European Union

The decision of the British people to leave the European Union is not a catalyst for questioning European integration. It is another marker – a very significant one – in a series of events that have cast doubt on the concept and practice of European integration, which has enabled prosperity, security and the advancement of the continent since the Second World War.

Ever since France and the Netherlands voted against the draft European constitution, there have been increasing signs of “Europe” losing its appeal; claims that the project is exhausted; demands that it be replaced by other models.

This is also evident in the growing number of election victories for Eurosceptics and anti-EU parties within the founding states of the Union. Some of these parties have won seats in the European Parliament. Public support for the EU, regularly recorded by Eurobarometer, is falling in almost all of the 28 member states. Pro-EU sentiment remains high only in a few candidate countries, such as those of the Western Balkans.

Despite its progress in strengthening democracy, empowering the European Parliament and bolstering the subsidiarity principle, the Lisbon Treaty – this last attempt to create an EU based on firm ideals – did not bring a true fresh start or fuel enthusiasm for Europe.

On the contrary, Europe’s responses to major crises over the last few years – the global economic crisis, the eurozone crisis, the unresolved refugee crisis – have been hesitant. Citizens’ confidence in the EU, and its ability to control Europe’s fate, has been shaken.

Some member states’ solution was to return to policies that serve only the national interest and disregard European standards and European solidarity. As a result, the European Commission and the Parliament have lost much of their authority and ability to act.

It would be too simple and superficial to look at personal factors – in some cases, weak leadership at an EU and national level – as the primary or lone cause of this trend. Stellar names and visionary personalities – think Jacques Delors, Sicco Manshold or Sir Leon Brittan – are no longer on the European stage. Even the leadership of the German-French axis, which was predominant during the era of Konrad Adenauer and Charles de Gaulle or Helmut Kohl and François Mitterand, has grown weaker (although this axis remains essential).

European ideals are fading away and the desire for unlimited national autonomy has been revived. But the reasons for these changes must be analysed very carefully, not simply reduced to obvious factors such as the growing Brussels bureaucracy, its alienation from the people and its unrealistic decrees.

The reasons include the so-called “democratic deficit”. Many EU citizens feel powerless. They no longer expect political processes to solve their daily problems – especially in those areas administered by Brussels. This residual feeling intensifies when populist forces, such as those pushing for Brexit, blame Europe for all problems – old and new, related and unrelated.

However, it is debatable whether the unease many European citizens feel towards national and EU/European policies could be overcome simply by strengthening national sovereignty at the expense of EU (or even pan-European) bodies and institutions. Many of the causes of this unease have an authentically national origin – a fear of the future due to an increase in social inequality, environmental degradation or threats to public safety and security, regardless of whether they are real or only perceived. Slogans such as “More Europe” or “Less Europe” are, therefore, not useful for getting to the heart of the issue.

In fact, a sensible combination of national and EU/European measures is needed to restore Europeans’ confidence in their joint project – for overall prosperity and safety. National and supranational measures are necessary to secure our common social model, the European welfare state. Only a strong EU/European can protect people in Europe from the consequences of unrestrained globalisation. And member states have to ensure social justice within their own borders. There is no alternative.

The call for more autonomy and civic participation requires not only national but pan-European action. The democratic deficit exists not only at a European level – the EU institutions certainly need a surge of democratic ideas and practices – but within many of the member states. The limitations of a dismal representative democracy come to light when they only partially portray the will of the people.

If it is possible to address the needs and concerns of citizens, then it is also possible to continue with EU integration in the best interest of European family of peoples. National particularities and diversities – a firm characteristic of Europe – must be taken into account much more than is the case now.

But a reinvigorated EU, under this banner of diversity, can remain the Union of the four fundamental freedoms and its other accomplishments – the achievements that defined its historical cause and will define the lives of its people now and in the future.

