August 17, 2018 (KHARTOUM) - The Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North led by Malik Agar (SPLM-N Agar) has released a comprehensive study prepared by an independent panel of Sudanese experts on the key reforms needed to establish a democratic regime and social justice in Sudan.
In a statement extended to Sudan Tribune, the SPLM-N Agar said the report entitled "Towards a Sustainable Political Transformation in Sudan: Elements of a Roadmap" provides a short presentation of the status quo, identifying why change is needed, and prescribing interventions that included estimates of the time horizon and anticipated costs.
"Sudan must arrive at equality in citizenship rights and at restructuring of the state in the interests of the majority of the population that includes good governance and providing basic services like clean water, education and health to its citizens," further stressed
Referring to the New Sudan vision of its founder John Garang the SPLM-N said the roadmap is designed to benefit to all the Sudanese especially those in the marginalized areas
"It is meant to end our suffering and to usher us into a new social, economic, political, and cultural dispensation that will change our lives and will provide equal citizenship, sustainable development and democracy, especially for women, children and youth".
The report which is now online at https://www.eagsudan.org tackles also Sudan foreign policy and calls to promote a peaceful relations with the international community and to boost regional integration, especially with the neighbouring countries.
"There is a special emphasis on strategic relations between the two independent states of Sudan and South Sudan," stressed the study.
the document which is the result of joint work by Sudanese intellectuals and a political force will be shared and debated with the other political and civil society groups to develop it and to continue our joint work.
(ST)
August 17, 2018 (JUBA) - Oil workers are finalizing the reparation and maintenance works of oil wells and they plan to carry out tests for oil pumping by the end of the month, announced the government on Friday.
Last July, South Sudanese Oil Minister Ezekiel Lol Gatkuoth announced the resumption of oil production on 2 September from the Unity wells and vowed that by the end of the year, the production of all the remaining wells will be at its maximum capacity.
In a press briefing after the weekly council of ministers meeting, the deputy information minister Lily Albino Akol told reporters that the cabinet was briefed on the progress achieved in the works in the Unity region before to resume oil production within two weeks.
Akol further added that the production testing process will begin on 26 August.
"Our crude oil will be tested which means it will be pumped through the pipelines,” she stressed.
The engineers are expected to conduct injection tests to establish the rate and pressure at which oil can be pumped based on the amount of production that a pumping well is capable of flowing.
The deputy government spokesperson further announced that Gatkuoth and his Sudanese counterpart Azhari Abdel-Gader will travel to Toma oil field to attend the exercise, adding that oil will be pumped to Port Sudan through Heglig.
On June 27, South Sudanese parties signed the Khartoum Declaration of Agreement, where they committed themselves to a permanent ceasefire and pledged to finalize a deal on the pending issues in the governance chapter of the 2015 peace agreement.
The declaration provides to resume immediately in collaboration with the Sudanese government the rehabilitation of the damaged oil installations in the Unity region, Blocks 1,2, 4 and 5.
(ST)
August 17, 2018 (KHARTOUM) - The Sudanese-Turkish Strategic Cooperation Council (SCC) would meet in Khartoum in December, reported the official news agency SUNA.
Sudan's Foreign Minister El-Dirdeiry Mohamed Ahmed Thursday met with his Turkish counterpart Mevlut Cavusoglu in Ankara on the sidelines of 10th annual Turkish Ambassadors' Conference.
According to SUNA, Sudan's top diplomat invited Cavusoglu to visit Khartoum to prepare for the SCC's meeting which would be headed by President Omer al-Bashir and President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.
The two ministers reviewed various aspects of strategic relations between the two countries and agreed to continue the bilateral dialogue to promote those relations.
Also, the meeting approved the strategic planning document which constitutes a roadmap to implement joint agreements and promote bilateral relations.
They pointed out that the two countries hold identical views on regional and international issues of common concern.
The Turkish-Sudanese relations have reached a high level, especially after President Erdogan visit to Sudan last December.
During Erdogan's visit to Khartoum, the two sides signed 12 cooperation agreements and agreed to launch a strategic partnership covering agriculture, industry, minerals and health.
