligne, la maire de Paris veut faire de la compétition une vitrine de son bilan, et prouver qu’elle a transformé la capitale en dix ans.

DÉCRYPTAGE - Mardi soir, sur France 2, le président a admis que « régler la question du chômage de masse » n’était « pas suffisant ». Un aveu qui remet en cause l’essence même du macronisme.