On met tout le monde dans le bateau et on voit s'il ne prend pas l'eau. Le gouvernement du Monténégro s'élargit aux partis pro-serbes et pro-russes de l'ancien Front démocratique, ainsi qu'au Parti bosniaque. Avec 32 ministres (dont seulement six femmes), c'est le cabinet le plus important en nombre de l'histoire du pays.
- Le fil de l'Info / Après Milo, Monténégro, Politique, Courrier des BalkansOn met tout le monde dans le bateau et on voit s'il ne prend pas l'eau. Le gouvernement du Monténégro s'élargit aux partis pro-serbes et pro-russes de l'ancien Front démocratique, ainsi qu'au Parti bosniaque. Avec 32 ministres (dont seulement six femmes), c'est le cabinet le plus important en nombre de l'histoire du pays.
- Le fil de l'Info / Après Milo, Monténégro, Politique, Courrier des BalkansSummary and Key Points: Lockheed Martin has delivered the first F-16 Block 70 aircraft to Slovakia, marking a significant step in modernizing the Slovak Air Force. This delivery is part of a total order of 14 advanced multirole fighters, with the remaining aircraft set to arrive by 2025. The F-16 Block 70, equipped with advanced avionics, extended structural service life, and enhanced safety features like the Automatic Ground Collision Avoidance System, represents a substantial upgrade for Slovakia's defense capabilities.
-Lockheed Martin, facing high demand for the F-16, plans to increase production, ensuring continued delivery to NATO allies and other international customers.
-This move underscores the strategic importance of the F-16 in bolstering NATO's collective defense and enhancing global security.
Lockheed Martin Delivers Cutting-Edge F-16s to Strengthen NATO AlliesOn Monday, aerospace giant Lockheed Martin announced that the first F-16 Block 70 aircraft had arrived in the Slovak Republic. It was one of five modernized F-16 Fighting Falcons produced for the Central European nation, while the remaining four aircraft will likely arrive later this year.
Nine additional aircraft are now being produced for the Slovak Air Force, and all 14 of the all-weather multirole fighters are on track to be delivered to the NATO member state by the end of 2025.
"Slovakia is at the forefront of adopting Europe's most advanced 4th Generation fighter, the F-16 Block 70. These jets not only represent a stronger alliance between Slovakia, the United States, and NATO allies, but also equip the Slovak Air Force with advanced capabilities to face 21st Century Security challenges," said OJ Sanchez, vice president and general manager of the Integrated Fighter Group at Lockheed Martin.
"As Slovakia has now joined the ranks of nations operating the F-16, a benchmark NATO fighter, they bolster their defense capabilities and readiness for NATO operations," added Sanchez.
The nine aircraft in production are just a tiny fraction of the orders that Lockheed Martin has received, and it was last week that Sanchez also told reporters that the company expects the production lines will remain operational for years to come.
50 Years of High Flying for F-16Earlier this year, Edwards Air Force Base (AFB), California, hosted a celebration of the Fight Falcon, to mark the 50th anniversary of the aircraft's maiden flight – which occurred in January 1974. In those five decades, the F-16 has established itself as the most popular Western fighter in its class, and it continues to serve 28 nations around the world. The proven warbird hasn't gotten older; it has also gotten better.
The F-16, which originated under the Lightweight Fighter (LWF) program for the United States Air Force, has been produced in 138 different configurations from the prototype to its latest production models. Successive changes have seen the addition of improved cockpit technologies, enhanced avionics, sensors, and weapons – while great effort has been made to ensure the fighter is more reliable and easier to maintain.
The latest F-16s have an increased range and payload, advanced infrared sensors, and laser targeting devices, while it has improved survivability thanks to more advanced electronic warfare sensors and sophisticated decoys.
The F-16 Remains in High DemandAccording to a report from Breaking Defense, Lockheed Martin is currently facing a backlog of 128 planes but it plans to double production next year to a rate of 48 aircraft annually. Even at that pace, the production lines at its facility in Greenville, South Carolina will remain operational through the end of the decade.
"We see clear opportunity towards about 300 new export F-16 aircraft sales," Sanchez told reporters. "We are obviously working closely through the FMS process [for NATO ally Turkey] and we are excited to be talking to Thailand and the Philippines."
Sanchez added the production line will continue to run "to provide those capabilities as long as the demand exists."
Other current NATO operators include Belgium, Denmark, the Netherlands, Greece, Poland, Portugal and Turkey.
The Block 70 and BeyondAccording to Lockheed Martin, the F-16 Block 70 jets are equipped with the Northrop Grumman APG-83 AESA Radar, and advanced avionics that increase the capabilities of the Fighting Falcon. In addition, the structural service life has been extended to 12,000 hours, while critical safety features including the Automatic Ground Collision Avoidance System (Auto GCAS) have been incorporated in the airframe. That has proved to be a true lifesaver, as it has saved 13 aviators in a dozen incidents.
Earlier this month, Lockheed Martin delivered the 4,600th F-16 Fighting Falcon, and while the aircraft is no longer being acquired by the U.S. Air Force, Lockheed Martin continues to build the F-16 for foreign customers around the world – and it remains the most successful, combat-proven multi-role jet fighter ever produced.
Given that it shows no signs of slowing down, it is possible more than 5,000 Fighting Falcons could be hatched before the F-16 finally flies off into the sunset.
Author Experience and Expertise: Peter SuciuPeter Suciu is a Michigan-based writer. He has contributed to more than four dozen magazines, newspapers, and websites with over 3,200 published pieces over a twenty-year career in journalism. He regularly writes about military hardware, firearms history, cybersecurity, politics, and international affairs. Peter is also a Contributing Writer for Forbes and Clearance Jobs. You can follow him on Twitter: @PeterSuciu. You can email the author: Editor@nationalinterest.org.
All images are Creative Commons and/or Shutterstock.
Summary and Key Points: Russia's tank stockpile is approaching a critical point of depletion, with recent reports indicating that even Cold War-era T-54/55 tanks are being deployed to the frontlines in Ukraine. Videos show these tanks being transported from storage facilities near Moscow, highlighting the severe strain on Russia's modern tank reserves, including the T-72 and T-90 models.
-With over 83,500 T-54/55 tanks produced in the Soviet Union and additional units built in Poland and Czechoslovakia, these aging platforms are now being used for artillery roles and direct combat, despite their limited effectiveness against modern tanks.
-This move underscores the desperate measures Russia is taking to sustain its war efforts, as its tank reserves may be entirely depleted by next year.
Russia's Tank Stockpile Nearing Critical Depletion: The Return of the T-54/55Earlier this month, news circulated that the Russian military could reach a "critical point of depletion" on the stocks of its old tanks by next year. The Kremlin has been refurbishing many older armored vehicles that have spent years in storage – and which, on paper, bolstered the size of the Russian Army's tank force.
A recent report from The Economist further suggested the storage facilities could be close to empty, at least of vehicles that could be serviceable, and it now appears that one of the last major caches of Cold War tanks may be on the way to Ukraine. Since last year, the Kremlin has replenished its losses of modern main battle tanks (MBTs) – including the T-72 and T-90 models – by pulling older platforms from the storage facilities.
Videos circulated on social media showing a column of T-54/55 series tanks loaded on trains spotted at the Uzunovo railway station, approximately 150km (93 miles) south of Moscow, and purported to be headed to the frontlines.
"Russia is deploying even more ancient T-54 tanks. The prototype of this tank has been developed in 1945. It is another obvious indicator that Russia is running out of hardware and diving deeper into its storages," the open-source military intelligence analyst Tendar posted on X, the social media platform formerly known as Twitter.
The T-54/55 – How Few Remain?As noted by the Defence Blog, the T-54, which was a direct evolution of the iconic T-34 and first prototyped at the Nizhny Tagil tank plant in late 1945, "became the backbone of the Soviet and Warsaw Pact armored units from the late 1950s." It was upgraded as the T-55, and together the T-54/55 series became one of the most-produced tanks to date.
"These tanks, despite their age, are being used in a variety of roles on the battlefield," a defense analyst told Defence Blog earlier this month. "Initially, they were repurposed for artillery roles, firing from concealed positions. Now, they're increasingly engaged in direct combat roles."
More than 83,500 T-54/55 tanks were produced in the Soviet Unit, while Poland and Czechoslovakia also manufactured an additional combined 21,000 of the tanks. The platform saw service around the world in conflicts in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. It was designed for a war in Europe, where it is now being employed – albeit not likely in a way its designers expected.
Russia has lost thousands of tanks in the now more than two and a half long year war in Ukraine, and it has resorted to deploying old platforms, pulled from storage, to address the losses. The improved T-55 was considered evenly matched with the U.S. Army's M48 "Patton" tank, but it would seem ill-suited in a fight against modern MBTs, including even Ukraine's T-72s from the later stages of the Cold War.
However, not even the Kremlin is so desperate to simply send the T-54/55 into mass armored assaults. Rather, as Army Recognition reported, the tanks have "primarily been used as 100mm self-propelled guns, providing indirect fire support from concealed positions akin to artillery," but it added, "Nevertheless, these tanks are also being employed to assault Ukrainian positions, functioning as both tanks and troop transports in a manner similar to tactics used during the Second World War."
Questions continue to be raised, whether the deployment of the older tanks reflects the "scarcity of modern equipment or a deliberate strategy to preserve advanced resources" for another sector, or a planned attack. The reality is that is probably a mix of the two. Russia simply can't replace the loss of modern tanks, and the T-54/55 series tanks are now necessary for use in secondary roles.
Regardless of how the older platform will be employed, one thing is certain, Russia's stockpiles of tanks are being depleted and at this rate, those storage facilities may be empty by this time next year!
Author Experience and Expertise: Peter SuciuPeter Suciu is a Michigan-based writer. He has contributed to more than four dozen magazines, newspapers, and websites with over 3,200 published pieces over a twenty-year career in journalism. He regularly writes about military hardware, firearms history, cybersecurity, politics, and international affairs. Peter is also a Contributing Writer for Forbes and Clearance Jobs. You can follow him on Twitter: @PeterSuciu. You can email the author: Editor@nationalinterest.org.
Image Credit: Creative Commons.
Since August 2021, all Central Asian republics have been, in one way or another, contending with Taliban rule in Afghanistan. While treading cautiously, each Central Asian government faces a host of major challenges related to the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (IEA).
While no Central Asian state has formally recognized the Taliban, all Central Asian republics have, to varying degrees, engaged the IEA and unofficially recognized Afghanistan’s only de facto government. Tajikistan sits on the far end of this spectrum as the most firmly anti-Taliban Central Asian country.
President Emomali Rahmon’s government believes that the IEA constitutes an illegitimate regime. Tajikistan sees the IEA as a grave threat to its national interests and regional security. There appears to be no reason to expect any thaw in Dushanbe’s relationship with the Taliban.
The former Soviet republic has vowed not to formally recognize the Taliban because it was “formed through oppression.” Tajikistan is the Central Asian republic that has given the greatest support to Afghanistan’s anti-Taliban forces, as was also the case during the Taliban’s first time in power (1996–2001) with the Northern Alliance. Tajikistan has hosted the National Resistance Front (NFR), a military alliance comprised of former Northern Alliance members who remain loyal to the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. Mohammad Zahir Aghbar, the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan’s ambassador to Tajikistan, still runs the Afghan embassy in Dushanbe. This diplomatic mission in Tajikistan has been a focal point of anti-Taliban activity.
Ethnicity is an important factor. While the Taliban is mostly Pashtun-dominated, Afghan Tajiks played a leading role in the anti-Taliban Northern Alliance. Its past leader, Ahmad Shah Massoud, was a Tajik. His son, Ahmad Massoud Jr., and the former vice president in the Ashraf Ghani government, Amrullah Saleh, who is also an ethnic Tajik, reportedly spent much of their time in Dushanbe working against the IEA. For political purposes, the government in Dushanbe feels the need to show sympathy for ethnic Tajiks in Afghanistan, at least to some degree.
Ideological dynamics are also relevant. While all Central Asian states are staunchly secular, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan have taken a mostly pragmatic approach to relations with the IEA. In contrast, Tajikistan sees any political engagement with the Taliban as a threat to its rigidly implemented secularism.
“With most of the regional countries including the Central Asian countries preferring to do business with the Taliban, Tajikistan finds itself as the odd man out in pursuing such a policy. However, at the same time, it has possibly emerged as the lone theater for keeping the anti-Taliban resistance forces alive. Many of the unknown sources of support for these groups could have been routed through Tajikistan,” according to Shanthie Mariet D’Souza, a Fulbright-Nehru Visiting Chair at the University of Massachusetts-Amherst School of Public Policy.
“Thus, Tajikistan’s policies may have been useful for countries and actors who still hope for the establishment of an inclusive government in Afghanistan or even pressurizing the Taliban to change its policies in some ways,” she added.
Border Security and Violent Extremism
Of all Central Asian countries, Tajikistan has the longest border with Afghanistan, and the government in Dushanbe has long perceived grave security threats from Afghanistan. This brings us to Jamaat Ansarullah (JA).
Founded in 2010, JA is a group made up of Tajik extremists who seek to oust Tajikistan’s ultra-secular government. The organization recruits its members from within Afghanistan and Tajikistan. Banned in Tajikistan, JA has a record of waging attacks inside the Central Asian country. Shortly before the collapse of Ghani’s government, the Taliban put JA “partially in charge” of securing Afghanistan’s 843-mile border with Tajikistan. Although the IEA denies harboring any armed group that threatens the security of any Central Asian country, authorities in Dushanbe reject that claim.
Beyond questions surrounding JA, there are other ways in which Dushanbe sees the Taliban regime as a direct threat to peace and stability in Tajikistan. “Pro-Taliban social media channels are also highly critical of the Tajikistan government and operate Tajik-language social media channels,” explained Adam Rousselle, an editor and contributor at Militant Wire.
“There are also concerns over cross-border narcotics trafficking into Tajikistan, which has risen despite Taliban efforts to stamp out the trade elsewhere in the country. It is possible that JA is engaged in drug trafficking into Tajikistan as well,” he added.
Within this context, it was understandable why Tajikistan beefed up security along its border with Afghanistan in the period just before the Taliban retook power in August 2021.
Mutual Lack of Inclusivity
The Taliban’s exclusion of Tajiks from governance is problematic from the perspective of Dushanbe. This is both for nationalist and security reasons. Authorities in Tajikistan believe that the Taliban’s marginalization of ethnic Tajiks risks pushing more of them toward violent extremist groups, chiefly Islamic State–Khorasan Province (ISKP), which would pose a security threat to Dushanbe.
“The reason why Tajikistan is taking the matter of the seclusion and discrimination of ethnic Tajiks in Afghanistan seriously, is because Tajikistan fears that if discriminated ethnic Tajiks of Afghanistan do not find sympathy and support from Tajikistan or from NRF inside Tajikistan, then these ethnic Tajiks of Afghanistan may increasingly join ISKP to settle their score with Taliban,” Ahmad Sayer Daudzai, the former Afghan ambassador to the UAE, told these authors.
“There is plenty of evidence that ISKP has been recruiting non-Pashtun fighters from ethnic minorities of Afghanistan, especially from urban areas, as these non-Pashtun youth have ethnic grievances with the Pashtun Taliban movement and can find a platform with the non-ethnic ISKP,” added the former Afghan diplomat.
However, calls for inclusivity coming from Dushanbe clash with the reality of Rahmon’s authoritarian government, which tolerates no opposition, even of a moderate Islamist hue. This stance violates the terms of the 1997 UN-brokered Tajik Peace Accord that ended the country’s vicious five-year civil war. The government cracks down harshly on outward signs of Islamic piety. Authorities recently imposed new restrictions on the wearing of hijabs in public. Such measures fuel violent extremism and push Tajik citizens toward ISKP—a significant concern not only for the Taliban but also for many other countries that have suffered from its terrorism, including Russia and Turkey.
Pragmatic Engagement
Although Tajikistan’s formal position is that the IEA is illegitimate, and Dushanbe opposes the idea of countries recognizing the Taliban, the Central Asian state has had no choice but pragmatic accommodation when it comes to the realities of post-U.S. Afghanistan. Tajikistan’s government has made efforts to work with the Taliban in cross-border economic relations and the struggle against ISKP.
“Tajikistan never stopped providing electricity to Afghanistan, even after the Taliban retook power, despite the non-recognition of their regime, and the fact that Afghanistan was in debt to pay for this electricity supply. Last February though, Afghanistan finally cleared the debt. Quite paradoxically, the representatives of the two national electricity companies met a few times since the summer of 2021 to renew partnerships and even agree on an additional supply of electricity and potentially extend transmission lines,” said Mélanie Sadozaï, postdoctoral research associate at the University of Regensburg.
“In addition to these meetings and agreements, the border between Tajikistan and Afghanistan, which was closed [in] February 2020, reopened in September 2023 to allow some cross-border markets to operate. Officials in Tajikistan have not denied these activities and have declared publicly that while their political position towards the Taliban [hasn’t] changed, they would support economic and trade relations for the benefits of both countries,” she told these authors.
Intelligence services of the government of Tajikistan and the IEA have also had meetings to discuss the ISKP threat, even if little information is publicly available about such engagement. Whether the shared threat perception of ISKP is enough to bring about a better relationship between Dushanbe and the Islamist rulers in Kabul is unclear, but experts have their doubts. This is primarily due to the lingering JA issue that appears set to ensure that Tajikistan-Taliban relations remain extremely negative.
“The threat posed by the ISKP could provoke security cooperation between the Dushanbe and the Taliban, but for this to happen, there would need to be a dramatic reduction in the threat JA poses to Tajikistan. Whether the Taliban exerts enough authority over JA to achieve this is unclear and until this happens, meaningful cooperation between the two countries seems unlikely,” commented Rousselle.
Throughout the foreseeable future, Tajikistan-Taliban relations will probably remain largely frosty. Pragmatic engagement on trade and the growing acceptance of the reality of IEA rule in Afghanistan by Tajikistan’s Central Asian neighbors, as well as important external partners, such as Russia, China, and Iran, may ease some friction. But the vexing questions about security, ideology, and nationalism will continue to bedevil the Tajikistan-Taliban relationship.
Eldar Mamedov is a Brussels-based foreign policy expert. He has degrees from the University of Latvia and the Diplomatic School in Madrid, Spain. He has worked in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Latvia and as a diplomat in Latvian embassies in Washington and Madrid. Since 2009, Mamedov has served as a political advisor for the social-democrats in the Foreign Affairs Committee of the European Parliament (EP) and is in charge of the EP delegations for inter-parliamentary relations with Iran, Iraq, and the Arabian Peninsula. Find him on X: @EldarMamedov4
Giorgio Cafiero is the CEO of Gulf State Analytics, an Adjunct Assistant Professor at Georgetown University, and an Adjunct Fellow at the American Security Project. He is a frequent contributor to Al Jazeera, Gulf International Forum, The New Arab, Responsible Statecraft, Stimson Center, and Amwaj.Media. Throughout Mr. Cafiero’s career, he has consulted many public and private sector entities, briefed diplomats of various countries on Gulf affairs, and worked as a subject matter expert for multinational law firms. Mr. Cafiero holds an M.A. in International Relations from the University of San Diego. Find him on X: @GiorgioCafiero.
Image: DeniskaPhotoGuide / Shutterstock.com.
Summary and Key Points: Washington must prioritize deterrence, especially with a reliable, long-range strategic stealth bombing capability. The B-21 Raider is poised to be the most sophisticated bomber ever built, intended to replace the aging B-2 Spirit.
-The U.S. Air Force aims to acquire many B-21s to enhance capabilities and strengthen deterrence, although budget constraints may limit numbers.
-The B-21 is essential for maintaining America’s nuclear triad and deterrence against near-peer rivals like China and Russia. In an era where nuclear warfare is a growing threat, cutting the B-21 program would severely compromise U.S. national defense.
The B-21 Raider: America's Key to Maintaining Air SuperiorityWith the world order we know it tending toward collapse, Washington must ready itself to survive in a world that is decidedly anti-American.
Deterrence is one key plank in that survival strategy. Sadly, as I recently told an audience at the Heritage Foundation, “deterrence is dead.” Restoring deterrence must be a leading priority for the next president, and a primary element of any deterrence strategy is having a reliable, long-range strategic stealth bombing capability. America’s existing stealth bombers, such as the B-2 Spirit, are aging and need to be replaced.
Hence, the creation of the B-21 Raider.
B-21: A Bomber America NeedsThe new B-21 will likely be the most sophisticated bomber ever built. The U.S. Air Force wants a lot of these bad boys (they’ll be lucky if they even get 100) to replace the B-2, increase capabilities, and strengthen deterrence. Yet Congress is understandably balking at this program. Sure, it’s an awesome suite of technologies, and if it all goes to plan, it’ll advance America’s manned stealth bombing capabilities significantly.
On the other hand, however, America appears to be on the brink of some kind of debt crisis. Interest payments on the national debt have already surpassed annual defense spending for the first time. So the Pentagon is not going to be able to justify the kind of expenditures it has for the last 80 years. This is why the Senate's proposed National Defense Authorization Act slashes funding for the Navy’s sixth-generation F/A-XX carrier warplane by some 90%. It’s why the Air Force’s Next Generation Air Dominance fighter program is in jeopardy.
The B-21 is subject to the same realities. But unlike a sixth-generation warplane, which would be redundant and costly, America actually needs a reliable long-range stealth strike capability. With the B-2s aging out of service, unless the B-21 Raiders are given the approval they need – and are built in a timely and reliable manner – the United States will lack the stealth strike capabilities it has become accustomed to for the last several decades.
Without this cornerstone of U.S. national defense, America’s ability to deter near-peer rivals such as China or Russia will suffer.
A Key Plank In America’s Nuclear TriadThe B-21 is described as a “nuclear-capable, penetrating strike stealth bomber” that “will be a component of a larger family of systems for conventional Long Range Strike, including intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance, electronic attack, communication and other capabilities.” According to the Air Force’s official description, this warbird will be able to “accommodate manned or unmanned operations. Additionally, it will be able to employ a broad mix of stand-off and direct-attack munitions.”
My colleague Harrison Kass has argued that “were the B-21 to be canceled, were the U.S. left without a stealth bomber option, [America’s] nuclear triad would be compromised.”
We are living in an age where the prospect of nuclear warfare is more prevalent than it has been in decades.
The United States, because of bureaucratic inertia, refuses to design and deploy the kind of space-based weapons defenses needed to protect the homeland from these strikes. What’s more, America’s nuclear weapons arsenal is in dire need of modernization, and possibly expansion. The nuclear triad puts redundancies in place.
The long-range stealth bomber is a key component of that triad. The B-21 will be it, unless Congress chooses to cut the program before it even takes wing. In this current environment, removing America’s long-range stealth strike capabilities is a really bad idea—even if the price tag is high for the B-21.
Author Experience and Expertise: Brandon J. WeichertBrandon J. Weichert, a National Interest national security analyst, is a former Congressional staffer and geopolitical analyst who is a contributor at The Washington Times, the Asia Times, and The-Pipeline. He is the author of Winning Space: How America Remains a Superpower, Biohacked: China’s Race to Control Life, and The Shadow War: Iran’s Quest for Supremacy. His next book, A Disaster of Our Own Making: How the West Lost Ukraine, is due October 22 from Encounter Books. Weichert can be followed via Twitter @WeTheBrandon.
All images are Creative Commons or Shutterstock.
From the Vault
Russia Freaked Out: Why the U.S. Navy 'Unretired' the Iowa-Class Battleships
Battleship vs. Battlecruiser: Iowa-Class vs. Russia's Kirov-Class (Who Wins?)
Summary and Key Points: At the Farnborough International Airshow 2024, the UK, Italy, and Japan unveiled a new concept model of their multinational sixth-generation fighter, the centerpiece of the Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP). The updated design features a pure delta panform and larger wingspan to enhance aerodynamics.
-The fighter emphasizes speed, range, and payload over traditional dogfighting roles. Engineers from BAE Systems, Leonardo, and Mitsubishi Heavy Industries are collaboratively developing the aircraft, which is set to enter service in the mid-2030s.
-Despite earlier concerns, the UK's new Labour government supports the program, ensuring its continued progress. The GCAP aims to create an advanced, interoperable fighter jet with intelligent weapon systems and next-generation radar, capable of processing 10,000 times more data than current systems.
GCAP's New Fighter Model: A Leap Forward in Design and CapabilitiesAt this week's Farnborough International Airshow 2024, the UK, Italy, and Japan unveiled a new concept model of the multinational next-generation fighter that is expected to be the centerpiece of the Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP). The new concept artwork for the future sixth-generation fighter highlighted its emphasis on speed, range, and payload – over a traditional dogfighting role.
As described by international military analyst firm Janes, the fighter features "a pure delta panform in place of the previously touted modified delta."
"In the 18 months since the launch of the GCAP, we've been working closely with our industrial partners in Italy and Japan under the collaboration agreement, and also with the three governments, to understand and align requirements for a next-generation combat aircraft," said Herman Claesen, managing director, Future Combat Air Systems, for lead UK company on the project BAE Systems. "The new model … shows notable progress in the design and concepting of this future fighter jet. We'll continue to test and evolve the design, as we move closer towards the next phase of the programme."
The new concept model is on display this week at the UK's largest airshow, also emphasized how the design has evolved. In addition to the delta panform, the aircraft features a larger wingspan than previous concepts, including those of the UK's Tempest. The changes were meant to improve the aerodynamics of the future combat aircraft.
"Engineers from across BAE Systems, Leonardo and Mitsubishi Heavy Industries are working together under a collaboration agreement on the design and development of the future combat aircraft using a range of innovative digital tools and techniques, including computer based modelling and virtual reality to evolve the aircraft’s design during its concepting phase," the companies said in a joint statement.
GCAP is Already in SupercruiseThough the design of the sixth-generation fighter has evolved, the timeline hasn't changed. The companies stated that the aircraft is still on track to enter service in the mid-2035s. The goal of the GCAP is still to develop an advanced, interoperable, adaptable, and connected fighter jet. It has also been touted to be equipped with "an intelligent weapons system, a software-driven interactive cockpit, integrated sensors and a powerful next generation radar" that can provide "10,000 times more data than the current systems."
There had been speculation that GCAP may not have the same level of support from the UK's new Labour government, but that doesn't seem to be the case.
"We are heading towards 2025 at pace," Claesen told Janes in Farnborough. "In readiness for 2025 to take on the international design and development contract, we have been working at phenomenal pace, and the key message is that pace has continued absolutely since the last time we got together [at Farnborough 2022], whether it is from a government point of view or whether it's from an industry point of view."
GCAP's Triple AllianceThe UK and Italy's Tempest program merged with the Japanese F-X project. In December 2022, the UK, Japan, and Italy signed an international treaty to collaborate on the development of an advanced front-line fighter. Though the name has changed, the goal has not.
Tempest was initiated to develop a replacement for the Eurofighter Typhoon, which is operated by both the Royal Air Force (RAF) and the Italian Air Force, while the F-X program was jumpstarted to produce an aircraft to replace the aging Japanese F-2 fighters. It is further worth noting that all three nations have adopted the Lockheed Martin F-35 Lightning II multirole fifth-generation stealth fighter – but appeared to be looking towards a sixth-generation combat aircraft.
"The pace of the programme is extraordinary, building on a solid foundation and industrial legacy in each country and government-led partnership. Since the treaty was signed in December 2023, the programme has seen strong commitment from each partner. Each brings different, but complementary, qualities and requirements. We are now working closely together to exchange knowledge, address common challenges, and achieve common goals," added Guglielmo Maviglia, chief GCAP Officer at Leonardo.
It would seem among the sixth-generation fighter programs, GCAP may be the one that will supercruise its way to service – and while it may incorporate the latest stealth technology, the efforts to develop this aircraft aren't being hidden from view.
Author Experience and Expertise: Peter SuciuPeter Suciu is a Michigan-based writer. He has contributed to more than four dozen magazines, newspapers, and websites with over 3,200 published pieces over a twenty-year career in journalism. He regularly writes about military hardware, firearms history, cybersecurity, politics, and international affairs. Peter is also a Contributing Writer for Forbes and Clearance Jobs. You can follow him on Twitter: @PeterSuciu. You can email the author: Editor@nationalinterest.org.
All images are Creative Commons and/or Shutterstock. Image are from when the GCAP program was called Tempest.