Cette recension a été publiée dans le numéro d’hiver de Politique étrangère (n°4/2016). Marc Hecker, chercheur au Centre des études de sécurité de l’Ifri, propose une analyse de l’ouvrage de Claire Arènes, La prévention du terrorisme en Grande-Bretagne. Le programme Prevent et la communauté musulmane (Presses universitaires de France, 2016, 256 pages).
Le prix Le Monde de la recherche universitaire permet, depuis près de 20 ans, de donner une visibilité importante à des thèses de doctorat. Non seulement les thèses sélectionnées font l’objet d’une présentation dans le quotidien, mais certaines d’entre elles sont publiées aux Presses universitaires de France. Parmi les lauréats 2016 se trouve Claire Arènes, récompensée pour son travail sur la prévention du terrorisme en Grande-Bretagne.
Claire Arènes analyse bien la manière dont la perception du terrorisme a changé en Grande-Bretagne au tournant des années 2000. Les autorités découvrent alors que des citoyens britanniques participent à des actions de terrorisme international à l’étranger. En avril 2003 par exemple, deux jeunes hommes nés en Angleterre se font exploser dans une boîte de nuit de Tel Aviv. Dans certaines mosquées radicales de Londres – que d’aucuns surnomment « Londonistan » –, des prêcheurs radicaux appellent au djihad. En juillet 2005, quatre terroristes – nés au Royaume-Uni pour trois d’entre eux et en Jamaïque pour le quatrième – commettent des attentats-suicides dans la capitale britannique. Le terrorisme est désormais perçu comme une menace interne et il apparaît nécessaire aux responsables politiques de prévenir la radicalisation des « communautés vulnérables ».
L’auteur décrit précisément la mise en œuvre du principal programme de prévention, baptisé PREVENT. Son analyse repose sur de nombreux entretiens avec des acteurs de terrain, notamment des militants associatifs, des représentants institutionnels et des policiers. Son verdict est sévère : PREVENT aurait entretenu un mélange des genres dangereux entre community cohesion et lutte contre-terroriste, et conduit à une stigmatisation des communautés musulmanes. La réforme du programme consécutive à la défaite des travaillistes en 2010, n’aurait pas inversé la tendance : PREVENT demeurerait une « marque honnie » que les acteurs de terrain chercheraient à cacher.
Si le livre de Claire Arènes mérite assurément d’être lu – en particulier par les acteurs chargés de la lutte contre la radicalisation –, il appelle cependant deux regrets. D’une part, l’essentiel du travail de recherche a été réalisé entre 2010 et 2012 : il est donc question d’Al-Qaïda, mais pas de Daech. Or on aurait souhaité savoir dans quelle mesure PREVENT avait réussi à détourner les jeunes Britanniques de l’État islamique. D’autre part, un chapitre comparatif aurait été utile, la stratégie britannique ayant fait des émules en Europe. La France, qui a longtemps résisté à l’approche britannique en mettant en avant son incompatibilité avec le modèle laïque et républicain, est aujourd’hui plus encline à s’inspirer des expériences conduites outre-Manche. Les similitudes entre le plan d’action contre la radicalisation et le terrorisme (PART) présenté par Manuel Valls en mai 2016, et la stratégie britannique CONTEST – dont PREVENT est un des piliers – sont frappantes.
Claire Arènes se demande à l’issue de son travail si PREVENT ne s’est pas révélé contre-productif, et n’a pas conduit le gouvernement britannique à « perdre les cœurs et les esprits » d’une partie de la population. Si tel est le cas, espérons que le PART français connaîtra un meilleur destin.
Marc Hecker
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By Alireza Jafarzadeh
Barely a week after President Donald Trump was sworn in as U.S. president, Iran commenced another round of ballistic missiles to test his tough campaign rhetoric. The most recent launch took place even after the administration officially put the regime “on notice.” In doing so, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) continues to lead the charge in defying international will.
Under United Nations Security Council resolution 2231, which coincided with the Iran nuclear deal, the Iranian regime is called upon to refrain from work on such weapons. Accordingly, Iran is barred from launching ballistic missiles capable of carrying nuclear material.
