Diplomacy & Crisis News

Hungary’s incoming leader aims to tackle corruption, the previous administration’s influence, and dependence on Russia.

Réunie à Berlin, la communauté internationale a promis 1,5 milliard d’euros d'aide pour le Soudan, qui entre dans la quatrième année d'une guerre ayant plongé la majorité de la population dans la détresse. Une annonce jugée positive mais insuffisante par Muriel Boursier, coordinatrice des urgences de Médecins sans Frontières au Darfour. "Ces promesses de don risquent de pas ne se traduire dans les prochains mois en des moyens suffisants pour répondre à la crise actuelle qui est urgente", explique-t-elle sur France 24.

Trois ans après le début de la guerre entre armée et paramilitaires au Soudan, des donateurs réunis à Berlin mercredi ont promis de lever environ 1,5 milliard d'euros d'aide face à une crise humanitaire que l'ONU qualifie de la plus grave au monde.

Cela fait trois ans jour pour jour que le Soudan est plongé dans une guerre civile qui oppose l'armée régulière aux forces paramilitaires. Trois ans de combats, de tueries et d'exil pour près de 13 millions de Soudanais. Ce qui en fait la pire crise humanitaire du monde selon les Nations unies. Et malgré la multiplication d'initiatives régionales, la communauté internationale peine à se mobiliser pour cette guerre oubliée. Édition spéciale du journal de l'Afrique. 

La BBC est sommée de faire des économies. Le diffuseur public britannique, qui regroupe chaînes de télévision et stations radio, indique depuis plusieurs mois avoir des difficultés financières. Et mercredi 15 avril, le dirigeant par intérim de la British Broadcasting Corporation a annoncé la suppression de quelque 2 000 emplois sur les deux prochaines années.

The world’s worst humanitarian crisis threatens to engulf the wider region.

C’est peu de dire que la peur fait désormais partie du quotidien des immigrés en Suède. Deux projets de loi sont en discussion et pourraient bien être adoptés d’ici l’été. L'un prévoit le renvoi de tout migrant en règle qui ne mène pas « une vie honnête », l’autre surnommée « loi de la délation » prévoit de demander aux administrations de dénoncer tous les sans-papiers.  

Targeting the inner circle of leadership shows no one is safe.

La fédération Grands Formats, créée en 2003 à l'initiative de plusieurs chefs d'orchestre du jazz et des musiques improvisées, réunit aujourd'hui une centaine d'ensembles et collectifs d'artistes professionnels. Mais les temps sont durs. Les grands ensembles, constitués de huit musiciens ou (…) / Musique, Culture, Politique, France

La chute d'El-Fasher fut l'un des épisodes les plus sanglants depuis que la guerre a commencé au Soudan, le 15 avril 2023. Après 18 mois de siège, les paramilitaires des Forces de soutien rapide (FSR) ont pris le contrôle de la ville, capitale historique du Darfour, où ils ont perpétré massacres de civils et exécutions sommaires. La première ONG à avoir pu entrer dans la ville après l'entrée des FSR est Solidarités international. C'était en décembre 2025. Pour en parler, Renaud Douci, coordinateur terrain de Solidarités international, basé à Tawila.

Le Togo va solliciter les membres des Nations unies (ONU) pour changer les cartes du monde et en adopter une qui représente de manière plus fidèle la taille des continents, et notamment l'Afrique. Un projet dans les cartons pour la prochaine assemblée générale en septembre 2026.

L'Australien Patrick White (1912-1990) a reçu le prix Nobel de littérature en 1973. Il a été largement traduit et publié aux éditions Gallimard, mais L'Arbre de l'homme (1955) restait inédit en français. White a été plus ou moins oublié ces dernières décennies, et il a fallu, pour découvrir ce (…) / Australie, Littérature, Histoire

Will the Board of Peace become another short‑lived episode, akin to the Summit for Democracy, or will it thrive as a sustainable, pragmatic international body for reconstruction and development that also advances the values of universalism/communitarianism with American characteristics?

On March 30, 2026, Kosovo’s government, led by Prime Minister Albin Kurti, approved deployment of troops to Gaza as part of the Board of Peace –aligned International Stabilization Force (ISF), thereby aligning itself with a U.S.-backed and UN‑mandated mission. The initial Kosovo Security Force (KSF) operation element is expected to consist largely of specialized units—demining and unexploded ordnance disposal (EOD) teams, medical personnel, planning elements, and special operations support. Yet this move reflects the growing support of nation‑building and middle‑power–aspiring states across the broader Eurasian region, encompassing Eastern Europe, the Balkans, and Central Asia, revealing to the world a deeper commitment to addressing post‑conflict instability, countering terrorism, and laying the foundations for long‑term security.

