The creation of a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Common Defence and Security Policy (CSDP) of the European Union (EU) in the 1992 Maastricht Treaty has fuelled a debate over how can a unified foreign policy be created while preserving the diversity of its Member States’ national foreign policies. Indeed, as a sui generis global actor, which does not classify as a state or a supranational organisation, acting on the global stage is essential for the EU to be recognised and legitimised. Recent international events – such as the return of war on European soil, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the rise of great power competition – have all called for more assertive and credible action. How can the EU answer this call?
To be able to ‘speak with a single voice’ has been the most widely shared answer between academics, practitioners, and leaders. It is assumed that the EU’s global presence is directly and positively correlated to its ability to act in unison. This is because the EU’s foreign policy-making process relies on unanimity and consensus in order to create a single foreign and security policy out of a multitude of diverging interests, histories, strategic cultures, and conceptions of global issues among Member States. It follows that agreement is a necessary condition for the EU to implement a foreign policy worthy of its name. When Member States disagree and are incapable of coming up with a decision and a single message to be communicated to the rest of the world with a single voice, the EU is usually posited not to be able to act on the global stage.
Consequently, as the role of the EU as a global actor has expanded, so has a ‘single voice mantra’ been entrenched in the study of its external action. Many will claim that the academic debate has now moved on from attempting to establish a correlation between the EU’s ability to speak with a single voice and its capacity to act externally. However, I argue that, still, most academic conceptualisations and analyses of the EU and the kind of power it is and projects have been inspired by debates in Comparative Politics and International Relations, which use the unitary state as a yardstick. The model of the state is mirrored at the political and policy level with a strong normative bias in favour of integration, with the objective that one day the Union will become a federation. Why should we move on from it?
1 – Let’s take a good look at empirical evidence
Although forging substantial and procedural unity is a struggle for the Union’s foreign policy, its track record shows that it is not always optimal. Empirical evidence shows that the impact and performance of the EU are inconsistent regardless of the EU’s ability to speak with one voice across multiple policy areas. Indeed, if unity does not come naturally but after draining internal negotiation activities, it can reduce the EU’s flexibility, resources, and credibility in diplomatic engagement with third parties. When the EU is united and assertive in multilateral settings, it can be accused of bullying by third countries, as seen in recent clashes in the UN General Assembly over the conflict in Ukraine.
2 – Let’s be realistic about the future
If the correlation between internal unity and agreement and the EU’s capacity to act on the international stage does not satisfactorily hold up with the current political and decision-making structure of the EU, it is unlikely it will do so in the future. The complex and often duplicated nature of the EU has only been emphasised by the Lisbon Treaty. The Treaty has fragmented its external competencies between the Commission and the Member States. With the opening of accession negotiations with Ukraine and Moldova, further integration in foreign and security policy is ever more improbable. Indeed, in an EU30+, the possibility that Member States may renounce their sovereignty through the extension of Qualified Majority Voting in foreign affairs is low. As of now, disagreement and fragmentation are here to stay.
3 – Let’s do with what we have – and be creative about it
Yes, Member States are not always uniformly committed to collective action on all sets of issues. The Union thus often fails to produce an overarching foreign policy that is cohesive and continuous – all characteristics that are usually associated with national foreign policies. However, a more normative argument can also be made: by dismissing all actions that do not fit in the container of the unitary state, we only have a half-painted picture of the foreign policy practice and potential of a post-modern actor. The EU should not renounce the post-Westphalian governance project that is embedded in its DNA by reducing the scope of international manoeuvre to unitary action only. The fact that its presence on the global stage challenges conventional expectations of diplomacy and international relations away from state-centricity can be a source of strength in an increasingly interconnected and complex world.
So what? Moving from unity to multiplicity
The normative, theoretical, and political prescription for a unitary foreign policy, with the issue of internal consensus and unanimity at its core, might not be the most fruitful. The Union has neither the characteristics of an international organisation nor those of a federal state but has both. It can speak with one voice as well as sing with many different ones. I attempt to build a pragmatic approach to capture this hybrid, shape-shifting characteristic by recognising the ‘multiplicity’ of the EU’s foreign policy machinery. A collective global actor, the Union has a diverse and dense system of foreign policy-making, which contains variable geographies and changeable relationships and balances between its actors, instruments, and practices. Multiplicity hence results in an ambiguous and ever-changing structure which depends on the interaction with other elements inside and outside the system, creating different forms that the EU assumes when acting internationally. It follows that there is never a single European Union acting on the global stage, but multiple. This ability to be both united and diverse might be a starting point to analyse how the coexistence of different voices can provide the EU with a sui generis ability to pragmatically adapt to different global contexts and events.
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