The missile launches were preceded by half a dozen others that also took place after the conclusion of nuclear negotiations. The regime faced little to no consequence for those provocative acts, but the latest launch was the first one to be carried out on President Trump’s watch.
As should have been expected from Trump’s statements on the campaign trail, the Iranian regime can expect a far less deferent response from the current administration. Some commentators also speculated that the IRGC carried out the test so early in the new presidency to gauge how the administration would respond to subsequent acts of defiance.
The answer was made abundantly clear when recently-resigned National Security Advisor Michael Flynn issued a statement condemning the missile test as being not only in defiance of UNSC resolution 2231, but also part of a long string of confrontational and destabilizing behaviors, including forced close encounters between US Navy ships and IRGC vessels, as well as the targeting of the U.S. and its allies by IRGC proxy groups elsewhere in the region, chiefly the Yemeni Houthi rebels. This statement was backed by Sean Spicer and Donald Trump, and continues to stand following his resignation late Monday.
The statement was equally straightforward in its criticism of the previous administration, noting that it had “failed to respond adequately to Tehran’s malign actions—including weapons transfers, support for terrorism, and other violations of international norms.” Similarly, on Capitol Hill, House Speaker Paul Ryan said Washington should stop “appeasing” Iran. The message is clear that this permissiveness is at an end. This clear statement from Washington was promptly followed by a new round of sanctions issued from the White House.
These responses—both in rhetoric and action—seems to answer significant questions about whether President Trump would stay true to the tough talk that had become a familiar feature of his campaign. But other questions certainly remain, particularly those having to do with exactly what steps the administration will now take to transform tough talk into firm policy.
The natural first step is to impose additional new and relevant sanctions, as well as tightening those that already exist. The push to include additional regime entities on the list of sanctions is a good start.
It has been noted that in opening up Iran to international investment, the Iran deal also opened the door to indirect financing of the IRGC, the organization that is the main driving force behind the missile tests, the provocations in the Persian Gulf, and a wide variety of Iran’s worst behaviors at home and abroad. The worsening of these activities helps to underscore the fact that it is long past time to restrain the influence and activities of the IRGC.
Currently, Western businesses are free to invest in Iranian firms in which the IRGC is only a minority stakeholder, or in which its interests are concealed behind front companies or proxies in the Iranian business world. It is, therefore, essential for the administration to isolate the IRGC completely from Western funds and business dealings by designating it as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO).
What the Trump administration cannot do is repeat the mistakes of its predecessor. These include not only the laxity that was referenced in former National Security Advisor Michael Flynn’s statement, but also a tendency to look toward certain factions of the Iranian government as a source of hope for internal moderation. The experience of the past several years has proven the folly of this approach. The IRGC has only grown more deeply integrated into the Iranian system, having gotten more financing and no serious challenge from so-called moderate President Hassan Rouhani. In fact, the armed forces budget has increased dramatically.
In addition to sanctions and the terrorist designation of the IRGC, the Trump administration also has an extraordinary opportunity to stop Western appeasement of the extremist regime and start engaging the freedom-loving people of Iran. The regime has already been isolated inside Iran and is only surviving through gross human rights violations and executions. It is time for America to support democratic Iranian opposition movements as the strongest strategic deterrent to the regime’s destabilizing behavior.
Alireza Jafarzadeh, the deputy director of the Washington office of the National Council of Resistance of Iran, is credited with exposing Iranian nuclear sites in Natanz and Arak in 2002, triggering International Atomic Energy Agency inspections. He is the author of “The Iran Threat” (Palgrave MacMillan: 2008). His email is Jafarzadeh@ncrius.org.
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Recent tensions between Russia and Belarus seemed to display the Kremlin’s shattering dreams for integration across the countries of the former Soviet Union. The Moscow-led Eurasian Economic Union (EEU), developed as a rival to the European Union, seemed failing short of its goals, with friendly countries drifting away amidst Russia’s alleged weakness.
Fumes flared up after statements of Alexander Lukashenko Belarus’ strongman leader, who has been in charge of the nation for over 26 years witnessing major historical shifts in the Kremlin’s foreign policy, launched a fierce diatribe during a 7-hour long conference.
He blamed the Kremlin for violating a two decades old bilateral agreement after the FSB established a security zone on the shared border previously free of any regulations. The decision came as a response to Minsk announcing a five-day visa waivers for citizens from 79 countries—including the United States, a gesture deeply disliked by the Kremlin.
Lukashenko also accused Russia of blackmail by cutting oil exports to Belarus by half. He further asked to file a criminal case against the head of Rosselkhoznadzor, a Russian federal service for veterinary surveillance, for inflicting damage on Belarus by restring the export of goods. Over the past years, the country had grown into a major illegal supplier of sanctioned goods to Russia.
Despite unabashedly emotional and critical, Lukashenko made it clear that Minsk will remain within the EEU. His speech, however, raised rumors of the union with Russia entering a bumpy road.
Continuous disputes between the two EEU members might culminate with Minsk drifting away from Moscow’s orbit. Meanwhile, current hurdles seem troubling and unlikely to get resolved any time soon. Rather, they underscore the complex nature of the union that is sweepingly misinterpreted in the West.
As the leadership from countries in the EEU comes from the legacy of the Soviet communist party, treating Moscow as the central authority is not unusual. But, with the acquired sovereignty after the Soviet collapse, the elites of the independent nations have grown increasingly reluctant to share power.
Most of the EEU nations face acute problems with corruption, bloated bureaucracies and authoritarian leadership. Unlike the West, nations do not lecture each other on human rights and democracy promotion, treating the current situation as the norm.
A range of factors from economic dependence to shared cultures and borders make it further impossible for the former Soviet republics to break ties with the Kremlin without shooting themselves in the foot.
The Kremlin foresees this and does not want to repeat the radical backlashes against its influence as in the case of Ukraine. Hence, the only format in which the former Soviet space could coexist and benefit economically is one in which the maintenance of international relations is founded on equality.
Therefore, the Kremlin tries to stay above political incursions into domestic affairs as long as each country maintain its position within the Moscow-led union. In return, freedom of movement across borders and economic benefits remain among key tenets of the EEU along with a certain degree of political autonomy in foreign policy.
Meanwhile, Moscow would be happy to see more support of its actions internationally from the EEU members. In recent years, it has become evident that the economic interests overweight political solidarity—no political support will emerge if it goes against interests of an individual member country.
During the Ukrainian crisis, neither Minsk nor Astana expressed support to Russia’s actions and instead maintained neutrality. At some point, both even criticized its actions in Ukraine, concerned with their own sovereignty and security. Similarly, neither legally recognizes statuses of the so-called People’s Republics in eastern Ukraine or South Ossetia and Abkhazia in Georgia.
Kazakhstan is the only country that has a stable economy across the EEU. Ruled by the 76-year-old president Nursultan Nazarbayev, its political position balances between pro-Russian, pro-Chinese and even pro-American stances when needed. Regardless of whether Putin and Trump eventually get along, Astana is set to benefit from the new administration with Rex Tillerson as secretary of state possibly championing ties and investments into local oil fields.
Kyrgyzstan, another nation of the EEU, has recently launched a more active policy towards China amidst the Kremlin’s inability to fund a promised dam project of Kambarata-1 and the Upper Naryn cascade. The country’s President Atambayev was as harsh as Lukashenko in accusing Moscow over the racist treatment of Kyrgyz migrant workers during the May 9 requiem event for the 71st anniversary of the Soviet victory in World War II.
While criticism might pinpoint to the crippling EEU, it rather displays a decentralized partnership encompassing and tolerating internal contradictions, and even democratic forms of interactions among its members. The later comes as a surprise given prevailing authoritarian forms of governance with little tolerance towards dissent domestically. However, it seems that the Kremlin has no choice how to uphold its grip but to maintain such equality in order to keep its Eurasian dream afloat.
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