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Nothing defines “British exceptionalism”, a recurrent theme of the UK’s European Union membership, like the decision to leave the Union. The implications of Brexit for the British healthcare sector, employment policies and social assistance schemes have been much discussed. But what about the impact on the other side of the negotiating table? Could the EU, liberated from its “reluctant partner”, proceed more rapidly towards a more social Europe – or will the EU’s social policy begin its disintegration?

Throughout the British referendum debate, depictions of the European impact on Britain’s welfare state were tainted by inaccuracies and outright lies. One was the assertion that immigrants abuse freedom of movement within the EU to scrounge off the UK’s generous benefits system. This simplistic view can easily be contested: the data has consistently suggested that, over time, European immigrants have paid more in taxes than they have received in benefits. Yet although not at all evidence-based, the argument shot to the top of the political agenda, with David Cameron proposing a four-year ban on EU migrants receiving inwork benefits and a ban on “exporting” benefits for children living outside the UK.

But what about the underlying assumption that social policy decisions – including the allocation of benefits – should be free from EU interference? The development of the welfare state has been linked historically with ideas of national identity and citizenship. Proponents of this rather old notion of a self-sufficient nation state consider EU membership, and the grounds it offers for the enjoyment of social benefits, as a threat to sovereignty. For the British, the repatriation of welfare policy was seen as the way to reclaim an important part of national sovereignty. Even though the EU has limited formal competence in the field of social policy, many British citizens felt left out of decisions affecting the UK’s welfare system. Alienation from the European project is not unique
to British people – so an important challenge for post-Brexit EU social policy is to reconsider ways in which EU citizens could meaningfully participate in and help make decisions that directly
or indirectly affect their social wellbeing.

“The EU should clarify the set of social rights standards to be respected by all member states, serving as a real guarantor of minimum social protection”

Recent social policy changes in the UK have followed the general European trend – responding to the financial crisis by introducing austerity measures that entail cuts in social benefits and assistance. At the same time, industrial closures and job losses resulted in the casualisation of wages and working conditions. The real wages of the average British person have fallen by about 10% since 2007, with the burden of austerity felt most by vulnerable populations, multiplying the disadvantages to which they were already exposed. These developments were particularly decisive for the outcome of the UK referendum, as the areas with the biggest falls in average wages had the strongest anger towards the EU. In other words, the EU’s attempts at financial recovery alienated the very sections of the British population that might have been expected to support the European project. These people felt the EU didn’t live up to their expectations of it as a protector of social rights, which begs the question of what “Social Europe” really means, and how it can now ensure a minimum level of social protection for all EU citizens.

In the aftermath of Brexit it would be simplistic to expect that the EU, without its reluctant British member, could rapidly deepen social policy integration. The UK was by no means the only member state opposing integration initiatives, especially when it comes to EUwide transfers or solidarity mechanisms. To address member states’ reluctance to share the burdens of multiple economic and social crises across the continent, the EU has to listen seriously to their claims of national sovereignty over social welfare. Paying attention to concerns about sovereignty doesn’t mean pandering to them, but rather having the openness to rethink the ways in which the EU can guarantee member states’ real and equal participation in and co-determination of social policy decisions. Exclusive meetings of a limited number of leading states, like the one that took place immediately after the Brexit vote, are not the way forward. On the contrary – when it comes to the regulation of provision of public services such as social assistance or healthcare, the Union must ensure transparency and the level of consultation necessary for the genuine involvement of state officials, citizens and stakeholders in EU decision-making. Only by providing a democratic forum for discussion of social policy will the choice for membership be more attractive than the choice for exit.

For the EU to regain its lost legitimacy in the area of social policy, it can’t pretend its influence is restricted to its competences. The EU must openly address the knock-on effects of its economic
policies on the welfare state. This doesn’t mean that labour costs or pension schemes should be strictly separated from budgetary coordination, but that when confronted with an economic decision
that has direct or indirect consequences for social policy, the EU should accommodate concerns beyond efficiency. These include objectives such as equity, accessibility and quality of social
services for all citizens. The Union has to emphasise the qualitative difference between economic and social policy, and control the risk of the blind subordination of EU social policy to the market.

