Sudan Tribune

May 27, 2016 (JUBA) – South Sudan's transitional government of national unity (TGoNU) in its cabinet sitting on Friday has unexpectedly passed a resolution approving establishment of cantonment areas for the forces of the armed opposition faction of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM-IO) in Greater Equatoria and Greater Bahr el Ghazal.

A batch of the SPLA-IO forces after arrival in Juba, 1 April, 2016 (ST Photo)

Micheal Makuei Lueth, information minister, told reporters after the council of ministers meeting that cantonment areas will be identified in Greater Equatoria region for the SPLA-IO forces under the commander-in-chief, First Vice President, Riek Machar.

He said the task will be carried out by the Joint Monitoring Ceasefire Committee (JMCC), a body established under the August 2015 peace agreement to monitor the implementation of the security arrangements across the country.

JMCC membership is composed of members from the rival parties and partners in the peace agreement.

As for Greater Bahr el Ghazal, Lueth said the JMCC will also assess the level of the SPLA-IO forces in that region to determine whether to identify cantonment areas as well.

He further said cantonment sites for the SPLA-IO forces are yet to be identified in Greater Upper Nile region by the JMCC despite the fact that the agreement earlier approved establishment of the assembly areas in the oil producing region.

The issue of the cantonment of opposition forces had been contentious, with minister Lueth earlier vowing not to allow the SPLA-IO forces to be assembled in Equatoria and Bahr el Ghazal regions.

However, the breakthrough to establish opposition's cantonment areas in Equatoria and probably in Bahr el Ghazal was reached in the cabinet meeting chaired by President Salva Kiir and attended by his first deputy, Machar, among other cabinet members.

The information minister, in the statement broadcasted on South Sudan Television (SSTV) also revealed that the matter had heated debates that took several hours.

Lueth further said those who will be allowed to assemble in Equatoria will be the soldiers who took part in the Juba clashes of December 2013. He did not however say how to identify those who took part in the clashes, but added all must report to the cantonment areas with their guns as one of the criteria.

The minister also accused armed men who claimed to be members of the SPLA-IO for causing insecurity on the roads, killing a number of people.

He said a security report presented to the cabinet indicated that insecurity was deteriorating in the country.

“Security situation is discouraging, it is deteriorating,” he said.

He added that the First Vice President, Machar, who chairs the SPLM-IO and commands the SPLA-IO was directed by the cabinet to control his forces in Equatoria region as well as his commander, General Johnson Olony, in Upper Nile region.

The minister also said the SPLM-IO leadership was directed to order his forces to open up supply routes and allow governors of Greater Upper Nile, appointed on the basis of 28 states, to reach their areas.

Lueth also added that the commander-in-chief of the SPLA, President Salva Kiir, and the commander-in-chief of the SPLA-IO, Riek Machar, were also directed to order the release of prisoners of war being held by the either side.

The cabinet could not discuss the status of the 28 states and reconstitution of parliament.

(ST)

By Francis Ayul Yuar

South Sudan Constitutional legal provisions on Borders/Boundaries

The Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was signed on January, 9th, 2005 between the Sudan government and the Sudan Peoples' Liberation Army and the Movement (SPLA/M) which ushered in a new political dispensation, but never the less maintained the boundaries between Sudan and South Sudan as being from the 1st Jan 1956. The same constitutional legal provisions has continue to govern the borders and the boundaries within Southern Sudan administrative institutions. The understanding of this provision laid the foundation for CPA constitution. This legal framework is made crystal clear in the Constitution of the Upper Nile State, 2006 (Article 1(1); to the independence of South Sudan on July 9th, 2011. Based on the (CPA) stipulations, Dr. John Garang de Mabior(RIP), SPLM/A the C-in-C and chairman, issued the cancellation order on 16th July, 2005 of the SPLM/A administrative structures in the liberated areas, including Lam's so called Shilluk (Collo) Counties and adopted (10) Ten states administrative structures. By virtue of this later order from the same author, 1st order therefore ceased to be operational, and subsequently replaced by the later. Anyone still clinking to this fallacy of the first order to claim the ownership of Malakal town is making nothing but a mockery to the legacy of our beloved late Dr. John Garang in his grave

Dinka Padang (Jieng) of Ngok Lual Yak Borders/Boundaries with Shilluk (Collo)

Dinka Ngok Lual Yak derived its name from the famous leader of Nyok warriors, known as Lual Yak. Ngok Lual Dinka (Jieng) consist of two main sources of migrants that formed today Ngok Lual tribe in Upper Nile State. Those that hailed from Ngok Jok with their original home being Abyei and Biemnhom. And few clans that hailed from Thoi section of Khorfulluth that are believed to be part of Duor section of (Jieng) Padang. There are evidence to believe that few families originated from non Dinka groups, such as Anyuak and Nuer that got assimilated. This section shall specifically discuss views that are solely expressed and shared among the Ngok Lual Yak section of Dinka Padang (Jieng) only, in relations to their Border/Boundaries with Shilluk (Collo) community. Tradition and oral history of Dinka Ngok (Jieng) section of Ngok Lual Yak said that, White Nile is officially known to have been the portcullis that demarcated and separated Shilluk (Collo) with Dinka Padang (Jieng) of Ngok Lual Yak. This natural separation has been observed and respected by both sides. Shilluk (Collo), locally called Eastern bank of the White Nile, as Lok-Jang, translated as River side of Dinka (Jieng) and referred to western bank of White Nile as Lok Collo, translated as River side of Shilluk (Collo).

Ngok and Shilluk (Collo) have had cognizant relationship that has encouraged internal migrations of Shilluk (Collo) to the east bank of the White Nile as well. According to Ngok Lual Yak oral history, Shilluk (Collo) community started migrating to east bank of the Nile as early as (1921-1930). They temporary settled on the eastern bank of the White Nile in the present day Doleib Hills (Bur Achol). It is confirmed that these Shilluk (Collo) families were welcomed by the subsection of Dinka Ngok, called Pagak who were the inhabitants of the place. Ngok Lual Yak leaders confirmed that those that came were mainly in-laws that had internal fights on the west bank. Oral tradition also said that Doleib Hills was locally known as (Bur-Achol) in Dinka. Names Doleib Hills was invented after the Hills Millers of the Catholic Church Mission. As mentioned early, several factors, including conflicts between and among different Clans in Shilluk (Collo) west bank kingdom forced families and individuals to cross over and settled among the Dinka Padang of Ngok Lual Yak in Upper Nile State.

We are made to understand that subsection of Baliet clan known as Pagak are the original inhabitance of Doleib Hills (Bur-Achol).They allowed these influx of Shilluk (Collo) to settle among them in (Bur Achol). As time passed, number of other Ngok Clans moved East of Sobat, pushing the Anyuak further to the east toward Ethiopian border. As result, Pagak subsection number shrinks over the years against this constant massive influx of Shilluk (Collo) from the west bank of the White Nile into their villages. Subsequently exposed to peaceful assimilation by the Shilluk arrivals. Today, they are called Pathuoro, or Kuai-Jang in Shilluk, which literally translated as families from the Dinka origins. A Dinka Ngok Lual Yak elder Mr. Gabriel Nyok Abiel strongly confirmed that this section (Pagak), though speak Shilluk have been bringing offering to Luak-Dengdit Shrine up to the latest of 1978. Though culturally Shilluk (Collo) by all qualifications, still considered themselves Dinka Ngok and the original inhabitants of the land Doleib (Bur-Achol).This interesting historical analogy has remains me of the fight over Jerusalem in the Bible between Palestinians and the Israelites. They both traced their genealogy to Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. But due to the power of centuries of displacements and assimilations, these two kind are fighting over the identity of Jerusalem. Edomites tribes hailed from the descendants of Esau, a twin brother to Jacob. They end up Speaking Arabic language and are Muslim today because they settled on the mountains areas in Palestine's land of Canaan. Subsequently mixed with Ishmael Arabic speaking groups that formed a large number of Palestinian ethnics in Israelite.

Whereas, family of Jacob with his (12) sons moved to Egypt and later returned to the Palestine land as Jews with Judaism as religion and Speak Hebrew language. The rhetoric questions therefore asked is, who are the real owners of the Palestine land? Perhaps this rhetoric question shall help readers to judge between Shilluk (Collo) and the Dinka (Jieng) of Lual Yak in the contest of Doleib Hill. In the after mass of the Dinka Ngok Lual Spiritual leader, called Kur Ajak de Lek. Known locally as Beny nhial. There came another Shilluk (Collo) family of a very significance importance in the name of someone called Guol Akwot. He was of radh family lineage and had some misunderstanding with radh (king) of Collo on the west bank of the White Nile. He was again received and given due temporary accommodations in a place called Anak-diar and Mijok village respectively.

Anak-diar, in Dinka (Jieng) language, is combination of two words: Anak, or nak (verb) which basically meaning, to kill and diar in the other hand or Dior (noun) basically meaning a woman or women. Word Anak-diar therefore is compound words, which means, women killer. Oral history authentically confirmed that Guol Akwot might have either intentionally or accidentally killed his wife. That incidence prompted king (radh) to decree death on his head. Fearing the unfair judiciary system in the kingdom, he fled to East bank of the White Nile for safety and settled among the Dinka of Ngok Lual Yak. The authenticity of this facts has been confirmed by many elders interviewed. That due to the status of this family, they were therefore first settled in a place called Anyuantim. One (1) km South of Luak-DengDit. This is in the middle of Baliet County. This was purposely done to ensure their safety in the middle of Ngok tribe. This narrative scarcely confirmed Dr. Lam's claims of extending the border of Shilluk (Collo) to 47km east of the White Nile, along Sobat River up to Anyuentim village. Perhaps Dr. Lam, in some of his writings, alluded that Shilluk (Collo) Border with Ngok Lual Yak is as far as Anyuantim village. He might have thought that since these families happened to have temporary settled in this village. The village in question must be annexed to be part of Shilluk (Collo) land. This of course is another fallacy, for you cannot claim a land with less regards to its historical considerations. We give him the benefit of doubt though. I want to believe that an intellectual of his type perhaps must be aware of how these families end up in Baliet County in the first place but chose to ignore. Their settlement was nothing but good African gesture of welcoming visitors. To this family after number of years hailed prominent politicians in the person of Hon Dr. Othwon Awer and others, that are today caught between the rock and hard places?

