La décision de poursuivre le Sommet mondial sur la société de l'information (SMSI) au-delà de son échéance en 2015 interpelle la société civile (SC) quant à son rôle et son utilité dans la nouvelle phase du Sommet et dans la continuité du Forum sur la gouvernance de l'Internet. Dix ans après Tunis (2005), une grande partie de la SC dresse un bilan décevant et démobilisateur du processus de suivi du SMSI. Le déroulement quasi rituel de ses Forums bannit toute analyse critique et dialectique de l'évolution de la « société de l'information ». Seule une nouvelle dynamique et un élargissement des débats à tous les acteurs réellement impliqués, dans la société en général, peuvent inciter la SC à continuer son engagement et à contribuer de manière décisive à l'élaboration des nouveaux objectifs à assigner au SMSI au-delà de 2015. Quant à la gouvernance de l'Internet, si la SC constate des progrès accomplis par les neuf Forums annuels, le NETMundial, tenu à Rio et à l'initiative du Brésil en avril 2014, suite à l'espionnage massif organisé par la National Security agency (NSA) et le gouvernement américain, a déçu une bonne part de la SC. Et la « récupération » de NETmundial par le Forum économique mondial (FEM) à travers son « Initiative NetMundial » (NMI), a abouti à un clivage de la société civile autour du concept de partenariat multi-acteurs (PMA), le modèle de gouvernance imposé par le SMSI. Une partie importante de la SC conteste désormais sérieusement ce modèle et refuse toute participation à l'Initiative NETMundial du FEM. Dès lors, le risque d'un schisme existe au sein de la SC, alors que la crise de confiance née des agissements illégaux de la NSA impose des mesures concrètes de protection de l'Internet pour assurer la liberté d'expression des droits des citoyens et le respect de leur vie privée.
ddL'Europe s'est dotée d'institutions chargées de créer et de rassembler les informations statistiques jugées indispensables à sa construction. Eurostat harmonise et contrôle les données collectées et traitées par des organismes nationaux de statistiques parfois mis en place il y a plusieurs siècles. De son côté, l'Eurobaromètre est un service de la Commission créé afin de permettre une bonne connaissance de l'opinion des Européens en vue d'une gouvernance plus proche des citoyens. Si les sondages ne doivent pas dicter les politiques, les politiques ne peuvent ignorer les attentes des populations, bien souvent fugitives et contradictoires. Mélange subtil de science et de politique mais objet original, l'Eurobaromètre est soumis à de nombreuses critiques, en raison de sa nature même, ainsi que de ses insuffisances. Il n'a pas su encore s'imposer dans le paysage médiatique.
ddLes médias d'information et de communication, au XXIe siècle, analysent les conflits militaires au fur et à mesure de leur apparition. Informant le public des lecteurs, auditeurs et téléspectateurs, de l'évolution des théâtres d'actions militaires, ils s'autorisent à donner leur version des faits et à expliquer les origines des conflits. Ils s'engouffrent facilement dans la brèche ouverte par « le droit des peuples à disposer d'eux-mêmes », même s'ils dénient ce droit aux uns – comme à la Crimée – et le reconnaissent à d'autres – le Kosovo. En réalité, les médias se plient à la règle du politiquement correct, pour éviter d'hérisser les décideurs politiques de leurs Etats respectifs. Très souvent, depuis plus d'un demi-siècle, ils développent les fondements ethniques et claniques de nombreux conflits en Afrique et en Asie, mais, dans leur majorité, au mieux minorent, au pire ignorent, les racines économiques des tensions, des crises, voire des conflits armés. Ils seraient bien inspirés d'analyser les crises récentes dans le Caucase ou à venir, en Méditerranée ou dans l'océan Pacifique sous l'angle des ressources énergétiques (pétrole, gaz, hydrates de méthane). Ils comprendraient alors que les conflits au XXIe siècle ne sont pas ce qu'ils croient et ce qu'ils veulent faire croire qu'ils sont !
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Completing three years overseeing the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), Special Representative of the Secretary-General (SRSG) Karin Landgren reflected at IPI on the progress Liberia has made toward peace and stability, as well as the critical challenges facing the country.
Those years have been consequential ones for Liberia and the UN. During her tenure, the peacekeeping force saw significant drawdown, there was an outbreak of Ebola, and elections were held. The reduction of peacekeepers continues at present, as UNMIL’s mandate expires in a year’s time.
Emerging from war in 2003, Liberia signaled a new direction with the historic election of President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf three years later. As her term comes to an end in 2017, Presidential hopefuls will need to address reconciliation, security risks, and development.
“Liberia has made significant progress, including in the last three years,” she said. At her arrival, UNMIL had a peacekeeping force of 15,000, which was then reduced to 8,000, and, eventually, its military component was just 3,200.
Drawing upon that experience, Ms. Landgren speculated about the future of the country, as the UN works toward fulfilling its obligation to transfer security responsibilities to national authorities by June 30, 2016, in accordance with Resolution 2190 of 2014.
“Certainly the coming transition from UN Peacekeeping has to be managed very carefully,” she recognized. “UNMIL remains a reassuring presence. There is a real fear of a retreating UN.”
UNMIL’s security responsibilities have been different from other peacekeeping missions, particularly post-conflict missions. Overall, UNMIL’s role has not been to serve as a buffer between chaos and stability. Tasks are more of a supporting nature, such as guarding the country’s two main prisons. Approximately half a dozen tasks managed directly by UNMIL are to be taken over by Liberia in what she called “a staggered fashion” in the coming months.
The Liberian conflict is at a later stage, she said, and the peacekeeping mission serves to shore up national actors ahead of the full transition. “UNMIL has not been the first-line protection in Liberia, with the exception of protection of civilians, where required,” she said. “We have been the back up to national actors. So there has been a steady transition taking place throughout these years.”
This is not the only manner in which Liberia is unique among post-conflict countries. “Particularly for a post-conflict context, this is an environment largely free of political repression, of political prisoners, of extra judicial killings,” she emphasized.
Among the successes she highlighted were attracting $16-19 billion in foreign direct investment since 2005, and conducting a mid-term senatorial election last December, a considerable feat for any country emerging from conflict, let alone one at the center of the Ebola outbreak in West Africa, along with neighbors Guinea and Sierra Leone.
“Ebola has also strengthened something in the Liberian national fabric,” Ms. Landgren said, describing Liberia’s “resilience.” Its citizens were even able to draw something positive from the public health emergency, she said.
“Ebola, at its best, called forth extraordinary examples of togetherness and community spirit, and this should not be lost.” She continued, “This is part of what makes decentralization so vital, drawing more of the country into its own governance.”
Noting the criticism the international response to the Ebola outbreak had generated, Ms. Landgren posed a few questions. “How does the world respond quickly to health emergencies?” she asked. “How do you get in quickly to communities, who are the front lines, who need to change their behaviors, often behaviors that are sensitive, religiously driven, dear to them, whether its burial practices or others that we’re talking about, and where there is this mistrust of central government; how do you get right into that inner circle of trust and get the right messages across in a reliable way?”
The Ebola crisis did take its toll on the frequently troubled border with Côte d’Ivoire. Before the outbreak, progress was being made, but unfortunately, that dialogue had to be “put on ice,” she explained. The border between the two countries was closed on the Ivorian side, which was unaffected during the Ebola Crisis.
With impacts ranging from loss of trade to the suspension of refugee repatriation, the border, which remains closed, is “something to watch,” she said. She predicts this will be a key issue in the leadership battles in both countries, with Côte d’Ivoire heading to the polls in October, and Liberia holding Presidential elections in 2017.
By Ms. Landgren’s evaluation, there is much to be celebrated in development of Liberian institutions, as a result of the mission’s support. “We’ve seen positive changes in terms of recruitment, training, capability,” she said. “By the security sector, it is primarily the police.”
However, discussing the national roadmap for the security transition, she highlighted three key areas in need of improvement in the country: resources, management, and public trust.
The lack of resources, in particular for the police force, was made abundantly clear to Ms. Landgren, when she “traveled around saying goodbye.” In the provinces, she said, “they have no functioning vehicles at all.” She said the police force is “struggling to establish a meaningful presence outside the capital.”
A second area where the security sector needs improvement is in management. It will be a challenge to “incentivize good administration and governance within the security sector,” she said, “when the pull of parallel ways of doing business is so powerful.”
The third area she anticipates as a challenge in the security transition will be building public trust for Liberia’s national institutions. Noting that “Governance in Liberia wasn’t strong before the war,” Ms. Landgren explained that transferring the trust developed by UNMIL to national institutions would not be easy because when the UN leaves, the Liberian government will not simply be “building up something that has existed in the past.”
In that connection, Ms. Landgren reminded the audience that Liberia remains a divided society, and a history of social exclusion has created cleavages between citizens and government, as the Security Council recognized.
In her consultations around the country, Ms. Landgren found that “more than one Liberian has told me, bitterly, that every relationship is transactional,” she said, of their opinion of their government. “These are lessons that start early. School children are asked to give cash or give sex for grades.”
These early interactions with national authority figures have real consequences for public trust, she said. “What we’re seeing and hearing is really the shadow system is stronger than the official system. The work they do in school is irrelevant to the outcome. And that their role models can abuse them with impunity.”
One way to address these cleavages will be “developing human capital, which could help level this playing field more,” she said. However, while aspects of the government remain personalized to the benefit of a “small, dominant elite,” rather than systems-based, as she described it, implementing such a policy “has not had high priority.”
For these reasons, economic planning is especially politicized in the country, and without providing economic opportunity for all Liberians, she said, the country is susceptible to relapse into conflict. “We don’t necessarily see the question of economic structure as part and parcel of peace consolidation, and I believe that it is – it must be.”
With its extractives-driven economy, Liberia has consistently experienced high growth rates, but the benefits have not trickled down. Ms. Landgren sympathized with a member of the audience who contended, “Liberia may be experiencing growth, but for whom? Who does it benefit?”
“The expression ‘growth without development’ was coined in the 1970s about Liberia, so to some degree this risks being déjà vu all over again,” she responded. “That is why this area of economic structure is directly linked to stability.”
She painted a picture of the kind of development the country is lacking. “Social services are very weak, as we also saw during Ebola. Growth has been the top priority,” she said. “Investment plans have centered on infrastructure and energy. Justice and security have also had relatively low priority.”
She concluded her answer by again giving voice to the many Liberians she has spoken with as SRSG. “There is discontent, there is resentment, when I exit the SRSG bubble and talk to Liberians about how they understand reconciliation,” she said.
“One common demand has often been ‘feeling part of economic development.’ People want the road to come to their village, they want access to market, and they want jobs,” she explained, citing the responses she received upon asking what would make citizens feel reconciled.
She emphasized that Liberia has done remarkably well for a country emerging from war; but its citizens, especially the youth, remain a risk factor without opportunities from jobs to education readily available. “A country with Liberia’s prospects should be able to do that. This is the wealthiest post-conflict country I’ve ever worked in,” she said. As a result, “it has enormous potential.”
“Liberia itself has defined how to arrive at a shared sense of nationhood,” she concluded. She praised plans for reconciliation already in progress, including the Reconciliation Roadmap of 2012, but lamented that the “activities in the roadmap are largely, if not entirely, funded by the partners.”
Ms. Landgren stressed that ownership of the national reconciliation project is what will enable its success. “What I would hope to see, is more of a push from Liberian society itself, to take hold of these ‘unity’ ‘reconciliation’ ‘accountability’ and ‘justice’ initiatives, and run with them,” she said. “We’re seeing some of that, which is encouraging.”
IPI Senior Adviser for External Relations Warren Hoge moderated the conversation.
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