“For the EU to regain its lost legitimacy in the area of social policy, it can’t pretend its influence is restricted to its competences”

Initiatives such as the introduction of a European Pillar of Social Rights are definitely a positive sign, but rather than simply multiplying the existing regulatory framework of EU social policy, the Union should strive to specify and operationalise the existing elements of the European social constitution – for example, through the introduction of a basic, common unemployment insurance.
Through comprehensive and consistent secondary legislation and jurisprudence, the EU should clarify the set of social rights standards to be respected by all member states, serving as a real
guarantor of minimum social protection. Fostering the European social model with decent working and living standards for all EU citizens is the only way to fight inequalities and the downward spiral of Eurosceptic populism.

IMAGE CREDIT: cylonphoto/Bigstock.com

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Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

AMENDMENTS 1 - 247 - Draft report Implementation of the Common Foreign and Security Policy
Committee on Foreign Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

1.      We, the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) and of the European Union and the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, met on the occasion of our first Inter-Summit meeting, held in the Dominican Republic on the 25th and 26th of October 2016. 

2.      We underscore the importance of our partnership and reiterate our commitment to all the bi-regional declarations adopted in the Summits of our Heads of State and Government since Rio de Janeiro in 1999. These declarations reflect our common vision on important matters. 

3.      We recall the mandate received from the Heads of State and Government in their Political Declaration “A partnership for the next generation” adopted in June 2015, to commit to a comprehensive and inclusive exercise of reflection on the future of the bi-regional relationship in order to deepen our long-standing strategic, bi-regional partnership based on historical, cultural and human ties, international law, full respect for all the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, all human rights and territorial integrity as well as on common values and principles, and mutual respect and interests. We reiterate our rejection of coercive measures of unilateral character with extraterritorial effect that are contrary to international law and we reaffirm our commitment to the peaceful settlement of disputes. 

4.      We endorse the conclusions and recommendations emanating from the “Assessment of programmes and actions adopted by the Summits”, which have constituted an important input in our reflection. This evaluation has proven to be a positive contribution in the identification of successful bi-regional initiatives, areas of our relationship where more efforts need to be made and suggested changes in our working methods, which will lead to more concrete and valuable results. These recommendations should be considered in the further implementation and development of the CELAC-EU Action Plan. We also agree to enhance coordination between the cooperation programmes and the CELAC-EU Action Plan. 

5.      We agree to build on the conclusions of our discussions on the assessment of the programmes and actions adopted by the Summits, strengthening the bi-regional dialogue and deepening mutual relations, financing for development and climate change, during this first Inter-Summit meeting to consolidate a more ambitious, strategic and balanced association on the basis of clearly identified common interests, which shall be the framework of our future bi-regional relationship. 

6.      We are convinced that together we can play an important political role to jointly address ongoing and new global challenges. We commit ourselves to a reinvigorated and more frequent political dialogue based on common bi-regional objectives. We commend the bi-regional dialogue in the lead up to the major international conferences, summits and special sessions on issues of global concern, in particular the Third International Conference on Financing for Development, the United Nations Sustainable Development Summit (2015), which adopted the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the 21st Session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC COP 21), the UN General Assembly Special Session on the World Drug Problem (UNGASS 2016) and the UNGA High Level Meeting on Addressing Large Movements of Refugees and Migrants (2016). We commit to further working together, as applicable, to achieve our common goals in the multilateral fora, including in the UNFCCC COP 22 to be held in Marrakech in November 2016 and the Open Government Partnership Summit to be held in Paris in December 2016. 

7.      We welcome the dynamism of our long-lasting economic ties, while acknowledging the need to give new impetus to our economic partnership. We recall our earlier commitments in Santiago de Chile and Brussels, to promote sustainable development and inclusive economic growth in our respective regions, including through increased and diversified investments. We recognize that economic growth within a policy framework of environmental and social responsibility is essential to achieve sustained and inclusive development. Our countries share the common challenge of enhancing productivity growth and would gain from cooperating more closely in this field. We propose to create an enabling environment encompassing all aspects of bi-regional relations related to productivity, as defined in paragraphs 45 to 49 of the EU-CELAC Brussels Declaration adopted in 2015. Therefore, we mandate the CELAC-EU Senior Officials to carry out consultations at different levels with the business sector and other relevant stakeholders to identify objectives and modalities for a possible CELAC-EU partnership in this field and report to the next Summit. 