They also approved the establishment of a higher political committee headed by the two presidents, saying the committee would annually meet in Khartoum and Ankara alternately.
The two sides agreed to raise trade exchange between the two countries to $1 billion within one year to reach $10 billion in the future.
According to a report issued by the Sudanese Ministry of Investment, the volume of Turkish investments in Sudan amounted to 2 billion dollars from 2000 to 2017. It further indicates that there are 288 Turkish investment projects in the east African country.
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August 17, 2018 (KHARTOUM) - The head of parliamentary sub-committee on foreign relations Mohamed al-Mukhtar Thursday discussed with the United Kingdom special envoy to Sudan and South Sudan Chris Trott ongoing preparations for the 2020 elections.
The meeting also discussed the political situation in the country as well as Sudan's efforts to promote regional peace and security.
The two sides further reviewed Khartoum's role to converge views and resolve outstanding issues among South Sudan's warring parties.
For his part, Trott expressed his country's readiness to support Sudan's efforts to achieve peace and security in South Sudan.
Last June, the Sudanese Council of Ministers approved 2018 elections law amid objection of several political forces participating in the national dialogue.
In October 2016, the political forces participating in the government-led national dialogue concluded the process by signing the National Document which includes general features of a future constitution to be finalised by transitional institutions.
The NCG was installed in May 2017 to implement the outcome of the dialogue conference.
The rebel groups and opposition parties refused to join Khartoum process as they demand the government to end the war and ensure freedoms in the country ahead of the dialogue.
Last May, a coalition of some opposition left parties, the National Consensus Forces (NCF), announced the boycott of the 2020 elections, saying it won't meet with the ruling party to discuss these elections.
On the other hand, several opposition groups that are part of the opposition Sudan Call forces consider participating in the next general presidential elections in 2020 if the regime of President Omer al-Bashir provides needed guarantees for a fair election and ensures freedoms.
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August 17, 2018 (JUBA) - The final phase of South Sudan peace process in Khartoum will be suspended on Saturday during a week for Eid al-Adha holidays after finalizing the draft text of the revitalized peace agreement.
Since four days ago the South Sudanese parties have engaged in talks on the pending issues and the modalities of implementation of the revitalized peace agreement. The IGAD Council of Minister which supervise the process gave them one week to finalize their discussions before the 19 of August.
Speaking to the South Sudanese TV on Friday, the minister of information who is also the spokesperson of the government negotiating delegation said the talks will be concluded on Saturday as the parties are getting ready to review the remaining chapters of the peace deal.
"Almost all the committees agreed on the outstanding issues and now the IGAD Secretariat is on the process of preparing the final draft, but before they are actually working on the implementation matrix that we are expected to be brought out today (Friday)," said Minister Mickael Makuei.
Makuei further said on Friday they will examine and amend the remaining six chapters to make in conformity with chapters one and two. So on Saturday, they will "come out with the final draft text of the agreement".
Regarding the outstanding issues, the parties discussed the disputed number of states, the creation of five new ministries and their clustering, judicial reforms, composition of National Constitutional Amendment Committee (NCAC), roles and responsibilities of the presidency as well as any other business.
On the implementation matrix, the most important issue was the competences and powers at the level of the presidency as a disagreement emerged the powers of the First Vice-President. The SPLM-IO said his powers should remain intact as defined in the peace agreement and rejected any modification pointing to the particularity of the job.
The minister said after the break of Eid al-Adha discussion will resume on the final text of the agreement.
Eid al-Adha is due to begin on 21 August and end on 25 August.
Once the parties agree on the text, the IGAD Council of Ministers will meet to approve it and then the summit of IGAD heads of state and government will be called to approve it before the signing ceremony.
"So we are optimistic in the first week of September the final process and the signing ceremony will be conducted as scheduled," he stressed.
(ST)
By Roger Alfred Yoron Modi
After armed conflict erupted in South Sudan in July 2016, one of the main issue of contention that led to the resumption of a full-scale war was the question of whether or not the replacement of Dr Riek Machar as First Vice President was valid (in line with the Igad-brokered Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan ARCSS.)
Though the question has not been satisfactorily answered by the relevant authorities up to date, the ongoing Igad-led ARCSS revitalization (Khartoum process) aimed at ending the South Sudan civil war should use the current chance and make clear provisions on the procedures for removal of post holders in the agreed transitional government which shall be formed under the revitalized ARCSS.
The senior post holders in the transitional government to be formed per the revitalized ARCSS include the President, the First Vice President, Four Vice Presidents, Speakers and Deputy Speakers of the two houses of the National Legislature, Members of the Legislative Assembly and Members of the Council of States, National Cabinet Ministers, State Governors, State Members of Parliament and State Cabinet Ministers, etc.
With regards to the positions of the President and the First Vice President, the Khartoum Agreement on Governance provides explicitly that Salva Kiir Mayardit shall continue as President of the Republic of South Sudan, while The Chairman of SPLM/A-IO Dr Riek Machar Teny shall assume the position of the First Vice President of the Republic of South Sudan respectively. The rest of the posts, including the four Vice Presidents and others, have been allocated to the parties to come up with their nominations for appointments based on the power-sharing ratios for each category they have agreed to in the Agreement.
The Agreement, however, is silent on replacements. What shall happen in case any of those posts fall vacant? People do get sick to the extent of becoming unable to perform their duties. People also die. In case a mental infirmity, physical incapacity or death happens (God forbid) during the transitional period, how shall a replacement be made? Or in case a party happens to lose confidence in their representative and seeks to replace him/her, what procedure shall such a party follow? Shall such a party have no opportunity to gain redress by replacing such a post holder serving under their ticket?
For example, Chapter One of the ARCSS being revitalized provided for procedures for replacements of the President and the First Vice President in Article 5.3 and 6.4 respectively. However, those procedures are inadequate and require improvements given the current changes in the composition of all the parties and the creation of new four vice presidents. Also, how the replacement to the president shall assume office (take an oath) has not been provided for and this should be rectified. Provisions on the replacements of the newly created four Vice Presidents, State Governors and others should also be explicitly stipulated in the Agreement.
Further, during the transitional period, shall a party be able to replace a person serving in the legislature under their ticket? On what grounds? How shall the independence of the legislature be guaranteed when a legislature can be replaced (recalled) through a decision of party that is not necessarily democratic in itself? Shall all legislators in the transitional government of the revitalized ARCSS serve and only be replaced through their voluntary resignation or in case of mental infirmity, physical incapacity or death (God forbid)?
The Khartoum Agreement (revitalized ARCSS) should be explicit on these matters to ensure its smooth implementation and avoid disagreements and an armed conflict over replacements during the transitional period.
Last month, in one of my articles, I made suggestions, if adopted, shall also protect the revitalized ARCSS from abuse and violations by one party, a faction of a party or any conspirator (s) seeking to frustrate implementation of the reforms provided for in the revitalized ARCSS.
I believe that providing for power-sharing percentages alone are not enough, given the experiences of the recent past. No party should be allowed to roam around without any written document (reference) such as an internal Constitution and expects to share power in the transitional government. I am of the opinion that let each party or entity develop, adopt and deposit their internal Constitution or rules and regulations with the ARCSS Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission JMEC and IGAD. The internal Constitution or rules and regulations should define the mode of decision making within each party on matters related to the revitalized ARCSS i.e. their procedure for membership and lose thereof, the procedure for nomination of their representatives to the revitalized transitional government, legislature, State governorship, etc. Both at party or entity and alliance/coalition levels it should be ensured that there are internal Constitutions or rules and regulations defining the mode of decision making within each party on matters related to the revitalized ARCSS.
The internal Constitutions or rules and regulations should be separate documents that the mediation (Igad) should on the technical aspect assist the parties to develop as soon as possible for the purposes of protecting the revitalized ARCSS from violations. The documents should be separate documents that shall be valid for the purposes of the revitalized ARCSS regardless of any possibility such as the expected reunification of the SPLM, in case there are concerns from the SPLM factions expecting to reunite. The internal Constitutions or rules and regulations should as well attach names of members in decision-making positions (organs) within each party/entity and alliance, and define the organs/structures of each party.
In conclusion, all the above are easy for the rest of the parties to achieve. However, as per the last Igad Revised Bridging Proposal, the incumbent Transitional Government TGoNU participating in the Talks comprises of: the former GRSS; the former SPLM/A-IO (led by Gen. Taban Deng); and the Other Political Parties in TGoNU. Given their composition, it may be difficult but not impossible for them to come up with the above significant document (internal Constitution or rules and regulations) for the purposes of the implementation of the revitalized ARCSS.
So, let each party or entity, including the incumbent TGoNU, develop, adopt and deposit their internal Constitution or rules and regulations (on matters of the revitalized ARCSS) with JMEC and IGAD. Those are very significant in ensuring accountability and adherence with the revitalized ARCSS and as well as avoid a return to an armed conflict or a possible pulling out by some parties/entities from the revitalized ARCSS during the transitional period over related issues, a move if happens to take place, shall negatively affect implementation of the reforms provided for in the ARCSS.
The author, Roger Alfred Yoron Modi, a South Sudanese journalist, is the former Managing Editor of Juba Monitor Newspaper and former Chief Editor of Bakhita Radio. He can be reached via his email: rogeryoron@gmail.com
By Roger Alfred Yoron Modi
For a very long time now since the war in South Sudan erupted in 2013, there have been accusations that some South Sudanese political actors together with others in the region and in the international community are conspiring to make South Sudan ungovernable so that the situation could be used as a pretext for the Country to be taken over by a foreign body in collaboration with those South Sudanese or have the country placed under the United Nations for some years.
As a journalist and South Sudan's citizen, I followed and investigated this matter keenly in several ways over the years. In my findings, this conspiracy involves South Sudanese politicians who are not for genuine peace since they see themselves unable to compete with some of the current senior leaders in the Country even when there shall be a democracy, thereby they prefer continuity of war or a win of their conspiracy against South Sudan existence.
Those politicians have over the years placed their South Sudanese allies in strategic positions with influence into the affairs of the Country in order to promote their agenda, even ones that are against genuine peace.
Dishonest efforts by foreigners holding South Sudan's Citizenship
The second category of people involved in this conspiracy are individual foreign nationals who have acquired South Sudan's citizenship by virtue of being in the Country either decades ago and those who got South Sudan citizenship in recent years through shady deals.
Some of those individuals were already systematically placed in several strategic positions since our previous liberation wars. The new ones also have now got positions in strategic posts with influence into the affairs of the Country.
The institutions, organizations, and bodies those conspirators are generally found in include: influential civil society and human rights organizations in the Country and the region, embassies of powerful foreign nations in South Sudan, religious organizations and very likely the security sector.
Foreign and local journalists are also involved in this conspiracy, though at different rates and not necessarily motivated by the same reasons. Those journalists I am talking about know what I have found out about them.
Over the years, those entire conspirators consistently continue to carry on with their conspiracy in several ways to ensure that South Sudan become ungovernable for the reasons I mentioned above.
The problem is some of those who got into the Country decades ago are engaged in the peace process in a manner that they want to win against others, for some ulterior motives about their own historical wrongs, not a genuine search for peace per se.
On social media, the language of such individuals claiming to be South Sudanese have been consistently inciting, with no compromise for peace. It is easier to detect them when one looks carefully around the various sectors engaged in the talks. Giving many details about them shall not help the process as intended that is why the author has chosen not to mention names.
It is more harmful that, in addition to being in reputable organizations to damage genuine peace efforts, some of those individuals have key positions within the different parties to the conflict and they use those positions to fuel war and disagreements, instead of finding lasting solutions.
The allegiance of many of these individuals are not for South Sudan and it is very shocking to see why South Sudanese political and civil society actors would like to rely so much on advice from such people on very crucial national matters such as the ongoing peace process. In fact, they have seriously derailed how the civil society and even the religious groups ought to perform on matters peace in the current talks and all other important tasks in the Country.
However, there are those who are not originally from South Sudan but they continue to make honest efforts for a lasting peace in the Country. Those are known and we appreciate.
A continues to fight against me personally
I have been a very critical journalist and I offer solutions for permanent peace in South Sudan, through my articles and journalistic profession in general. On one hand, the solutions I provide through my profession do not conform with the agenda of those conspirators who do not like to see a permanent peace in South Sudan any soon. As result, they continue to see me as an enemy. And further worst, they continue to be a source of insecurity and harm for me.
On the other hand, being critical of the government also continue to put me into threats.
The third major issue which I struggle with and finally made public is the participation of my mother, my step-sister, other members of my maternal family and others close to me in sustained efforts to harm me and end my life in several ways.
In general, all those people from the first to the last category continue to try several methods against me my life, while I was in the Country and even when I fled the into exile over a year ago. I have reliably documented what they have done against me so far, including on damaging my health in several ways and other attempts to take away my life.
Their interests are both political and historical. The historical aspect got to do with their role or attempt to cover up for those who implicated or killed my father, Alfred Yoron Modi who was a journalist and chairperson of Justice and Peace Committee of the Catholic Archdiocese of Juba during our last liberation war.
I have come to know some bitter truths which have been intentionally hidden from me over the years with regards to the killing of my father and since then my relationship with those people deteriorated, leading to them intensifying more efforts into their mission to kill or harm me.
I continue to believe that these matters shall be resolved peacefully, even though those people (my maternal family and/or in collaboration with others) have already seriously damaged my health, using different substances and approaches on several occasions, even up to recently. They have been so powerful to the extent that sometimes I had to tolerate them, just to avoid losing my life instantly, as I knew what they were capable of while my options were limited.
Collusion with officials in reputable human rights organizations
Against me for example, South Sudanese and others working for reputable human rights organizations continuously exploited details about my security threats and planned and carried out harmful, deadly actions against me using the information they obtained about the nature of my challenges.
I have well documented these and they know very well that I have legitimately and successfully squeezed them and their conspirators into a corner they truly belong to.
In relation to that, last week, I posted that as a journalist, “I have enough evidence against several institutions, organizations and individuals trying to spoil the ongoing South Sudan peace efforts being made by the region but I will not publish, instead, as an incentive, I urge them to ensure an all-inclusive peace agreement and I urge the government, all the parties, the civil society and the mediation to speed up the process and signing of the modalities of implementation of the revitalized ARCSS as soon as possible and within the process of the IGAD-led HLRF. Speeding up the process means first officially releasing the signed Agreement on Outstanding Issues of Governance.”
That is true. If I publish the evidence I have, including on how harmful some individual officials in embassies of powerful countries have been harmful to attainment of a genuine peace in South Sudan, several institutions and the talks shall likely collapse, leading to, I believe, a return to square one, when already a lot of progress has been made.
I shall continue to suffer all that they have done and continue to attempt against me but I would not like to be distracted from the fact that the time for a comprehensive peace in South Sudan has come. The government and all the parties have a chance to bring a lasting peace. This opportunity should never be squandered.
Finally, it is worth noting that this is just a brief information on the nature of harm done to me by those I mentioned herein. Their network and methods are wide. But they have never and shall never succeed for reasons they know very well, including the reliable, systematic documentation made so far. The people I intend to see read this article know the rest of the information. I have the details with relevant authorities, credible human rights organizations and journalists to follow up and publish in case that becomes necessary.
I just have to keep this short and I urge all to exert honest efforts for the sake of a lasting peace in South Sudan. In return, I promise I will neither prosecute any of them nor make their names public for the various harm they continuously executed on me.
South Sudanese and all looking for a comprehensive peace should take serious note of all the above-mentioned and seek appropriate redress for the purposes of attaining a comprehensive peace agreement.
Roger Alfred Yoron Modi, a South Sudanese journalist, is the former Managing Editor of Juba Monitor Newspaper and former Chief Editor of Bakhita Radio. He can be reached via his email: rogeryoron@gmail.com