“We are ready to participate and help the people of Gaza, because we ourselves have been, and remain, beneficiaries of international forces since 1999,” Prime Minister Kurti emphasized the ethics behind Kosovo’s shift from a passive recipient of international security assistance to an active contributor to global peace operations when announcing the troop deployment. Yet the implications go beyond the realm of ethics. For Kosovo—a state still navigating the threshold of UN membership—the mission presents a critical opportunity to validate its nation‑building trajectory by evolving its role on the global stage.

In response to Kosovo’s courageous decision, the Board of Peace promptly endorsed the deployment, noting that it “welcomes the strong commitment of the Government of Kosovo to advance peace and reconstruction in Gaza.” By giving Kosovo the green light, the Board of Peace has paved the way for it to further consolidate the international legitimacy of its latest diplomatic and military initiative.

Kosovo’s Nation-Building Aspirations Impeded by EU Western Balkan Politics

In the aftermath of the European Union’s 2014 enlargement moratorium—effectively implemented under Jean-Claude Juncker’s Commission during a period of Eurozone recovery and enlargement fatigue—Western Balkan integration trajectories diverged into two competing paradigms: pan-regional institutionalism and state-driven pragmatic regionalism.

The first, embodied in Germany’s Berlin Process and later institutionalized through the EU’s Common Regional Market (CRM), pursued a comprehensive, multilateral approach. Launched by Chancellor Angela Merkel in 2014, the Berlin Process brought together all six Western Balkan states (WB6)—Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia—into a coordinated framework designed to prepare the region for eventual EU accession. Across eleven annual summits, from Berlin in 2014 to Tirana in 2024, and supported by EU institutional mechanisms such as the Regional Cooperation Council (RCC) and the Western Balkans Investment Framework (WBIF), the initiative mobilized more than €10 billion in funding and achieved meaningful progress in regional infrastructure, including transport and energy connectivity projects. In 2020, the CRM further deepened integration by advancing the policy ideas of the four freedoms—the movement of goods, services, capital, and labor—while aligning with the EU’s main agendas, including digital market harmonization, SEPA payment integration, and the European Green Deal.

However, the EU’s integration efforts have gradually stalled, due in part to the behind‑the‑scenes politics and diplomacy of the region, as this consensus‑driven model required unanimous agreement among all WB6 participants and proved highly susceptible to political vetoes. In particular, Serbia’s persistent obstruction of Kosovo‑related measures—notably its repeated blockage of initiatives aimed at normalizing Belgrade–Pristina cooperation—has significantly slowed progress. Such obstructive behavior is especially noticeable in Serbia’s refusal to fully implement the 2013 Brussels Agreement, which integrates North Kosovo into Kosovo’s legal and institutional framework and effectively acknowledges Kosovo’s authority over the judiciary and police, while Serbia formally refrains from recognizing Kosovo’s independence. Instead of embracing Kosovo’s authority under this framework, Serbia has pushed for the establishment of the Association/Community of Serb‑Majority Municipalities (ASM/CSM) within Kosovo, thereby seeking to strengthen collective Serb autonomy inside the country rather than accepting the logic of Kosovo’s centralized institutional authority.

In contrast to the EU’s Berlin Process–centered Common Regional Market (CRM), the Open Balkan initiative, launched in 2021 by Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama in partnership with Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić and North Macedonian Prime Minister Zoran Zaev (later Dimitar Kovačevski), adopted a more flexible and pragmatic approach. Often described as a “Mini‑Schengen,” Open Balkan prioritized rapid, tangible outcomes through non‑binding agreements, bypassing the EU’s formal accession framework. By 2023, the initiative had delivered expedited border procedures, mutual recognition of professional qualifications and health certifications, pension portability, and a unified tourism framework. In sum, intra‑regional trade among the participating states increased significantly, alongside greater cross‑border labor mobility.

Despite the neighbouring countries’ growing interdependency, Kosovo again remained structurally excluded from Open Balkan from its inception. Political tensions with Serbia, particularly Belgrade’s refusal to engage with Kosovo on a state‑to‑state basis, effectively barred Pristina’s participation. A clear example is the 2021 Belgrade summit, where Serbia insisted that Kosovo be invited not as an equal state participant but as a technical observer, without formal signing rights, effectively limiting its role in shaping the initiative’s rules and benefiting from its core provisions. As a result, the initiative’s benefits were unevenly distributed, reinforcing Kosovo’s marginalization within regional economic and political frameworks.

Consequently, both paradigms of the Western Balkans’ integration into the EU produced unintended constraints on Kosovo’s nation‑building trajectory. The pan‑regional model, while inclusive in design, empowered rival actors’ veto power to block Kosovo’s progress, whereas the Open Balkan framework, though more efficient, effectively institutionalized Kosovo’s exclusion. These dynamics were in turn compounded by broader EU‑level stagnation, including limited accession momentum, shifting political priorities, and growing skepticism toward enlargement. As a result of these combined factors, by 2025–2026 Kosovo faced a convergence of structural challenges: prolonged political deadlock following snap elections—epitomized by the 2021 parliamentary early election, called after the legislature’s dissolution under constitutional and political strain—the suspension of key EU funding mechanisms, and stalled progress in accession‑related processes.

Within this context, Kosovo’s participation in the Board of Peace emerged not as an isolated foreign policy decision, but as an alternative strategic avenue. It reflects a broader strategic recalibration, enabling Pristina to circumvent regional and European constraints and position itself as a proactive contributor to international peace and security.

The Board of Peace’s New Corridor of the Willing Establishes a Comprehensive Developmental Architecture with American Characteristics

The Board of Peace marks the rise of a ‘New Corridor of the Willing,’ redefining multilateral integration through a distinctly American lens of strategic pragmatism. This framework replaces the passive, open-ended institutionalism of previous eras with the principle of functional sovereignty. By aligning approximately 31% of its membership as active stakeholders along the IMEC and Middle Corridor, the Board of Peace consolidates a comprehensive developmental architecture where stability and reconstruction are shared responsibilities. Within this system, a core axis of partners—most notably the UAE, Azerbaijan, and Albania—functions as the essential financial and infrastructure nodes that sustain these transnational networks.

In this strategic triad, the UAE serves as the primary capital hub for the IMEC zone, while Azerbaijan acts as the indispensable energy anchor for the Middle Corridor. Albania emerges as the regional gatekeeper at the strategic crossroads where these corridors converge into the European market via the Trans Adriatic Pipeline (TAP). By prioritizing the selective integration of these pivotal nations, the US-led Board of Peace provides a robust mechanism to neutralize the monopolistic leverage of dominant regional actors.

This stewardship replaces traditional power asymmetries with a model of strategic interdependence, anchored in synchronized technological standards and permanent route diversification. Such structural redundancy effectively strips any single transit power of the ability to exercise a unilateral veto over global supply chains, ensuring the corridor remains insulated from local political volatility. Ultimately, this approach transforms the position of smaller states, such as Kosovo, from points of geographic vulnerability into indispensable, tech-integrated anchors for regional reconstruction, advancing a pragmatic form of universalism/communitarianism with American characteristics.

Au Soudan, la guerre entre les forces armées soudanaises et les paramilitaires des Forces de soutien rapide (FSR) entre dans sa quatrième année. Elle a plongé dans la pauvreté la majorité des Soudanais, arraché 11 millions d'entre eux à leurs foyers et répandu la faim. Depuis le début du conflit, en avril 2023, la production d'or déclarée a chuté, au profit des réseaux parallèles d'extraction et d'exportation. Le contrôle des zones minières entre les FAS et les FSR est devenu un élément déterminant du financement de l'effort de guerre. L'analyse de Thierry Vircoulon, chercheur associé au Centre Afrique subsaharienne de l'Institut français de relations internationales (IFRI).

L'Afrique du Sud a nommé son prochain ambassadeur aux États-Unis. Il s'agit de Roelf Meyer, figure clé de la transition du régime d'apartheid à la démocratie dans les années 1990. L'annonce de cette nomination est tombée mardi 14 avril. Avec ce choix, Pretoria répond à l'administration américaine, qui accuse le gouvernement sud-africain de persécuter sa minorité blanche.

The plan was discussed even as Indian and Bangladeshi diplomats are working to reset bilateral relations.

Dans un entretien accordé à RFI et organisé grâce à la Ligue de Football Professionnel, le portier de Nice, Yehvann Diouf, raconte son métier et explique les difficultés que vivent les Niçois en ce moment. L'international sénégalais, qui évoque aussi la sélection, doit faire en sorte que l'OGC Nice garde sa place en Ligue 1 à la fin de la saison. 

Forte émotion en Turquie, où une fusillade a eu lieu ce mercredi 15 avril dans une école du sud du pays. Le dernier bilan provisoire fait état d'au moins neuf morts, dont huit élèves, et treize blessés. Six d'entre eux sont actuellement en soins intensifs, dont trois dans une situation critique, selon le ministre turc de l'Intérieur. L'auteur des tirs était un élève de l'établissement. Il est mort au cours de l'attaque. L'émotion est d'autant plus grande que c'est la deuxième fusillade en deux jours dans une école du pays. Des syndicats d'enseignants mettent en cause le gouvernement.

The energy crisis is hitting Bangladesh’s 177 million people hard. Experts have been urging the government to end dependence on imported coal and gas in favor of reliable renewables.

Insights from Jonathan Cheng.