8.      We acknowledge the need for open, constructive dialogue and closer collaboration in tax matters, recognizing the need to address tax evasion, base erosion and profit shifting (BEPS). We also acknowledge that this dialogue should be reinforced between all parties and we take note that some countries have already undertaken commitments in accordance with standards monitored and assessed by the Global Forum on Transparency and Exchange of Information for Tax Purposes (Global Forum). 

9.      We stress the need to enhance bi-regional cooperation, using all available instruments in an integrated manner. The new challenges linked to the implementation of the 2030 Agenda should be taken into account in the design and implementation of the CELAC-EU Action Plan. We therefore mandate the CELAC-EU Senior Officials to conduct a reflection and consultation process on this issue with all relevant partners and to present initial results before the end of 2016 with a view to submitting its outcome to the Summit in 2017. Given the importance of ODA as a lever for effective implementation of the SDGs, this reflection should include the issue of graduation in order to properly reflect the realities and challenges of the populations of Latin American and Caribbean States and its potential side effects in our bi-regional cooperation.

10.  We recognize the need to promote broad participation of all sectors of society and relevant organisations and engagement in the advancement of the bi-regional relationship. We also wish to ensure the adequate representation of youth and women, and to identify ways of making our partnership more effective, visible, participatory and inclusive with a view to enhancing the achievement of our common strategic objectives. 

11.  We welcome the signature of the Agreement establishing the EU-LAC Foundation as an international organization of intergovernmental nature as an important instrument of our bi-regional relationship. We recognize the voluntary basis of financial contributions reflected in the Agreement and encourage all countries to promote financial, legal and political support for the EU-LAC Foundation in fulfilling its mandate. 

12.  We welcome the results of this first Inter-Summit meeting of Ministers of Foreign Affairs which contributes to boosting the strategic partnership. As decided by our Heads of State and Government at the 2015 EU-CELAC Summit, we will hold regular Inter-Summit Ministerial meetings with the aim of ensuring a comprehensive follow-up of Summit decisions and sustain regular high level dialogue between our two regions. 

13.  We commend the Dominican Republic for the organization of this Ministerial Meeting, which enriched the bi-regional agenda and was instrumental in achieving substantial progress, paving the way for the next CELAC-EU Summit to be held in the second semester of 2017 in El Salvador.

Plenary sessions : Parliament demanded more funds, to help young people into jobs, boost economic growth and assist third countries with a view to mitigating the migration crisis, in a plenary vote on Wednesday. MEPs reversed all the Council’s proposed cuts in the draft EU budget for 2017. They expect some of the additional funds needed to come from new appropriations to be obtained through the mid-term revision of the EU’s long-run budget, the Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF).

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

Plenary sessions : Parliament demanded more funds, to help young people into jobs, boost economic growth and assist third countries with a view to mitigating the migration crisis, in a plenary vote on Wednesday. MEPs reversed all the Council’s proposed cuts in the draft EU budget for 2017. They expect some of the additional funds needed to come from new appropriations to be obtained through the mid-term revision of the EU’s long-run budget, the Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF).