In the subsequence of these inter-tribal relationships of 1890s. Oral traditions acknowledged that, Reth Padiet married a girl from Pagak subsection. A sub-clan of Baliet called Achol Guer. She gave birth to Dak Padiet. Dak became the King of Shilluk (Collo) and gave birth to a son, named Kwongo Dak Padiet. Few of these men considered themselves sons and daughters of East bank of the White Nile. Today' politics of Ethnicity has exacerbated conflicts, characterized by tribal tensions. General understandings is that after the arrivals of Shilluk (Collo) migrants to (Bur -Achol). Dak is said to have cautioned his tribesmen in one of the occasion when he was king. He advised his tribe (Shilluk) that have crossed to the Eastern bank of the White Nile, to live in peace with his maternal uncles. The Pagak sub-clan of Baliet of Ngok Dinka (Jieng) being his uncles were not aware of what is going to befall them a head. Had they had known early, we wouldn't have this paper to write either.

We are made to believe that Baliet Clan of Ngok Lual Yak lived in an area North of Sobat River including Bur-Achol as mentioned early. Which was home of Pagak subsection and, the present day village of Toffiqia) and Malakal town respectively. After the establishment of Malakal town, as Provincial Head Quarter in 1921, Baliet Clan, being cattle herders, moved Eastwards with their cattle and settled on the Sobat River. Displacing another clan of Ngok Lual Yak called Duut. This oral history is reflected in a traditional Dinka (Jieng) Songs of Duut clan. Part of Pagak sub-Clan moved with Baliet eastwards and settled on Sobat River. However, few remained behind in the present day Doleib Hills (Bur- Achol). They decided to embrace Shilluk identity and subsequently became Shilluk (Collo). They are referred to as Pathuoro, or Gol Guer. Meaning, the family with Dinka (Jieng) origins or, simply, the family of Guer Malual, of Pagak sub-clan. Guer Malual is believed to be the owner of Doleib village (Bur-Achol)). Doleib Hills is a combination of an Arabic and English words. Hills names derived from Mill Hills. They were Christian Catholic Mission that was operating in 1901-1982 in Doleib. The migrations of Shilluk (Collo) and their temporary settlements on east bank has continued, warranted by factors observed early. There were those that solely came in search for farming. Others came to live with their brothers or sons in-laws. But as noted above, majority came in search for jobs opportunities in the established City of Malakal. This was the case with Melut (Maluth), Renk and Akoka eventually. While migrating to the east bank was abrasive in nature, Shilluk (Collo) outsmarted Dinka Padang by carrying with them names of their villages.

Dinka Padang (Jieng), to some extends contributed to Shilluk (Collo) agenda to change the Dinka villages' names on East bank of the White Nile. After these settlers renamed Dinka villages on East bank, Dinka, out of ignorance agree to call those villages as dictated by Shilluk settlers. The examples of transferred names from the West bank of the Nile includes Panyiduai, Ogot, Makal and Lul. Even as evidence of their temporary residence on the east bank became more permanent, Shilluk (Collo), still takes the remains of their love ones to the West bank for burials. Perhaps Issues of spirituality cannot be deceived. This alone is a practical evidence that disqualified their claims on the east bank of the Nile. The African Traditional Religion (ATR) practice of taking the deceased to his/her ancestral homes for burial is practiced across Africa. This is also shared by some countries in East Asia and Europe. Many people from Bahr El-Ghazal, Equatoria and Upper Nile who grew up and lived in Malakal can testify to this traditional practices. Even during the conflicts, such as the conflict of 1973 in Malakal between the Nuer and the Shilluk (Collo). Shilluk descendants crossed to the West bank of the Nile for safety. This psychological and spiritual world view was again seen in the after mass of December, 2013 conflict as well. When Dr. Riek Machar rebels stormed Malakal. All Shilluk crossed the river to the west bank. The Dinka Padang in general remains on the East bank of the Nile as dictate by this African traditional beliefs that said, safety always associates with ancestral homes. Safety is perceived to be associated with one his/her ancestral homes of any tribe, Ethnicity or Race. This is also true across Africa and the world at large. Upper Nile States Tribes fall trapped in this beliefs.

Dr. Francis Ayul Yuar can be reach via:francisnyok@yahoo.com

By Ambassdor Dhano Obongo

Leadership is a noticeable exercise of practices and not something incomprehensible that cannot be understood by normal people. With feedback and usage, those with desire and perseverance can considerably improve their skills to do so. A football federation worker. a team organizer, a middle, manager, an account executive, an athletic team captain, the mailroom worker, or just about any other individual we come in contact with can use his drive to learn how to lead.

Leadership has an objective and aim to achieve whatever common goal brought the members of the group together. Whether deliberate or unintended a procedure of human communication fosters the objective and aim.

There can be no leadership without someone to lead. The affiliation is only fruitful when the coworkers desire to follow the leader. Leaders need followers. Leaderless societies do not occur. Whenever two or more individuals come together, there is no such thing as unrestrained, unobstructed, or uninfluenced manner of behavior.

Leadership involves group effort without conspiracy or flattering. An indication of its existence is willingness to labor together as a team rather than alone in reaching goals. There is a process of give and take with the leader effective when the group achievement is larger than what could have been accomplished by individuals.

Some individuals exhibit better trends toward leadership than others. They develop knowledge, capability, and constant exertion to learn. They exhibit the finest ethics and principles of the group. They do deeds not just exhibit characteristics. The leader contributes, shares talents, and imparts knowledge to others.

We need to learn the biblical perspective of leadership. Christ came with a new definition for Christian leaders set forth in the tenth chapter of Mark's gospel. The account indicates how religiously unperceptive the disciples were. James' and John's wish for authority could only be understood if they succumbed to servanthood. Christ Jesus overturns earthly values saying:

“Whoever wants to become great among you must be your servant and whoever wants to be first must be slave of all. For even the son of man did not come to be served, but to serve, and to give his life as a ransom for many.''

This is the new definition for real leadership. God bless South Sudan.

The author can be reached via email address; dhao01obongo@gmail.com

Mai 26, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - The Sudanese finance minister has called to explain the economic sanctions imposed on Sudan to the commercials banks which are dealing with the east African country.

The US imposed comprehensive sanctions on Sudan in 1997 (US Embassy in Khartoum website)

Following a series of huge financial sanctions on several international banks for violating U.S sanctions against Sudan, Cuba and Iran, the financial institutions avoid to deal with the Sudanese banks and entities even in the sectors that are not subject to sanctions.

Washington eased the sanctions imposed on agriculture equipment and services, and allowed exports of personal communications hardware and software. Also, the US Treasury Department removed the private Bank of Khartoum from a blacklist of Sudanese entities.

"The US embargo has impacted on the poor and needy segments of the Sudanese people more than the government," said the Minister of Finance Badr al-Din Mahmoud in statement to Al-Sudani newspaper on Thursday.

Mahmoud who was speaking from Lusaka, Zambia, pointed to the Sudanese Diaspora saying they are the first to be directly concerned by the sanctions because it impedes their efforts to support their families.

He added that discussed the matter with the U.S. Treasury Deputy Secretary who is attending the annual meeting of the African Development Bank (AfDB) in Lusaka and with the UK representative at the regional bank.

He said that the ''American side considers it as unilateral sanctions and it should be explained to those who are dealing with us in US Dollar''.

"Certainly we (the government) are dealing with other currencies but not the dollar. This requires an explanation for the intermediary banks that deal with the Sudanese banks," he added.

Also the minister expressed hopes that a regional clearing and settlement financial system to be set up by the AfDB will contribute to promote and develop trade within the African countries and free them from the international diktat.

Sudan has been under US economic sanctions since 1997 and remains on the US list of state sponsors of terror.

Washington admitted Sudan's cooperation in the anti-terror war but now points that it wouldn't remove Sudan from the list of states sponsor of terrorism or left economic sanctions before the end of armed conflicts in Darfur region and Blue Nile and South Kordofan states.

(ST)

By Eric Reeves

May 26, 2016 - What will it take to halt the hideous spectacle of an international community that now seems prepared to give an increasingly warm embrace to the Khartoum regime, guilty of serial genocides in the Nuba Mountains (1990s), in Darfur (for thirteen years), and again in the Nuba Mountains as well as in Blue Nile (2011 to the present)?

The question becomes more exigent as the embrace becomes almost daily more encompassing. No one has yet followed the lead of Serbian President Tomislav Nikolic, who in April awarded indicted génocidaire and President of the Khartoum regime, Omar al-Bashir the “Medal of the Serbian Republic.” But the roster of European, Arab, and African countries that have extended open arms has grown dramatically over the past year. Recent headlines from Sudan Tribune make for shocking reading:
Poland, Sudan to engage in security and military cooperation

Sudan, UK agree to enhance economic cooperation

Sudan, UK to discuss ways to promote bilateral ties

Sudan, UK to engage in strategic dialogue

Italian commercial delegation to arrive in Khartoum next week

Germany, Sudan sign €51m cooperation agreement

Sudan receives 100 million euros from EU to stem irregular migrants

Belgium, Sudan sign loan to improve water supply

Sudanese foreign minister to meet EU officials in Brussels Monday

Another important Sudanese news outlet, Radio Dabanga reports:

EU and Sudan to strengthen dialogue and cooperation

Khartoum's strategy when confronted with international objections to its brutal domestic policies has been to wait out the tough rhetoric, calculating rightly, that the world's attention span is short and all will be forgotten soon enough. The wait was long in the case of Darfur, but with the January 2008 deployment of the UN/African Union “hybrid” Mission in Darfur (UNAMID), there was at least a fig leaf of international protection on the ground to protect civilians, and the world's attention to the region withered.

The strong but finally expedient words of candidate Obama on Darfur also took the steam out of a powerful American advocacy movement; and Khartoum worked hard to make the region inaccessible to human rights reporters, journalists, and others—and harshly threatened or abused relief organizations that might speak out about the ghastly humanitarian realities on the ground. Since 2009 the regime has expelled, for no reason, more than two dozen distinguished humanitarian groups. Last week the regime expelled the most senior official for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs without explanation; he was far from the first UN official expelled.

In flagrant violation of a 2005 UN Security Council resolution banning all military flights over Darfur, Khartoum bombs civilians targets on an almost daily basis in the Jebel Marra region in the center of Darfur. The regime also relentlessly targets civilians in the Nuba Mountains of South Kordofan and Blue Nile State, where there is active military resistance against the regime's 27 years of tyranny. The National Islamic Front, renamed as the “National Congress Party” for expedient reasons, came to power by military coup in June 1989. It has never held legitimate elections, has taken full control of the army and security services, and has pillaged Sudanese national wealth on a scale that staggers. Its longtime ruthless repression of political dissent, including the shutting or confiscating of newspapers, has accelerated even as the international embrace of the regime broadens.

What are these countries thinking? Do they imagine that the regime will become more accommodating because it is treated nicely? There is not a shred of historical evidence to support this notion. Do they think that somehow agreements made by Khartoum with various Sudanese parties will now mean something? This is dangerously foolish: in its entire time in power, the regime has never abided by a single agreement with any Sudanese party—not one, not ever. Even the much-celebrated 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) that brought an end to the 22-year north/south civil war has been egregiously violated—most conspicuously by Khartoum's military seizure of the important Abyei region despite the terms of the Abyei Protocol within the CPA. The regime has also repeatedly attacked the sovereign territory of South Sudan, on the ground and from the air. It also has armed militia spoilers in South Sudan, despite a commitment in the CPA to halt all such support.

The consequences of 27 years of rule by kleptocracy have taken a terrible toll on the Sudanese economy, which is now in terminal decline. Khartoum made no meaningful preparations for the loss of oil revenues with the secession of South Sudan in July 2011, and now presides over an economy that desperately lacks foreign exchange currency (Forex) with which to buy critical staples—including wheat for bread. As a consequence there are severed bread shortages, bread lines, and skyrocketing price inflation. For a great many Sudanese—half of whom live below the international poverty line—this is causing acute pain. The same is true for cooking fuel, a refined petroleum product that Sudan does not produce domestically and must import.

The agricultural sector, which should be the country's strongest, has been deteriorating for years—even the “Gezira Scheme,” once the crown jewel of Sudanese agriculture, is an unproductive shambles. On top of this, the regime—to raise cash—has been selling or leasing large plots of productive agricultural land to Arab and Asian interests, concerned about their own future food security. The regime is mortgaging Sudan's future to maintain a factitious “solvency.” Khartoum abandoned long-time strategic ally Iran recently in order to re-establish friendly relations with Saudi Arabia and the Gulf State in order to secure a financial lifeline. It has enjoyed some success, but this is not a long-term economic strategy, simply short-term begging for money.

What is the Khartoum regime today? A brutally repressive, kleptocratic tyranny that preserves its monopoly on Sudanese national wealth and power by means of ethnically-targeted counter-insurgency efforts against its poor and under-served marginalized regions, which understandably refuse to accept this monopoly any longer.

Looming over all this is the question of U.S. policy toward Sudan. In 2011 Princeton Lyman, President Obama's second special envoy for Sudan, declared in an interview with a highly respected Arab news outlet:

"Frankly, we do not want to see the ouster of the [Sudanese] regime, nor regime change. We want to see the regime carrying out reform via constitutional democratic measures." (Princeton Lyman's response to a question by the respected Arabic news outlet Asharq Al-Awsat concerning Sudan and the "Arab Spring," December 3, 2011)

Did Lyman believe the preposterous notion that the regime I've described here could “carry out reform via constitutional democratic measures"? Of course not. So we are left with the question, why did he say it?

There is good evidence that the U.S. military and intelligence communities are leaning hard on other parts of the Obama administration to seek rapprochement with Khartoum—this in order to solidify the U.S. relationship with a regime regarded as an important source of putatively valuable counter-terrorism intelligence. Will Obama cave to such pressure? He certainly abandoned his 2008 campaign commitment to the victims of genocide in Darfur. Why should we believe that he will not betray the Sudanese people as a whole just as cynically in the present moment, especially with the cover of so many European countries eager to embrace a genocidal regime?

Eric Reeves is author of Compromising With Evil: An archival history of greater Sudan, 12007 - 2012

May 26, 2016 (JUBA) – Humanitarian Coordinator for South Sudan, Eugene Owusu, has called on the World Humanitarian Summit convened this week in Istanbul, Turkey, between 23-24 May, 2016, to prioritize the world's youngest nation in the humanitarian interventions.

Oxfam aid workers in Mingkaman, South Sudan, oversee the distribution of food to displaced people in August 2014. (Photo Pablo Tosco/Oxfam)

In his speech he delivered to the Summit and extended to Sudan Tribune, Owusu, also said the gathered global leaders should also recognize the centrality of political will to prevent and end conflicts, to address root causes, to reduce fragility and strengthen good governance in countries like South Sudan.

‘World leaders and people from all segments of society affirmed that those who are most at risk of being left behind - including the more than 60 million people displaced worldwide, 2.3 million of them in South Sudan - will receive the global attention and support they deserve,” he said.

The top humanitarian coordinator in the country, also commended that the Summit also reinforced support from all stakeholders to go beyond meeting humanitarian needs, by changing people's lives through ending needs, as well as the vital importance of gender equality, women's empowerment and women's rights becoming pillars of humanitarian
action.

“All of these issues are of course particularly pertinent in South Sudan today, where the formation of the Transitional Government of National Unity (TGoNU) brings hope that the needless suffering of so many civilians may finally come to an end,” he added.

He said the world needed to capitalize on the momentum generated by the Summit, to ensure that the global community does not allow South Sudan to become a forgotten crisis.

“The humanitarian appeal is today just 29 per cent funded. We need more contributions urgently in order to reach people in dire need across the country as they seek to regain their lives and livelihoods,” said Owusu.

“I am delighted that the Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management, Hussein Mar Nyuot, and the Archbishop Daniel Deng Bul were present at the Summit. It was a pleasure to be part of the delegation.”

The gathering, he added was the first World Humanitarian Summit attended by over 9,000 participants from 173 Member States, including 55 Heads of State and Government, hundreds of private sector representatives, and thousands of people from civil society and non- governmental organizations.

“The United Nations in its 70 years has never come together at this scale, with this many different stakeholders, to discuss the pressing challenges that are resulting in so much human suffering today,” he observed.

(ST)

May 26, 2016 (YAMBIO) - Police in Yambio, capital of the newly created Gbudue state, have this week arrested one young girl, aged 17 years old, and accused of abusing her fellow young girls by giving them to men for sex in order to get money for survival.

The newly graduated fire brigade officers in Yambio March 14, 2016 (ST)

Speaking to Sudan Tribune, Edward Gbaki, Chief Inspector of Police in Yambio county, said a community representative from Malakia in Yambio town opened a case against a young girl accused of luring younger girls, aged between 11 and 14, to men for commercial sex.

It is not clear for how long the young girl has been doing this business in Yambio which led to the accusation from the community members who reported the practice to the police.

Gbaki said the accused girl however denied the accusation saying she was not giving her colleagues to men or doing commercial prostitution.

An investigation continued to prove whether it was true or not as reports had been going around in Yambio town that the child prostitution was on the rise where underage girls had been going to night clubs and bars.

According to one resident who spoke to Sudan Tribune on condition of anonymity, the number of underage girls who have been moving with men in clubs at night has increased while the state government has been doing nothing to stop it.

“When you move at night, there are many small girls moving with men in clubs at night and when you ask them they will tell you that their parents are in Tombura, Ezo and outside Yambio which gives them freedom to live anyhow,” he said.

He added that there are a number of night clubs in Yambio where small young boys and girls are congested and go about drinking alcohol without restriction.

He blamed the increase in the number of abandoned children by their parents, leaving the children to gang up and forced to opt for prostitution.

Deputy governor of Gbudue state, Victor Edward Kpiawandu, however condemned the act, saying parents and guardians of the children should take proper care of their children.

(ST)

May 26, 2016 (BOR) - A lot of schools have been forced to close due to violent conflict that erupted in the newly created Boma state in February this year.

School pupils demand creating of a conducive environment for learning in Bor, May 22, 2014 (ST)

In the Boma state, where there are more than 50 primary schools, less than 10 are currently operating, serving close to 700 pupils.

In the statement forwarded to Sudan Tribune on Thursday the governor, Baba Medan, many schools have remained close since the fighting occured between his supporters and some former cobra soldiers who wanted David Yauyau, former administer of Greater Pibor Administration, to be appointed the new state governor.

“Last year was better than this year. The enrolment this year is lower than that of last year because of the fighting, which erupted in the state. That is why you would see some schools not functioning,” said the governor.

“We are trying to reopen these schools which are now closed,” he added.

But the minister of education, Simon Korton, said lack of qualified teachers across the state remained a challenge that would be addressed next year.

“We have no teachers. If you go to Likuangole, Gumuruk, Vertet or Pochalla, you find very few teachers. We are planning to screen the teachers we have. Those who will be found not qualified will be dropped and then the ministry of education will give a chance to qualified teachers to be recruited,” he said.

Those who are teaching have low educational background, according to the ministry.

“Some teachers are primary or secondary schools drop out. Others scored very low marks from their secondary schools examinations. If you are dull, how can you teach somebody? So we will remove these people from the system and replace them with right ones,” said the minister.

(ST)

May 25, 2016 (JUBA) – Seven people were killed and equal numbers injured when unknown gunmen attacked a vehicle on a road connecting South Sudan to Uganda Wednesday.

Juba-Nimule road, South Sudan (ST)

Those killed, police said, included Ethiopians, Ugandans and South Sudanese.

“The passenger was attacked between Aru junction and another village on the road towards Agoro in the east,” said Daniel, a police officers who brought the bodies to Juba.

“The gunmen sprayed the car with bullets and fled to the bush but never looted any property in the car,” added the officer, who is not authorised to the speak to the media.

On Tuesday, a tanker driver of Somali origin was shot dead along the 193 km Juba—Nimule road, which is vital for the supply of essential items to landlocked South Sudan.

No group has so far claimed responsibility for the attack on the usually busy highway.

South Sudan government and former rebels, the SPLM In Opposition formed a Transitional Government of National Unity last month, but no agreement has been reached on cantonment areas for rebels in Equatoria and Bahr El Ghazal regions.

President Salva Kiir's allies insists there are no active opposition forces in the two regions and described highway attacks as “criminal activities.” The SPLM-IO under the leadership of first vice president, Riek Machar said it has forces in the two regions.

Witnesses said the gunmen appeared to be well armed and organized. One survivor said the attackers spoke Arabic, a language commonly used by South Sudan's armed forces.

(ST)

May 26, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - Sudan Thursday criticized the expenditure lines in the budget of the African Union United Nations Mission in Darfur (UNAMID), saying it neglects important aspects related to peace implementation, mine clearance, and reduction of tribal conflict.

A UNAMID peacekeeper during a routine patrol in Tawila, North Darfur.(Photo UNAMID/Hamid Abdelsalam)

As the United Nations security Council is expected to extend the UNAMID mandate for another years next June, the hybrid mission is preparing to submit its new budget for the next year.

Khartoum which seeks the exit of Darfur peacekeeping mission criticized the UNAMID provisional budget for 2016-2017, pointing to the lack of spending line for what is decribed as "actual needs of the citizens in Darfur", and support the mediation efforts to complete the peace process on the basis of the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur (DDPD).

Foreign ministry spokesperson Ali al-Sadqi told reporters that the proposed document shows that UNAMID budget for the next year will reach $1.098 billion, adding that it may be reduced by the specialized committees.

He further said the 2015-2016 budget amounted to$1.245 billion but the effective spending was at $1.222 billion He added that the surplus in the budget may encourage to reduce UNAMID budget for the upcoming year to less than a billion dollars.

He pointed that the spending lines cover mainly the salaries of UNAMID civil and military personnel, besides food, fuel, air conditioners, maintenance and spare parts for thousands of cars.

The Foreign Ministry spokesperson said there are some important aspects of the peace implementation process in Darfur that do not find the adequate support from "UNAMID" such as the transitional justice mechanisms including the Special Criminal Court in Darfur and law enforcement operations.

He went further to say that the hybrid mission could contribute to the demining operations, support the national and local mechanisms to end tribal conflicts, the security arrangements implementation committees, the disarmament, demobilization, reintegration programmes, and rehabilitation programmess for child soldiers.

UNAMID currently has 13,809 military personnel, 1,161 police advisers, 1,814 formed police unit officers, 762 international civilian staff, 152 United Nations volunteers, and 2,177 national civilian staff.

The hybrid mission has been deployed in darfur since December 2007.

(ST)

May 26, 2016 (ADDIS ABABA) – One of the rescued 56 children this week who were abducted by Murle militia group from the Ethiopian Nuer community last month said they had been locked in huts for the past four weeks by their abductors after crossing them into South Sudan.

Jany, 11-year old, was abducted with his two brothers and one sister, but was only among the rescued kids while his siblings had remained behind under the captivity of the Murle abductors.

Jany explained to his mother, Nyandhan, how the bigger boys of his age were singled out and locked alone inside huts, surrounded by heavily armed men, and given only milk to drink during their captivity.

His mother, Nyandhan, however said she was happy to see one of his children back, but added that she longed to see all of them rescued, as she praised the Ethiopian troops who have crossed into South Sudan for the rescue mission.

"I didn't believe that I would see him [Jany] ever again," she told the BBC on Wednesday, while feeding his rescued son as she held up the plate by her hand.

"I am really happy to have one of my children back. It is a blessing and it is thanks to the on-going rescue mission. I have been worrying day and night about my children, that I might never ever see them again. I am still waiting for the others," she said.

Nyaduel, another mother who lost her 7-year old boy to the Murle, told Sudan Tribune that she had been praying day and night that her son should return back home safely.

“I pray that soon I will see my son. He is going to come back to me,” she told Sudan Tribune on Thursday.

Meanwhile, the President [governor] of Gambella region in Ethiopia, Gatluak Tut Khot, has assured Gambella residents that their safety would be guaranteed by ensuring that such cross border attack will not repeat itself.

He said the first step was to rescue the rest of the children, adding that border security with South Sudan would afterwards be established by the two neighbouring countries.

"After we get our children and cattle back, we will seriously work on our border relationships. We must teach the Murle that there is a better way of life than cattle rustling and stealing children," said Gatluak, the Gambella regional president.

He said they were getting information that some of the abducted children were going to be sold to other communities inside South Sudan by their Murle abductors.

"We have established that these children would have been sold or exchanged for heads of cattle inside South Sudan. But we are not going to rest until we get them all back home," he said.

Some international media outlets including the BBC reported the latest figure of the abducted kids to have reached 149, from the initial reported number of 108 or 125. The youngest among the abducted children by the Murle is a 3-month old infant.

Officials from the United Nations children's agency and the Ethiopian government are jointly providing medical help, counseling and basic necessities for the children, their families and caretakers.

The rescued children have been accommodated in a guest house in Gambella town, the capital city of Gambella region, in order to undergo treatment from sicknesses, malnourishment and trauma.

"Whenever children undergo hard conditions like this - separated from their families especially violently, and they are staying with complete strangers for something like three or four weeks - they feel completely let down and some of these experiences last for a lifetime," said Mike Charley, UNICEF's child protection specialist in Ethiopia.

Last month, thousands of armed Murle fighters crossed into Ethiopia and simultaneously attacked 13 villages belonging to the Nuer community, killing at least 200 people and raiding over 2,000 heads of cattle.

Ethiopia responded by deploying troops into South Sudan's Buma state [Jonglei state], demanding release of all the abducted children and threatening to attack suspected targets if the Murle community could not cooperate.

The troops have not yet attacked any location, pending efforts to avail all the abducted kids.

(ST)

May 26, 2016 (JUBA) - The government of South Sudanese and the high command of the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA), will in coming days release a "true" report of the activities of the army in the states of Bahr el Ghazal region where it forces in the month of April were involved in civilian abuses, according to a United States-based rights group.

A SPLA soldier stands in front of a vehicle in Juba on December 20, 2013. (Photo Reuters/Goran Tomasevic)

The army, Human Rights Watch said, committed human right abuses in the form of killings, rape, torture, burning down and looting of civilian properties, while hunting armed men loyal to politicians allied to the first vice president, Riek Machar in the region.

The army spokesperson, Brig. Gen. Lul Ruai Koang told the United Nations-sponsored Radio Miraya Thursday that the report was the outcome of a "one sided" investigation and vowed government and the army command would soon release a true picture of the activities in which the government forces in the states of Bahr el Ghazal were involved.

"This is not a banana republic. We have a constitution and laws which are put in place to uphold and safeguard the rights and liberties of every citizen. The true picture is that we have not been dealing with the armed opposition. We have not been involved in attacking and looting properties of the civilians," said Koang, previously a rebel spokesperson.

He said the command of the army rejects the report because it is "biased, one sided and absolutely filed with lies and unfounded allegations from unauthorised respondents".

"We dealt with bandits. Our forces were dealing with people supporting acts of banditry. Our mandate is to maintain law and order, not to loot the civilian population”, added Koang.

He admitted that government forces in South Sudan's Western Bahr el Ghazal state exchanged fire when a column of soldiers on patrol were attacked by unknown groups.

But while the army spokesperson denies the authenticity of the human right reports, local officials and activists from Western Bahr el Ghazal and other areas in the region maintained in a series of interviews with Sudan Tribune on Wednesday and Thursday that all areas of Western Bahr el Ghazal have recorded and continues to remain poor in human right records, asserting numerous serious abuses were committed.

Sources confirmed the veracity of the human rights report that Unlawful killings, disappearances, torture, rape, and arbitrary arrest and detention by security forces increased in April, despite the return of the first vice president, Riek Machar, to whom many armed men in the region have pledged their allegiance.

Activists say harsh and life-threatening conditions in prison and detention facilities; prolonged pretrial detention; lack of an independent and effective judiciary; and arbitrary interference with privacy, family, and home also remained serious problems. Pro government militiamen continued to recruit and retain child soldiers and to compel forced labour by adults and children.

They also continued to abuse freedom of the press. The government continued to restrict freedoms of assembly and movement while corruption remained pervasive; and security forces restricted non-governmental entities. Societal discrimination against women and ethnic minorities, abduction of political dissidents, child labor, and lack of protection for workers' rights continued to be pervasive throughout the country.

Armed groups continued to commit numerous, serious abuses, some of which may constitute war crimes, including unlawful killings, disappearances, and torture. They also recruited and retained child soldiers, compelled forced labor, and committed serious sexual abuses and other possible war crimes.

(ST)

By Mahmoud A. Suleiman

During the last few years the political components, both traditional and Leftists continued raising their voices calling for something vaguely termed ‘Civil State' as an alternative to the National Congress Party (NCP) regime that adopts ‘Political Islam' which stemmed from the ideology of the global Muslim Brotherhood Movement (MBM). The doctrine of Civil State is a big lie utilised as a camouflage to mislead the Sudanese public; some opponents say. For example, but not limited to them, two of the opponents to the principle of ‘Civil State' wrote in the Sudanese electronic press, with some skepticism and cynicism about the credibility of those who advocated ‘Civil State' to rule Sudan after the demise of the regime of the (NCP). Bearing in mind that the (NCP) regime led by the genocidal criminal and the fugitive from the international justice, Omer Hassan Ahmed al-Bashir. One of those who wrote critically about the political Islam is the researcher and writer, Dr. Omer El-Guarrai. Dr. El-Guarrai in that respect wrote quoting Rashid Ghannouchi, leader of the Tunisian Ennahda Party, who seemed to have started retreating from the ideological principals his party adopted over the decade. Rachid Ghannouchi, leader of the Tunisian Renaissance said in an interview with the French newspaper Le Monde days before the General Congress of his party between 20 and May 22 May 2016 that: (there is no longer justification for political Islam in Tunisia and the revolution of 2011 put an end to all dictatorships, extremist and hardline secularism. Moreover, Rachid Ghannouchi continued saying that we need increasingly to learn co-existence and live with a difference! The principles of Political Islam of the Global Muslim Brotherhood Movement (MBM) which Ghannouchi tried abandoning them. Ghannouchi said, criticizing extremism and the heinous crimes carried out against innocent people along swathes of lands in the Middle East and elsewhere in the name of Islamic Jihad by the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS/ISIL). Moreover, Ghannouchi concluded by saying that he is a Tunisian first and departing that ideology for good. However, that is it whether it is a political rhetoric or something trustworthy nobody is dead sure.

The other person who started criticising the political opposition factions, both armed and civilian, who have embraced the principle of ‘Civil State' is the writer and scholar Salah Shuaib. Shuaib blamed all those adopted the so-called ‘Civil State' including the Sudanese Justice and Equality Movement (JEM). Moreover, Salah Shuaib indicated the (JEM) is still spins around the Popular Congress Party (PCP) axis formerly led by the Islamists godfather in Sudan about whom (JEM) issued a condolence statement in its formal Website on the death of Dr. Hassan Abdalla al-Turabi on 5 March 2016. The Sudanese rebel Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) had issued a statement of condolence of the general secretary of the Communist Party of Sudan Mohamed Ibrahim Nugud, who died in March 22, 2012. The foregoing incidence cannot be interpreted that the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) has a Communist tendency. It is noteworthy that within the membership of the movement there exist numbers of members who believe in the principles of communism, socialism and liberalism, and so on. Furthermore, Condolence over the death of someone you know is stipulated in the Sudanese cultural norms. Thus, the condolence over the death of late Dr. Hassan al-Turabi is a natural thing and is one of the duties of Sudanese heritage. Moreover, it is not necessarily be interpreted as an evidence for the link of the Movement (JEM) to the former godfather of the National Islamic Front (NIF).

However, in a nutshell, we must be frank and honest that some of the Darfur rebel movements such as (JEM) which rebelled against the (NCP) regime injustice, walked with stream adopting the ‘Civil State' as an option to rule Sudan after the demise of the Muslim Brotherhood Movement (MBM) regime.

When one delves into the literature on ‘Civil State' there, are number of books and articles braying in favour of ‘Civil State' and praising its principle. Nevertheless, unfortunately they are words and resonating terms without detailing the practical steps for the establishment of a modern civil state in the Arab and Muslim countries, and more importantly, without an explanation of how to get out from under the yoke of injustice, oppression and tyranny regime!

To date, there has been no precise definition for the term ‘Civil State'. However, every Sudanese political group trying to suggest that they have the magical stick of the God's Prophet Moses to resolve the chronic crises of Sudan if they had the opportunity to govern the country stuck in mud of political failings since the exit of the British colonial power sixty four years ago on the first of January 1956.

We need admitting that the background origins of the Sudanese political parties are sectarian.
If persistently keen observer looks at the Sudanese opposition components' backgrounds, most of them are affiliates of and belonged to the sectarian religious, we find that the National Umma Party (NUP) belongs to the Ansar Sect. Similarly, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) belongs to the Khatmiyya Sect. The other parties that rebelled as ‘Front' came out of the sectarian religious parties. They renamed themselves as the fashionable term front. Examples include the Broad National Front led by Ali Mahmoud Hassanein. Mr. Hassanein, a former vice president of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and he split from the main party after disagreements with the party leadership. Furthermore, there are many small parties were part of the religious denominations parties. Each of these parties claimed Fostering the so- called “Civil State”. In other words, political Islam remains under the curtain, fearing the wrath of the party membership. The bulk of the religious Sectarian Party affiliates believe that secular system as Atheism, not religious, because of ignorance or naivety! Moreover, fear of parties that their membership would leave the party for good if the leadership adopts any doctrine other than the one claiming hypocritically Islamism. This paradox continued haunting the political class in Sudan for decades and preventing the country's progress, prosperity and peace.
Further to the above are some of the names of the heads of Sudanese parties had already split from the sectarian parties:

Salah Shuaib said the truth categorically that the ‘Civil State' is nothing but a vacuous talk shop and that it is inevitable and necessary to resort to the Secular State option! Moreover, Salah Shuaib goes on to say that, the concept of the ‘Civil State' in the ‘Civilized West' might carry more meanings contrary to what in the context of the Islamic Civilization. Furthermore, Shuaib indicates that a demodulation to the concept occurred in the last two decades into the Arab political field across Organization from here and there and it then leaked to the ‘recipient Sudan'.

On the other hand, some members in the Sudanese Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) believe the hint Salah Shuaib made is interpreted as there is still continuing link between (JEM) leadership and the (MBM) represented in the (PCP) formerly led by Dr. Hassan al-Turabi and justifying that link to the Movement's condolence of Turabi in the (JEM) Website. Many of the (JEM) members think that statement as an unfair insult and tallies to what some of the international community components as well as the National Congress Party (NCP) regime elements continued parroting since the outbreak of the Revolution in Darfur in February 2003. The (NCP) regime used propaganda machine for defaming (JEM) which proved its seriousness for removing the decades of injustice imposed on the people of the region of Western Sudan by the successive central governments. Unfortunately, Salah Shuaib, whose ancestors may have descended from Western Sudan if not from Darfur, continues promoting what some Westerners supporting the ruling regime of the (NCP) that has been providing classified intelligence services about its fellow Islamist trerrorists to them. This is despite the fact that (JEM) has started as a National movement for all the Sudanese people regardless of their colour, creed, ethnicity, gender, regional or political affiliation, culture or language for joining it as a member. Thus, the Sudanese (JEM) attracted its membership from all the then six regions of Sudan including people from the Southern Sudan prior to its secession. In this regard, one cannot blame Salah Shuaib as a journalist reporting on a controversial thorny subject of the ‘Civil State'. Salah Shuaib continues to say that the problem in Sudan centres around the leaders do not want to pay the high price of confessing courageously the facts essential and necessary for nation rebuilding and on those who are afraid to utter the need for saying that, Sudan is in need of Secular rule.

Peter Hill in his article entitles “The Civil” and “the Secular” in Contemporary Arab Politics said that the term “Medani”, generally translated as “civil,” has played an important role in Arabic political discourse since the revolutions of the Arab Spring began on 18 December 2010. Arab Spring refers to a revolutionary wave of demonstrations and protests both non-violent and violent, riots, and civil wars in the Arab world that began in Tunisia with the Tunisian Revolution, and spread throughout the countries of the Arab League and its surroundings. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arab_Spring

The term “civil state” (“al-dawla al-madaniyya”) is a unique product of this discourse. Though possibly coined by the Muslim Brotherhood Movement (MBM) in the 1950s, it is only since the revolutions that it has become a central and controversial term in politics

The term is complex, used in varying and indeed contradictory ways. In Egypt, different uses of the term “civil” reveal fault lines that exist in the post-revolutionary period between various political parties, and their conceptions of politics and society.

To track the different meanings of the “civil”, and by extension the “civil state,” is to sketch the landscape of competing visions about Egypt's future. Different uses of the term reveal widely shared aspirations for a non-military state, but also important differences of opinion over the role of religion in public life. One factor that emerges is the political power of these terms for both secularists and many Islamists, as both attempt to lay claim to the “civil” and “civil state.” Equally significant are the areas in which this crucial debate is silent, most importantly with regard to economic affairs and social justice.

This definition – a democratic and constitutional state that excludes the military – is the least controversial aspect of the “civil state,” and is the one most frequently used by Egypt's Islamist politicians and religious figures.

According to the BBC http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-12813859
The downfall of Tunisia's President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali inspired pro-democracy activists across the Arab world. Widespread discontent at economic hardship, decades of autocratic rule and corruption erupted into mass demonstrations in December 2010 after a young, unemployed man, Mohamed Bouazizi, set fire to himself after officials stopped him selling vegetables in Sidi Bouzid. Around 300 people were killed during the subsequent unrest, which forced Ben Ali to resign in January 2011, after 23 years in power, and go into exile in Saudi Arabia. He was later sentenced to life in prison in absentia. In October 2011, Tunisia held its first democratic parliamentary elections. The moderate Islamist Ennahda party won more than 41% of the vote in the constituent assembly tasked with drafting a new constitution. Veteran dissident Moncef Marzouki was then elected president.

In a nutshell, one has to do justice to Salah Shuaib as to the overall contents of his article. Salah Shuaib has written previously articles with similar themes. An example of that sort of articles he wrote an article with a title Intellectual, moral and psychological crisis of the Sudanese Muslim Brotherhood Movement). His candor in telling the bare facts that other writers fear delving in for the consequences and leaving them go astray remains clear! The current article is commendable for being very frank demonstrating the facts that the Sudanese political class trying cover themselves up behind a transparent curtain, which reveals the hidden things behind it. The politicians tried hiding their true desires behind the ‘Civil State' trickery. The real intensions of those politicians centre on application of “Political Islam” through the backdoor. They intended to do so in spite of the abject failures and disasters brought to Sudan by the doctrine of the Muslim Brotherhood Movement (MBM) over more than forty odd years. Sudan and its people experienced autocracy, arbitrary laws that allowed lynching, flogging women, crimes of genocide, amputation of hands and lower limbs. The foregoing atrocities occurred during the two military dictatorships regimes backed by the ideological thoughts of the Muslim Brotherhood Movement (MBM. The Sudanese people especially in the marginalized regions suffered most during the reign of Jaafer Muhammed Nimeiri, 1969-1985 of so-called May 25 Revolution and the 30th June 1989 –to date military coup d'état of the National Islamic Front (NIF) that split after the so-called Haggle, Arabic “Mufasala” into (NCP)(PCP). Both of the infamous regimes applied selectively the provisions of punitive Sharia Laws that targeted mainly in Sudan the amputation of limbs of the poor, flogging of women in isolation from the tolerance of the Islamic religion. The NIF laws exempted the influential officials in the National Congress Party (NCP) regime who have been implicated in the crimes of corruption and looting public money and transferring it to banks outside Sudan by using Fatwas referred to as (in Arabic ‘Tahalul in English ‘Decomposition') and becoming “Halal”, emanated from religious Sheikhs belonging to the (NCP) government. The major government corruption in the era of the (NCP) regime represented by the sale of the Sudan House in the neighbourhood of Knights Bridge in London, Sudan Airways airstrip landing at the London Heathrow Airport, sale of the main airline carrier Sudan Air, Sudanese Cruise Lines, Sale of Sudan Railways and the catastrophic sale of the Gezira Irrigated Agricultural Project in the Central Region of Sudan.

There is no such thing as a civil state in the world today and not in the past it was utter vague and incomprehensible even to those who espouse to adopt it. It seems that the main purpose for the adoption of this lie is the fear an assumed of public reaction against any calls alternative to the doctrine of the (MBM) who failed in their experience all over the Islamic World they tried to rule, Sudan is not an exception.

The so-called civil state is an empty slogan of no truth in it. Worse, it presents as empty of content and a kind of hypocrisy because of the fear of some political elites assuming the possibility that people might revolt against the principle of the secular state, which some gullible people think it as a kind of atheism. There is no escape from the secular state to Sudan after the demise of the regime of the global Muslim Brotherhood movement in Khartoum. Sudan has experienced two experiments to apply state of political Islam, both of which failed catastrophically. They included the so-called September Laws in the era of President Muhammed Jaafer Nimeiri that extended for 1969 to 1986. The second and the worst one is the current (NCP) regime of the Muslim Brotherhood Movement (MBM). The latter proved beyond doubt as the most destructive, disastrous, and led to fragmentation of the Sudanese nation with the continued civil attrition wars and committing crimes of genocide and all sorts of vices in the name of Islam which disowns of all those heinous crimes.

Dr. Mahmoud A. Suleiman is an author, columnist and a blogger. His blog is http://thussudan.wordpress.com/

By James Okuk

Since the time of separation of South Sudan from the Sudan in 2011, the bilateral relations between the two countries have not become desirably institutionalized for the needed viability of co-existence and cooperation of the two neighbouring countries for ensuring peace, security, stability and prosperity in commonality. The two states have not been seen treating themselves softly with best neighbourliness foreign policies despite the fact that they are deterministically bounded by the longest inseparable geography in the region with land boundaries of about 2,158 km (according to January 1, 1956 alignment). Political leadership could be the problem because social relations of the peoples of the two states are still fine.

The souring relations between Khartoum and Juba didn't creep instantly from the blue. The ruling parties in both capitals had been fierce enemies for decades though the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) tried to tame them into partnership of making unity of the Sudan attractive, especially to South Sudanese (including the Nine Ngok Dinka Chieftaincies of Abyei Area). Because of that commitment, preparation for institutionalization of the independence of South Sudan was totally neglected by the CPA's partners because they were obliged to ‘make unity attractive.' That was why both of them were caught unaware by the overwhelming decision of the people of South Sudan not to be attracted to the politicized unity of the Sudan. The SPLM leaders in Juba found it difficult to go against the people's destiny and they had to betray their NCP partners in Khartoum who were left with no option but to absorb the shock with bitter acceptance of the result of the referendum for self-determination for the people of South Sudan in January 2011, especially after they realized that the separation project has the total backing and support of the U.S superpower and other allies in Europe and Africa.

However and after politics of unity of the Sudan was thwarted by the opposite referendum result, every other commitment that was stipulated in the CPA but remained unimplemented had to get subjected to either automatic collapse or renegotiation. Khartoum had to uncomfortably delete anything that has to do with South Sudan and Juba had to also do the same based on constitutional and sovereignty necessity. The issue of nationality, borders, currency, oil, trade, debts, assets, pensions, post-service benefits, Abyei Administration and referendum, Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile popular consultations, and disengagement with the SPLM/A-North popped up to become very urgent but at the same time intricately contentious. Nothing looked sufficient to bridge the urgent gaps left in the broken Sudan and also in the new made South Sudan with its open possibilities.

For example, Juba went ahead to print its own currency and passports without consultation with Khartoum, and despite the previous gentlemen agreement that these issues shall be handled evolutionarily and coordinately so as to avoid any consequence of abrupt unilateralism. The amount of the redundant CPA's Sudanese pounds circulating in South Sudan was seen to be a danger to Sudan's economy, especially after it has loss many oil fields to South Sudan. Hence, Khartoum decided abruptly too to change its currency to a new pound while disqualifying the old one it used to share with Juba. South Sudanese working in Sudan had to get fired. A threat of conflict and aggression became eminent. The border movements had to get restricted and sometimes closed, especially after the Sudan People's Liberation Movement – North (SPLM-North) in the areas of Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile went into war with Khartoum to add to Darfuri rebels.

Nevertheless, the nature of the possible war by then between Khartoum and Juba wasn't the same as the previous civil wars (e.g., Anya-nya and SPLM/A) because of the new reality that the warring parties were ruling two separate independent countries that are already recognized legitimately by the United Nations, the African Union and other international bodies and individual countries. The two countries have also recognized each other's independence when they opened their respective embassies in Juba and Khartoum and exchanged resident Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassadors. Such war, if allowed to be fully conducted, would no longer be an internal affair. Regional and International intervention was eminent. Thus, the AU had to take it upon itself to mediate for negotiations through a High-Level Implementation Panel (AUHIP) chaired by the former South African President, Thabo Mbeki and with Abdulsalam Alhaji Abubakar (former Nigerian President) and Pierre Buyoya (former Burundian President) as core members.

The AUHIP led by these peer of former presidential elders and advised by some experts on Sudan and South Sudan (like Alex de Waal) tried to contain the situation though tensions over the post-CPA and post-independence issues continued unabated. To make things worst, the SPLM's regime in Juba decided to shut-in oil production in January 2012 when the resource makes up over 90% of the government budget and expenditure. The core justification was that Khartoum was taking and taping out secretly the crude oil from South Sudan without permission from Juba. In retaliation, the NCP's regime in Khartoum decided to close down the regular borders movements of the people and tradable goods along South Sudan. In April 2012 the two countries went for a brief but deadly war over the lucrative Heglig (known originally as Panthou) oil facility that has been managed by Khartoum while claimed by Juba. The UN Secretary-General, U.S President and other allies mounted a pressure on Juba to leave Heglig to Khartoum. Juba was left with no power to cement itself but withdraw from the contested area with regrettable costs to many lives of soldiers.

But the accusations of each side for supporting rebel's activities to topple each others' regimes became intensified with smearing and rhetorical propaganda. The Sudan Parliament went as far as declared Juba as “an enemy state”. The First Vice President of the Sudan issued orders to shoot-and-kill any person found smuggling goods at the border and to confiscate the caught trucks and other properties from such betrayers.

The post-independence negotiations got stalled until breaking news came later when Presidents Omar Hassan al-Bashir and Salva Kiir Mayardit were invited to Addis Ababa by the AUHIP to be direct participants of the September 27, 2012 agreements between their respective countries. These were:
1) The Cooperation Agreement signed by Presidents Kiir and al-Bashir themselves (confirming commitment to common viability and other bilateral agreements);
2) Security Arrangements Agreement signed by the Ministers of Defence, H.E. John Kong Nyuon for South Sudan and H.E. Lt. Gen (PSC) Eng. Abdel Rahim Mohamed Hussein for the Sudan (to demilitarize the border, starting with 10-crossing corridors)
3) The Border Issues Agreement (including demarcation and Zero-Points identification);
4) The Framework Agreement on the status of Nationals of the other state and Related Matters (e.g. Interior Ministers chairing negotiations of details of implementation of the Four Freedoms: to Reside, to Move, to conduct Economic Activity, and to Own Property);
5) The Framework Agreement to Facilitate Payment of Post-Service Benefits (to establish principles and mechanisms that ensure uninterrupted, timely and convenient payment arrangements for the retired or pensioned citizens of either state);
6) The Agreement on Certain Economic Matters (Division of Assets and Liabilities, Arrears and Claims and Joint Approach to the International Community to erase Khartoum's debts while it shoulders Juba's share but with no division of assets as a condition);
7) The Agreement on Oil and Related Economic Matters (Waiving the arrears, Resumption of South Sudan Oil Production, Transit through Sudan and Transitional Financial Arrangements, all costing USD 24.5 per a barrel for 42 months so as to enable Sudan to diversify its economy for resilience after losing many oil fields to South Sudan);
8) The Agreement on Trade and Trade Related Issues (pursuing independent trade policy while considering the possibility of common policies and adhering to policies of regional and international organizations to which each state belong); and
9) The Agreement on a Framework for Cooperation on Central Banking Issues (acknowledging the need for cooperation in the management of monetary and fiscal policies to maintain confidence and control inflation that could destabilize exchange rate due to fluctuations, and continuing to adhere to international finance and banking standards).

The rest of the seven agreements were all signed by the Chief Negotiators of the two countries (H.E. Pagan Amum Okiech for South Sudan and H.E. Idris Abdel Gadir for the Sudan). For operational institutionalization, the National Legislative Assemblies of the two countries had to cordially ratify them within 45 days from the time of signature so that the necessary mechanisms for effective monitoring would get established in addition to regular or extraordinary Heads of the two States Summits, Ministerial Meetings and Technical Committees (and Sub-Committees) Meetings.

Some mechanisms commenced as expected but got slowed down later by the tsunamic change of cabinet in Juba in July 2013 and the resultant outbreak of mid-December 2013 crisis of the deadly SPLM/A's leadership struggle. Though Khartoum tried to portray itself as neutral, Kampala direct intervention to take side with Juba in the war against Dr. Riek Machar' rebellion provoked the NCP' regime to rethink its September 2012 rapprochement despite the fact that one of the IGAD's Mediation Envoys (i.e, Gen. Ahmed Mohamed al-Dabi) was a Sudanese Government's nominee while Uganda was totally knocked out from the mediation as a result of objection by the SPLM/A-IO. The counter accusations and suspicion of maliciousness of one country against the other continued.

Notwithstanding, the August 2015 Agreement on Resolution of Conflict in South Sudan (ARCSS) made Khartoum to be hopeful a bit with a hope of bettering relations with Juba. President al-Bashir, and as a member of IGAD's Summit of Heads of State and Government, appended his signature on the deal as a guarantor in the company of other Presidents and Prime Ministers of the bloc who also signed the peace document as guarantors in Addis Ababa. But before signing H.E. al-Bashir voiced out his protest on the continuous use of the name “Sudan Liberation Movement/Army” by the warring parties while South Sudan is no longer part of the whole Sudan that the SPLM intended to liberate in the past against the Islamic and Arabized injustices. Khartoum was keenly interested in the ARCSS so that the Sudan could gain from the stability in South Sudan, especially if Chapter II is implemented in letter and spirit as provided in article 1.5 for the withdrawal of Ugandan Forces from South Sudan within 45 days (except in Western Equatoria due to the previous agreement on hunting the LRA before the outbreak break of mid-December 2013 crisis), and also as stipulated in article 1.6 for disarmament, demobilization and repatriation of Sudanese Revolutionary Forces (SPLM-North, JEM, SLA-Minnawi, SLA-Abdel Wahid) within the pre-transitional period by the state actors with whom they have been supporting.

This could be the crux of the matter why Khartoum sent a chilling decision in mid-March 2016 to treat South Sudanese nationals as aliens and close the border for security reasons. Fast steps that have been taken by Juba to get admitted into the East African Community might have also hastened the vile of Khartoum to decide the way it did. Khartoum might have gotten worried of not harvesting the fruits of ARCSS as its implementation is over-delaying while time is running out. With no Transitional Government of National Unity (TGoNU) in place and effectively operational in Juba, defeating and destroying the Sudan rebels' forces shall remain a nightmare to the NCP's regime. But again, pushing Juba to disarm, demobilize and repatriate the Sudanese Revolutionary forces is not an easy project to pursue because it has a tremendous cost to lives, properties and finance of South Sudanese. Perhaps, if the AUHIP manages to strike a peace deal between the Sudan rebels and Khartoum, that could be the only safer exit by Juba from that trap.

Khartoum doesn't trust the SPLM-Juba because of its connection to the rebels of the Sudan and also to President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, despite his two-day bilateral visit to Sudan in September 2015 where it was highlighted that there shall be renewed cooperation between them in security, intelligence and defence matters. Kampala has been accusing Khartoum of harbouring the Lord Resistance Army (LRA) of Joseph Kony in a remote area in Darfur region and assisting them with arms. Nonetheless, Khartoum has been appreciating Kampala for restricting activities of Sudanese rebels who used to hold meetings in Uganda and get arms through it. That could be part of the motivation why President al-Bashir took the risk of ICC's Warranty of Arrest and travelled to Uganda on May 12, 2016 for Inauguration of President Museveni's fifth term of presidency and further discussion on bilateral ties even with protests by US, Canadian and some European Governments.

It seems probable that the recurrent chilling bilateral relations between Khartoum and Juba shall not get eased unless there is peace in both countries. The positive moves towards revitalization of the delayed ARCSS implementation shall make Khartoum to slow-down and monitor the new political developments. The suspension of operationalization of hullabaloo of the 28 states until a political consensus is reached as directed in the January 2016 Communiqué of IGAD's Council of Ministers, may also cool the nerves of Khartoum to be patient and improve the bilateral ties with Juba. Not only these but also if the development partners and rest of international community come to aid of Juba for easing the dire humanitarian situation and rescuing the collapsing economy, Khartoum may reconsider its arrogant attitude towards Juba. The NCP plotters could get tamed more if the TGoNU sent to Khartoum a very high-level delegation composing of prominent representatives of the four principal parties to the ARCSS to discuss the hot issues with President al-Bashir and his cabinet. Their negative attitude towards Juba may subside immediately with Abyei becoming a bridge between the two countries as dreamt by veteran Ambassador Francis M. Deng.

The result of that unique visit shall speed up the paralyzed progress of the required missing ministerial and technical committees for the proper institutionalization of the specific instruments of implementing the signed bilateral agreements or renegotiating them. The normalized cordial relations between Juba and Khartoum shall enable both countries to venture into unsuspicious joint activities for rebuilding the two states with common prosperous viability. Some of the marginalized professional South Sudanese diplomats shall be willing to help and use the nuance they have had within the Sudanese diplomacy so as to generate fruitful gains within the context of sustainable peace and desirable neighborliness as stipulated in the constitutional principles of the two countries.

Thus, the key to ending the unending Khartoum-Juba diplomatic, security and economic rows or show-downs is to properly institutionalize the bilateral relations and cement it with concrete mutual interests that each state will be sensitive to compromise at any cost. Diplomacy and international relations is supposed to be based on the premise that isolation is not an option but interdependence with keen understanding and skilful management of sophistication of the globalization process.

It is high time the TGoNU prioritizes a reformed and transformed South Sudanese diplomacy in order to protect invigoratingly the national interests and safeguard the territorial integrity; identify and level the extent of cooperation or competition with others; preserve the national security and stability and contribute in doing the same to the region and the world at large; cement the development of core national economic, social and political objectives; and motivate the influential positive actors while neutralizing the negative ones.

Dr. James Okuk is lecturer of politics reachable at okukjimy@hotmail.com

May 25, 2016 (KHARTOUM) – Tens of relatives of students arrested by the Sudanese security service have protested at the office of the vice chancellor of the Khartoum University on Wednesday demanding their immediate release.

Families of detained students sit in outside the Khartoum University Vice Chancellor on 25 May 2016 (ST Photo)

Earlier this month, Vice Chancellor relieved six students and suspended 11 others for their alleged role in April protests against the relocation of the university buildings.

Following this decision, on May 5, armed men in plain clothes of Sudan's National Intelligence and Security Service stormed into the office of the lawyer Nabil Adeeb in Khartoum and arrested dozens of students who hired him to challenge the dismissal decision.

On Wednesday tens of the students' families have handed over a memorandum to the minister of the higher education and the vice chancellor to protest the in which they described the penalties against the students as unfair.

The memo, which was supported by the university's teachers, the graduates association and the students lawyers, said that in addition to the punishments” the Vice Chancellor of the University of Khartoum made outrageous rumours against the students, a matter that paved the way for the security service to arrest and torture them”.

The signatories to the memo have held the university officials responsible for the safety of the students, saying that the case would not take that course if the university adopted wisdom and constructive dialogue and committed to the laws.

They further called them to reach the security service to ensure the immediate release of the students, urging the university administration to reverse the dismissal decisions.

The students started legal actions against the merits of the university's vice chancellor dismissal decision but they were surprised by the security service raid at the lawyer's office, the memo said.

The students were brutally beaten before taken to unknown place inaccessible to their families and lawyers” the memo added.

The memo has blamed external bodies for the crises of the university, pointing out that the protection of the independence of the university's institutions is essential to solve the university crisis.

Human Rights Watch issued a statement on Wednesday condemning the continued arrest without charges of the Sudanese university students.

"If the authorities have credible evidence that any of those detained have committed legitimate offenses, they should have already charged the detainees. Anyone not already charged should be released pending any potential charges the authorities intend to bring", Human Rights Watch said.

The international rights group pointed that the Sudanese security services have "repeatedly and violently cracked down on protests, including in September and October 2013, when security forces killed more than 170 protesters".

(ST)

May 25, 2016 (JUBA) – Current sittings of the former national legislative assembly of South Sudan are illegal following formation of new unity government which should have reconstituted new parliament, said officials of the armed opposition faction of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM-IO).

The opposition faction also said their leadership has been committed to peace and cooperated in its implementation, including the urgent need to reconstitute the parliament in accordance with the August 2015 peace agreement.

“We have a new transitional government of national unity, being executive, since 29 April. There should have been a reconstituted new inclusive transitional national legislative assembly from that day. This would have included memberships of opposition factions,” James Gatdet Dak, press secretary of the SPLM-IO's leader, Riek Machar, told Sudan Tribune on Wednesday.

“This has not happened and the former parliament of pre-transitional unity government has continued to illegally operate alongside the new executive organ,” he said.

Dak said mode of electing new speaker as well as who should chair the first sitting during which the speaker should be elected from lawmakers from Equatoria region have delayed reconstitution of the new parliament.

He said while the SPLM-IO was for secret ballot votes in electing the speaker and that the oldest Member of Parliament should be best suited to chair the sitting, the former government was for show of hand in voting and for the current speaker, Manasseh Magok Rundial, to chair the first sitting.

“But the most serious violation or inconsistency as the parliament is concerned is the ongoing illegal sitting of the former parliament of the former government when a new government is in place,” he said.

The SPLM-IO's leadership, he added, was of the view that the sittings should have been suspended until the contentious issues were addressed by the new government and a new national parliament reconstituted which could now sit under new inclusive membership and speakership.

On Monday, for instance, he said the old parliament of President Salva Kiir's faction unilaterally deliberated on and ratified a document which made South Sudan a member of the East African Community (EAC).

He said such an important decision affecting the future of the whole country should have been delayed to be discussed by the new transitional unity parliament.

Dak also said the former parliament has continued to summon national ministers of the new unity government to present to its sittings in violation of the peace agreement.

The Agreement on the Resolution of Conflict in South Sudan (ARCISS), which the parties signed in August 2015 to end 21 months of civil war, has called on the parties to form a new unity government, including new parliament with membership from all the peace partners.

He said the SPLM-IO's leadership is committed to the implementation of the peace agreement as signed to end the suffering of the people, but added that there is need for reciprocity from the other partner.

Dak reiterated other challenges including lack of resolution on the status of the 28 states unilaterally created by former government against the peace deal which was based on the country's 10 states.

Refusal by President Kiir's faction in the cabinet to agree on cantonment of opposition forces in Equatoria and Bahr el Ghazal regions is another stumbling block, he said.

NO OFFICE FOR MACHAR

Dak also revealed that the SPLM-IO's chairman, Riek Machar, who was appointed as First Vice President in the transitional government of national unity has not yet been given office to operate from.

Machar, he said, has been operating officially from his temporary prefab residence behind Jebel Kujur, about 6kms west of Juba city center or the presidential palace, and would only come to the government's premises or meeting hall in the city when there was cabinet meeting or to attend other official meetings involving other ministers or senior foreign dignitaries.

Several ministers appointed from the SPLM-IO, he added, have no cars to take them to work as cars used by the former ministers were nowhere to be found and no new cars have been provided for them.

He said some of the new ministers have been forced by the situation to hire vehicles or share hired cars for official transportation.

(ST)

May 25, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - Sudanese government Wednesday said the implementation of the cooperation agreement is indivisible and cannot be selective, ahead of meeting with South Sudanese officials to be held in Addis and Khartoum.

South Sudan's defence minister Kuol Manyang Juuk shakes hands with his Sudanese counterpart Mohamed Ahmed Ibn Ouf while AUHIP member Abdulsalam Abubakar applauds, after the signing of an agreement to operationalize the buffer zone between the two countries on 14 October 2015 (Courtesy photo by the AUHIP).

These statements come as a South Sudanese high level delegation led by the South Sudanese Defence Minister Kuol Manyang Juuk is expected in Khartoum on 7 June to discuss the implementation of the eight agreements and security arrangements particularly.

The eight agreements brokered by the African Union High Level Implementation Panel (AUHIP) include oil transit, security arrangements, four freedoms and border demarcation are signed on 27 September 2012.

In Khartoum, the coordination committee between the different panels tasked with the implementation of the Cooperation Agreement held a meeting chaired by the Sudanese Vice President Hasabo Abdel Rahman.

"The meeting stressed that the Cooperation Agreement does not accept division and selectivity. Its eight agreement must be enforced simultaneously" said the State Minister at the Sudanese presidency Haroun al-Rashid after the meeting.

He further called on the South Sudanese government to accelerate the works of it various committees to reach an agreement.

Since four year, the two countries have failed to implement the eight agreements except that one on the oil transit fees.

As it accuses Juba of supporting Sudanese rebels, Khartoum insists on the need to operaltionalize the demilitarized zone and to deploy the joint patrols in line with the security arrangements agreement.

Al-Rashid said the different subcommittees presented their reports on the implementation of the signed agreements. Also, the meeting discussed the needed efforts to reactivate the work with their counterpart bodies in South Sudan.

He added that the meeting discussed the ongoing preparations to hold the meeting of the Joint Political and Security Committee (JPSC) next month in Khartoum and the meeting of the Joint Border Demarcation Committee which will be held in Addis Ababa at the end of this month.

Earlier this year Sudan decided unilaterally to open border and allow cross border trade but two months later decided to suspend it and renewed accusations against Juba.

(ST)

May 25, 2016 (JUBA/NAIROBI) – South Sudan's top army commanders should thoroughly investigate abuses committed by its forces, ensuring that those responsible are held accountable, a United States-based human rights body said in a new report.

Soldiers from the South Sudanese army (SPLA) jump off the back of a truck while on patrol in the capital, Juba, following the December 2013 outbreak of violence (Photo: Reuters)

“They should know that they too could face international and criminal sanctions if they don't take concrete action in accordance with the law,” Daniel Bekele, Africa director at Human Rights Watch (HRW) said in a report issued Wednesday.

According to the rights body, South Sudan government soldiers carried out a wide range of often-deadly attacks on civilians in and around the country's town of Wau.

The soldiers, it alleged, killed, tortured, raped, and detained civilians and looted and burned down homes in the attacks.

Abuses in the Western Bahr el Ghazal region reportedly took place during government counterinsurgency operations that intensified after a peace deal was signed last year.

The attacks, the rights body stressed, underscored the need for the national unity government to take immediate steps toward accountability for crimes by all warring parties since the start of South Sudan's conflict in mid-December 2013.

“With all eyes on the new national unity government in Juba, government soldiers have been literally getting away with murder in the country's western regions,” said Bekele.

“The new government should immediately call a halt to the abuse, free all arbitrarily detained civilians, and support the creation of a war crimes court that can investigate and prosecute those responsible, including at the highest levels of authority,” he added.

ARMY DISMISSES REPORT

A spokesperson for the national army, Brig. Gen Lul Ruai Koang, said the report was “bias, one sided and heavily relied on incredible eye witnesses to draw conclusions”.

He instead said his office would provide graphic evidences proving that “horrific”crimes were indeed committed against innocent civilians by the “criminals and bandits”.

“These are crimes that HRW either deliberately, out of ignorant or in haste failed to mention in its report as some of the most terrible and heartbreaking crimes committed by unlawful combatants we have been battling,” said Koang.

“It's good to underscore that it takes two to tangle,” he added.

The report says newly deployed, mostly Dinka, soldiers from the South Sudanese army allegedly attacked ethnic Fertit civilians in villages and neighborhoods of the town of Wau.

The abuses, it said, forced tens of thousands of people to flee, leaving villages and entire neighborhoods empty, which it found during a research mission to Wau in April.

The rights body claimed it documented numerous killings, most of which were reportedly committed by SPLA soldiers.

Since late 2015, it said, local authorities, including the governor of the newly created Wau state, Elias Waya Nyipuoch, and community leaders have been reporting the spate of abuses to the army and other government officials.

No steps, the US-based rights body said, were taken to investigate these abuses.

The new transitional government of national unity, Human Rights Watch said, should ask the African Union to promptly establish the hybrid tribunal envisioned in the August 2015 peace agreement to try serious crimes in South Sudan.

“National authorities should also investigate and fairly prosecute human rights violations. The UN peacekeeping mission should also report publicly on the abuses and the government's response,” further says the new report.

(ST)

May 25, 2016 (JUBA) - The United Nations humanitarian coordinator for South Sudan, Eugene Owusu, has strongly condemned the tragic killing of Sister Veronika Racková, a Slovakian nun and medical doctor who was shot last week in Yei River state.

Deputy head of UN mission in South Sudan (UNMISS), Eugene Owusu (YouTube Photo)

The nun, who was on a humanitarian mission, died at a hospital in Kenya.

“I am deeply saddened by this senseless act and send my deepest condolences to the family, friends and colleagues of Sister Veronika Racková,” Owusu said in a statement.

“I welcome steps being taken by the authorities to bring the perpetrators to justice and urge them to act swiftly,” it adds.

The deceased was reportedly driving an ambulance on her way back from a medical centre when she was attacked.

Her death, Owusu stressed, brings to 54 the number of aid workers killed in South Sudan since mid-December 2013.

“Violence against humanitarian workers and humanitarian assets is categorically unacceptable and must stop,” he said.

Owusu urged the Transitional Government of National Unity to endeavour to strengthen the safety and security environment for aid workers and intensively work with them.

(ST)

May 25, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - Sudan's Minister of Foreign Affairs Ibrahim Ghandour has expected a breakthrough in relations with Washington and vowed to resolve security issues with neighbouring countries.

John Kerry (R) shakes hands with the Sudan's FM Ibrahim Ghandour as they pose for photos at the Palace Hotel in New York, October 2, 2015. (Photo Reuters/Stephanie Keith)

Ghandour, who spoke in his ministry's regular media forum Wednesday, described the United States as “friend and foe”, saying the latter has imposed an unjustified and unjust sanctions on Sudan.

He stressed however that the dialogue between Khartoum and Washington wouldn't stop, saying his government will “knock on all doors until they open up”.

The top diplomat added that Washington's hostile attitude towards Sudan is unjustifiable, pointing to the great efforts made by his government to achieve peace in Darfur, South Kordofan and the Blue Nile.

He further pointed that the sanctions would be “eroded” if the U.S. didn't lift it.

“I'm neither optimistic nor pessimistic about the relationship between Sudan and the U.S. and I expect that relations between Khartoum and Washington would experience a breakthrough,” he said.

Washington imposed economic and trade sanctions on Sudan in 1997 in response to its alleged connection to terror networks and human rights abuses. In 2007 it strengthened the embargo, citing abuses in Darfur which it labelled as genocide.

Also, Sudan has been on the US list of countries supporting terrorism since 1993, for allegedly providing support and safe haven for terrorist groups.

Sudan says Washington didn't honour its pledges to lift Sudan from the United States list of state sponsors of terrorism after the independence of South Sudan and kept sanctions for political reasons.

But Washington says Khartoum has to end the armed conflict in South Darfur and Blue Nile states and to settle Darfur crisis.

AFRICAN, ARAB AND NEIGHBOURING COUNTRIES

Meanwhile, Ghandour said his ministry seeks to resolve Sudan's problems with neighbouring countries in order to maintain secure and evolving ties with them.

He pointed that relations with Ethiopia and Eritrea have reached the stage of full coordination besides the continuous coordination with Chad and Central African Republic (CAR), saying they are keen to maintain special ties with South Sudan.

Ghandour also underscored his government keenness to maintain peaceful relations with Libya, pointing to Khartoum's support for the legitimate and internationally recognized government headed by Faiz al-Siraj.

He said that Sudan is among the few countries that didn't close down their embassies in Tripoli.
The top diplomat further revealed that the Libyan foreign minister would visit Khartoum soon to strengthen ties between the two countries.

Libya's internationally recognised government has persistently accused Sudan of providing weapons to Islamist militias in collaboration with Qatar.

Concerning the Sudanese-Egyptian relations, Ghandour emphasized that Halayeb is a Sudanese territory, saying the dispute over the triangle wouldn't adversely impact on the strategic relations between the two countries.

The Sudanese top diplomat pointed to the improving foreign relations with the African countries and described it as “distinguished”.

He said the African nations have rendered their support to Sudan in various issues including the economic sanctions imposed on Sudan by Washington and the International Criminal Court (ICC).

The ICC has two outstanding arrest warrants against President Omer al-Bashir since 2009 over alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity during the Darfur conflict.

The Sudanese top diplomat added that Sudan is part of a large Arab coalition, saying his government enjoys strong ties with its brotherly Arab nations who support his country in all crucial issues.

EUROPE, LATIN AMERICA AND CHINA

Ghandour said the Sudanese-European relations have recently witnessed remarkable openness following his meeting with a number of European Union (EU) officials in Brussels.

“There is a remarkable openness [in relations] … I'm not saying that our relations with Europe are excellent but the icebergs between us and some of the European countries have begun to melt and we only have to swim towards each other,” he said.

However, the top diplomat pointed to various obstacles that hinder improvement of ties with some of the European countries particularly Britain, saying Sudan's relations with the latter is not as desired.

He further mentioned the good relations with Italy, Germany and Australia, saying they intended to open a consulate in Sydney to serve more than 35,000 Sudanese nationals residing there.

Ghandour also pointed to Sudan's keenness to maintain good ties with Latin American countries, saying they intend to open embassies in Brazil, Venezuela and Argentina.

He described his country's relationship with China as strategic, pointing to Beijing's support for Sudan in the UN Security Council as well as its leading role in the Sudanese economy.

UNITED NATIONS

Meanwhile, Ghandour pointed to Sudan's important role in the regional and semi-regional organizations, saying they sought to strengthen foreign relations via 83 consulates and embassies around the globe.

He attributed the recent decision to not renew the stay permit of the head of the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in Khartoum Ivo Freijsen to the latter's lack of coordination with the government and his incorrect reports on the situation in the country.

“This UN official (Freijsen ) has said that Sudan is experiencing a famine … have you heard about a famine in the country?” he wondered.

“Despite the fact that this UN official has distorted Sudan's image, he wasn't expelled but [we] refused to renew his stay permit,” he added.

Earlier this week, the UN said the Sudanese authorities declined to renew a permit for the head of OCHA, saying he was being effectively expelled from the country.

Concerning the UN resolution 2265, Ghandour said the resolution pertains to the mandate of the Panel of Experts monitoring Darfur's sanctions, saying it continued to be renewed annually since 2005 however Britain and the US attempted this year to propose some items to prevent the export of gold from the region.

He said the experts leaked the report to a US magazine before it is being presented to the Security Council in order to exert further pressures on Sudan, pointing that China, Russia, Egypt, Venezuela, Senegal, Angola and other nations voted against the proposal.

On 10 February 2016, the Security Council approved the resolution 2265 and renewed until 12 March 2017 the mandate of the Panel of Experts monitoring sanctions imposed on those behind instability in Darfur.

The mandate of the Panel, supports the implementation of the resolution 1591 (2005) imposing an arms embargo on the warring parties in Sudan and sanctions on (assets freeze and a travel ban) on designated individuals.

On the other hand, Ghandour renewed his government's demand for the exit of the hybrid peacekeeping mission in Darfur (UNAMID), saying the region is currently enjoying peace and stability.

He pointed that Burkina Faso has ordered to withdraw its troops from the mission following a similar decision by South Africa.

(ST)