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

Plenary sessions : The EU should place mandatory limits on industrially-produced trans-fatty acids (TFA) which may increase the risk of cardiovascular disease, infertility, Alzheimer’s, diabetes and obesity for consumers, says a resolution voted on Wednesday. TFA intake is mostly linked to consumption of industrially produced, partially hydrogenated oils.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

Plenary sessions : The EU should place mandatory limits on industrially-produced trans-fatty acids (TFA) which may increase the risk of cardiovascular disease, infertility, Alzheimer’s, diabetes and obesity for consumers, says a resolution voted on Wednesday. TFA intake is mostly linked to consumption of industrially produced, partially hydrogenated oils.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

Plenary sessions : The threats, violations and restrictions faced by journalists in Turkey will be debated with Commissioner Corina Creţu, representing EU foreign policy chief Federica Mogherini, late on Wednesday afternoon. Since the 15 July failed coup d’état, which left 241 people dead and thousands injured, 90 journalists have been jailed, more than 2,500 have lost their jobs and arrest warrants have been issued against hundreds of media workers in the country.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

Plenary sessions : The threats, violations and restrictions faced by journalists in Turkey will be debated with Commissioner Corina Creţu, representing EU foreign policy chief Federica Mogherini, late on Wednesday afternoon. Since the 15 July failed coup d’état, which left 241 people dead and thousands injured, 90 journalists have been jailed, more than 2,500 have lost their jobs and arrest warrants have been issued against hundreds of media workers in the country.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

Plenary sessions : New rules to curb the growing influx into the EU of plant pests, such as olive grove killer Xylella fastidiosa, and better equip member states to tackle their spread, were endorsed by the Parliament on Wednesday. The new regulation introduces preventive and rapid response mechanisms for suspect plant imports, steps up pest surveillance efforts in the EU and requires all member states to draw up outbreak contingency plans.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

Plenary sessions : New rules to curb the growing influx into the EU of plant pests, such as olive grove killer Xylella fastidiosa, and better equip member states to tackle their spread, were endorsed by the Parliament on Wednesday. The new regulation introduces preventive and rapid response mechanisms for suspect plant imports, steps up pest surveillance efforts in the EU and requires all member states to draw up outbreak contingency plans.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

Plenary sessions : Parliament backs the EU Commission case for investing in innovation, growth and job creation, pursuing socially-balanced structural reforms, and encouraging responsible public finances, in a resolution on EU economic priorities for 2017, voted on Wednesday.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

Plenary sessions : Parliament backs the EU Commission case for investing in innovation, growth and job creation, pursuing socially-balanced structural reforms, and encouraging responsible public finances, in a resolution on EU economic priorities for 2017, voted on Wednesday.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

Plenary sessions : The EU needs to update its long-term financial plan to cope with unforeseen crises said MEPs in their vote on its forthcoming review, on Wednesday. MEPs acknowledged that the Commission’s proposal to revise the multiannual financial framework (MFF) genuinely responds to requests in Parliament’s negotiating stance, adopted in July, for more flexibility and an EU crisis reserve. However, they were disappointed that resources remain unchanged.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

Plenary sessions : The EU needs to update its long-term financial plan to cope with unforeseen crises said MEPs in their vote on its forthcoming review, on Wednesday. MEPs acknowledged that the Commission’s proposal to revise the multiannual financial framework (MFF) genuinely responds to requests in Parliament’s negotiating stance, adopted in July, for more flexibility and an EU crisis reserve. However, they were disappointed that resources remain unchanged.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

Plenary sessions : The websites and apps of public administrations, hospitals, courts and other public sector bodies will have to be made accessible to everyone, under new EU-wide rules approved by the European Parliament on Wednesday. The web accessibility directive, already agreed by Parliament and Council, should make it easier for disabled and elderly people to access data and services on the internet, e.g. to file a tax declaration, apply for an allowance, pay fees or enrol at university.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

Plenary sessions : The websites and apps of public administrations, hospitals, courts and other public sector bodies will have to be made accessible to everyone, under new EU-wide rules approved by the European Parliament on Wednesday. The web accessibility directive, already agreed by Parliament and Council, should make it easier for disabled and elderly people to access data and services on the internet, e.g. to file a tax declaration, apply for an allowance, pay fees or enrol at university.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

Plenary sessions : Council President Donald Tusk and Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker briefed MEPs on the political conclusions of the latest EU summit in Wednesday’s plenary debate. Political group leaders focused on the proposed EU-Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) recently rejected by Wallonia’s parliament, EU-Russia relations, trade defence instruments and migration.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP