{"id":47,"date":"2023-08-21T11:06:44","date_gmt":"2023-08-21T11:06:44","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/europavarietas.org\/csdp_new\/?page_id=47"},"modified":"2023-08-24T21:42:21","modified_gmt":"2023-08-24T21:42:21","slug":"publications","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/europavarietas.org\/csdp_new\/index.php\/publications\/","title":{"rendered":"Analyses"},"content":{"rendered":"\t\t
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Strategic analyzes from a historical perspective. Understand the crises, the objectives of the actors, the politico-military challenges and the geopolitical issues. Papers written in cooperation with EUISS, AWEU Defense Committee, Hungarian Institute of Foreign Affairs (MKI\/HIIA), Institute for Strategic Defense Research (SVKI) (etc.) .<\/em><\/p>

Analyses strat\u00e9giques d’une perspective historique. Comprendre les crises, les objectifs des acteurs les d\u00e9fis politico-militaires et les enjeux g\u00e9opolitiques. Etudes r\u00e9dig\u00e9es en coop\u00e9ration avec l’EUISS, la Commission de D\u00e9fense de l’AUEO, l’Institut Hongrois des Affaires Etrang\u00e8res (MKI\/HIIA), L’Institut pour la Recherche Strat\u00e9gique de D\u00e9fense (SVKI) (etc.) .\u00a0<\/p>

ISSN 2073-5634<\/p>

The EU and NATO : a Strange Marriage<\/strong>
Historical, legal, and political frameworks of EU-NATO relations<\/em>
Andr\u00e1s Istv\u00e1n T\u00fcrke<\/em>
CERPESC 17\/E\/04\/2017 – 09 January 2017<\/p>

This analysis, beyond giving an outline of the historical, legal, and political frameworks of EU-NATO relations, is to draft by some examples that behind the scenes which fault lines make internal cooperation difficult, with a strong emphasis on French opinions, as a key state of European integration. With the reintegration of France and the considerable military decline of Europe, there are few left that could question the role of NATO in Europe. With BREXIT, the creation of a powerful and projectable European army will be much more difficult. Over the past three years, the range of subjects discussed between NATO and the EU has expanded considerably. Since the crisis in Ukraine, both organisations have regularly exchanged views on their decisions, especially with regard to Russia, and consultations have covered the Western Balkans, Libya, and the Middle East.<\/p>

\u00a0<\/a><\/p>

The Deficiencies, Mistakes and Contradictions of the New EU Foreign and Security Strategy<\/strong>
Evolution or Devolution? From the \u00ab Solana Paper \u00bb to the \u00ab Mogherini Paper \u00bb<\/em>
Andr\u00e1s Istv\u00e1n T\u00fcrke<\/em>
CERPESC 16\/E\/03\/2016 – 20 December 2016<\/p>

The events of the last 20 years, the first operations and missions, show that the Common Security and Defense Policy, the CSDP (the European Security and Defense Policy: the ESDP, before 2009) does not exist only on paper. Europe must act to prevent wars and crises or to stop them. The European Union and its member countries are confronted with decisive choices for the future of Europe as a political entity. The external (and above all, energy) dependence of the Union is particularly emphasized by the European security strategies. The documents that function as strategies (the first, the 2003 ESS and the most recent, 2016 EUGS) of the European Union are quite poor in terms of content and objectives. They list the challenges, without drafting the places and means of the overall strategic presence. The purpose of this analysis is to examine the major development issues of EU strategic thinking during the period 2003-2016. Can we talk about development, stagnation, or devolution? Is the new strategy capable of fulfilling its role and can really serve as the basis of our ambitions?<\/p>

<\/a><\/p>

The Evolution of European Diplomacy in the Balkan Region and the Reasons for the Dissolution of Yugoslavia<\/strong>
Andr\u00e1s Istv\u00e1n T\u00fcrke<\/em>
A.I.T dedicate this analyse to the 70th birthday of Professor Ferenc Gazdag (born Sept. 24, 1946)
CERPESC Special issue \/ 2016 – 24 September 2016<\/p>

After the rupture with Stalin in 1948 Tito’s Yugoslavia did not become a member of the Warsaw Pact and chose a policy of non-alignment. Shortly after the birth of the European Economic Community, relations between Yugoslavia and the Federal Republic of Germany became rather tense because of the Hallstein doctrine.
On 19 March 1970, official relations between the EEC and Yugoslavia began with the initial non-preferential agreement signed in Brussels. Since 1977, the Community has assisted Yugoslavia in accessing the resources of the European Investment Bank.
The disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia began with the reintensification of internal crises in the 1980s. The SFRY was divided into six republics: Serbia, Montenegro, Croatia, Slovenia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) and two autonomous territories, Vojvodina and Kosovo.
In 1981, the first phenomena of crisis emerged in Kosovo, which was the only territory of the federation where the South Slavs were in a minority. In Kosovo, the Albanian population has multiplied much more rapidly than other nations since 1960…<\/p>

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Living with a Failed State : Somalia
The East African Regional Security Complex and the EU<\/strong>
Andr\u00e1s Hettyei<\/em>
CERPESC 15\/AF\/06\/2012 – 9 November 2012<\/p>

Somalia is a unique place, as it provides the researcher with plenty of material to study. While it has brought terrible suffering and unspeakable sorrow to its inhabitants, the on-and-off civil war that has raged in the country since 1991 presents also a rare opportunity to the interested: here, after all, is a country which has had no functioning government, army, police force, tax collection, football league or national broadcaster for twenty years. What are the reasons for this course of history? How do the Somalis cope with the failure of their state? What can policymakers do to help fix the situation and prevent other countries from taking the same route to state failure? Questions over questions, which all warrant further research. This paper only attempts to examine two little parts of the huge \u201cSomalia picture\u201d, namely (1) the effects of state failure on its region and (2) the response of the European Union.<\/p>

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The European Union, the CSDP, and the crisis in Libya
EUFOR Libya: “Phantomized operation of the invisible legion?”<\/strong>
Andr\u00e1s Istv\u00e1n T\u00fcrke<\/em>
CERPESC 14\/AF\/05\/2012 – 1 March 2012<\/p>

Almost a year ago that an operation “never” performed was launched by the European Union on 1 April 2011. Why the first official operation of the CSDP has become a failure – before being made? What conclusions about the future of the CSDP? About events in Libya the first reaction to EU 27 date 21 February 2011, four days after the escalation of events in Tripoli. The joint statement called for an immediate end to the use of force against protesters. The axis of Italy, Malta and Cyprus vetoed from the beginning the Franco-German & Danish proposal for immediate sanctions against Gaddafi. The establishment of a no-fly zone was refused by the Secretary General of NATO and the Foreign Minister of France, Alain Juppe, shortly after his inauguration.<\/p>

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The CSDP in Practice : EUMM Georgia<\/strong>
D\u00e1niel J\u00e1di<\/em>
CERPESC 13\/AS\/02\/2011 – 17 May 2011<\/p>

The first, mostly individual step of the EU on the field of international crisis-management is clearly a landmark on the road to an efficient and approved CSDP. In my paper I tried to assess the activities of the European Union in relation to the Georgian-Russian conflict in 2008. The main focus is on the security policy instruments: the EU Monitoring Mission Georgia, the EU Special Representative for the crisis in Georgia, the Independent International Fact-finding Mission on the Conflict in Georgia and last but not least the international talks in Geneva. After analysing them one can say that they are still not adequate response to the emerging challenges the EU, and the world is facing recently, but we can still consider them as a ray of hope: the bloodshed ended, the parties engaged in negotiations, IPRMs were launched, a certain level of consolidation has started. However the talks in Geneva are stuck. Although the EU was proud to present a security strategy in 2003, its significance is not proven by the time passed. A list of achievements is not suitable to be a guideline for dealing with present and future challenges.”<\/p>

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La structure de commandement des missions et des op\u00e9rations de la PSDC – Vers un Quartier G\u00e9n\u00e9ral Europ\u00e9en?<\/strong>
par Andr\u00e1s Istv\u00e1n T\u00fcrke<\/em>
CERPESC 12\/E\/02\/2010 – 10 septembre 2010
Version compl\u00e9t\u00e9e par le Processus de g\u00e9n\u00e9ration des forces<\/strong><\/p>

L\u2019objectif de cette analyse est la pr\u00e9sentation de l\u2019institutionnalisation de la structure de commandement des missions et des op\u00e9rations de la PSDC (ancienne PESD). Elle pr\u00e9sente le niveau politico-militaire (strat\u00e9gique : choix des options strat\u00e9giques, phase \u00ab pr\u00e9d\u00e9cisionnelle \u00bb) et le niveau militaro-strat\u00e9gique (planification op\u00e9rationnelle et conduite de l\u2019op\u00e9ration) mais n\u2019entre pas dans les d\u00e9tails du niveau local (planification locale, conduite de le op\u00e9ration) et du niveau tactique. Ce rapport traite \u00e9galement les d\u00e9bats sur l\u2018int\u00e9gration et des \u00ab marchandages \u00bb par la pr\u00e9sentation de diff\u00e9rentes positions des Etats membres notamment par rapport aux relations transatlantiques. Notre travail pr\u00e9sente \u00e9galement le processus d\u2019institutionnalisation et des fonctions des organismes politiques et militaires (Etat-major de l\u2019UE, etc. ) en t\u00eate de l\u2019administration europ\u00e9enne. Surtout par l\u2019aide des tableaux nous pr\u00e9sentons \u00e9galement le sch\u00e9ma des diff\u00e9rentes phases du processus de planification op\u00e9rationnelle (CMC-MSO-IMD-CONOPS-OPLAN) s\u2019agissant une mission militaire, civilo-militaire ou civile, effectu\u00e9es des institutions en question.<\/p>

Ce rapport a \u00e9t\u00e9 r\u00e9dig\u00e9 avec le soutien de l\u2019Institut pour la Recherche Strat\u00e9gique de D\u00e9fense, SVKI Budapest<\/a><\/em><\/p>

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EUBAM Rafah & EUPOL COPPS – Les missions de l’Union europ\u00e9enne dans les territoires palestiniens<\/strong>
par Maria Gianniou<\/em>
CERPESC 11\/AS\/01\/2009 – 01 d\u00e9cembre 2009<\/p>

En 2003, la Strat\u00e9gie Europ\u00e9enne de S\u00e9curit\u00e9 a identifi\u00e9 la pr\u00e9vention des menaces internationales, telles que le terrorisme, la prolif\u00e9ration des armes de d\u00e9struction massive, la d\u00e9liquescence des Etats, la criminalit\u00e9 organis\u00e9e et bien \u00e9videmment les conflits r\u00e9gionaux, comme l\u2019une des trois priorit\u00e9s principales de l\u2019action ext\u00e9rieure de l\u2019Union europ\u00e9enne \u2013 les deux autres \u00e9tant la r\u00e9action rapide aux challenges pos\u00e9s par l\u2019environnement international et l\u2019assistance continue et coh\u00e9rente aux r\u00e9gions du monde faisant face \u00e0 des crises majeures, ayant comme but pr\u00e9cis de mettre en place un syst\u00e8me multilat\u00e9rale efficace. L\u2019Union europ\u00e9enne a envoy\u00e9, en 2005, une mission de police dans les territoires palestiniens (EUPOL COPPS) et une mission d\u2019observation frontali\u00e8re au point de passage de Rafah (EUBAM Rafah). Qu\u2019est-ce que cette pr\u00e9sence europ\u00e9enne signifie pour l\u2019UE elle-m\u00eame et pour les parties en conflit ? Quelle est l\u2019\u00e9tat actuel des missions ? Quelles sont les perspectives de l\u2019action europ\u00e9enne dans la r\u00e9gion ?<\/p>

<\/a><\/p>

UE RSS\/EUSSR Guin\u00e9e Bissau – Une “mission intellectuelle” et ses circonstances<\/strong>
par Andr\u00e1s Istv\u00e1n T\u00fcrke<\/em>
CERPESC 10\/AF\/04\/2009 – 20 novembre 2009 (version am\u00e9lior\u00e9e)<\/p>

Apr\u00e8s plusieurs missions et op\u00e9rations plus ou moins r\u00e9ussies en Afrique, notamment en RDC et au Soudan, l\u2019Union europ\u00e9enne a lanc\u00e9 une mission de la r\u00e9forme du secteur de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 (RSS\/SSR) en Guin\u00e9e-Bissau, Etat qui se trouve \u00ab en \u00e9tat permanent \u00bb de la r\u00e9forme du secteur de s\u00e9curit\u00e9. Pourquoi la d\u00e9cision de l\u2019UE a \u00e9t\u00e9 prise en 2007 ? Quel est le r\u00f4le du facteur de temps ? Cette analyse cherche \u00e0 r\u00e9pondre \u00e0 des questions de bases pourquoi cette mission a \u00e9t\u00e9 install\u00e9e, quels sont les Etats membres de l\u2019Union europ\u00e9enne qui \u00e9taient partucili\u00e8rement int\u00e9ress\u00e9es ? Pourquoi une mission civile (soi disant \u00ab intellectuelle \u00bb) de plus de l\u2019UE si les missions de l\u2019ONU sont d\u00e9j\u00e0 longtemps sur place. Quel \u00e9tait le r\u00f4le de l\u2019ECOMOG et de la CEDEAO concernant la politique guin\u00e9e-bissau\u00e9nne ?<\/p>

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France – OTAN\/NATO : Dans le contexte de la D\u00e9fense europ\u00e9enne (1966-2009)<\/strong>
par Andr\u00e1s Istv\u00e1n T\u00fcrke<\/em>
CERPESC 09\/E\/01\/2009 – 12 mars 2009<\/p>

Dans le 21\u00e8me si\u00e8cle le processus de r\u00e9int\u00e9gration de la France \u00e0 la structure militaire de l\u2019OTAN (quitt\u00e9e en 1966 apr\u00e8s la d\u00e9cision du pr\u00e9sident Charles de Gaulle) a \u00e9t\u00e9 relanc\u00e9 en 2004. La participation fran\u00e7aise aux \u00e9tats-majors de l’OTAN a \u00e9t\u00e9 d\u00e9j\u00e0 formalis\u00e9e dans l’accord dit \u00ab Flag to posts \u00bb du 18 mars 2004. Issue des n\u00e9gociations entre le conseiller diplomatique de M. Sarkozy, Jean-David L\u00e9vitte, et le conseiller de M. Obama pour la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 nationale, le g\u00e9n\u00e9ral James Jones, deux commandements soient attribu\u00e9s \u00e0 des g\u00e9n\u00e9raux fran\u00e7ais au sein de l’OTAN…<\/p>

<\/a><\/p>

Soudan – La complexit\u00e9 de la crise du Darfour<\/strong>
par Andr\u00e1s Istv\u00e1n T\u00fcrke<\/em>
CERPESC 08\/AF\/03\/2008 – 02 mars 2008<\/p>

La nouvelle phase de la crise au Darfour, depuis f\u00e9vrier 2003, plus violente que jamais, est difficilement interpr\u00e9table sans conna\u00eetre la complexit\u00e9 et les ant\u00e9c\u00e9dents des diff\u00e9rentes crises au Soudan. L\u2019Union africaine, pour la premi\u00e8re fois depuis sa cr\u00e9ation, a d\u00e9cid\u00e9 la mise en place d\u2019une vraie mission civilo-militaire, AMIS\/MUAS (Mission de l\u2019UA au Darfour). \u00c0 cause de l\u2019insuffisance des ressources financi\u00e8res propres, et du manque d\u2019exp\u00e9rience de ce type de mission, l\u2019UA a \u00e9t\u00e9 oblig\u00e9 de solliciter le soutien de l\u2019Union europ\u00e9enne, de l\u2019OTAN, et des autres partenaires internationaux. Par la r\u00e9solution 1769 du Conseil de S\u00e9curit\u00e9 de l\u2019ONU l\u2019AMIS a \u00e9t\u00e9 \u00e9largi et mis sous la mission UNAMID (mission hybride de l’Organisation des Nations Unies et de l’Union africaine au Darfour)…<\/p>

Rapport r\u00e9dig\u00e9 aupr\u00e8s de l’EUISS<\/a> et financ\u00e9 par l’Institut.<\/em><\/p>

<\/a><\/p>

L’Op\u00e9ration ARTEMIS en R\u00e9publique d\u00e9mocratique du Congo<\/strong>
The Operation ARTEMIS in the Democratic Republic of Congo<\/strong>
par Andr\u00e1s Istv\u00e1n T\u00fcrke<\/em>
CERPESC 07\/AF\/02\/2008 – 21 janvier 2008<\/p>

In 2003, the European Union, following the launch of operations\/missions like CONCORDIA and EUPM in the Balkans, has expanded its outreach to the African continent. After understanding the context of conflicts in the Great Lakes region, we will deal with the various phases of the presence of the union in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Operation ARTEMIS is considered the first military operation led by the EU, the first autonomous EU operation, the first rapid response mission of the EU first operation outside Europe, first operation applying the principle of the framework nation and first example of “relay operation”, conducted in cooperation between the EU and the United Nations.<\/p>

En 2003, l\u2019Union europ\u00e9enne, apr\u00e8s le lancement des op\u00e9rations\/missions EUPM et CONCORDIA dans les Balkans, a \u00e9largi son rayon d\u2019action vers le continent africain. Apr\u00e8s avoir compris le contexte des conflits dans la r\u00e9gion des Grands Lacs, nous allons traiter les diff\u00e9rentes phases de la pr\u00e9sence de l\u2019union en R\u00e9publique D\u00e9mocratique du Congo. L’op\u00e9ration ARTEMIS est consid\u00e9r\u00e9e comme la premi\u00e8re op\u00e9ration militaire dirig\u00e9e par l’UEO, la premi\u00e8re op\u00e9ration autonome de l’UE, premi\u00e8re mission de r\u00e9action rapide de l’UE, premi\u00e8re op\u00e9ration hors d’Europe, premi\u00e8re op\u00e9ration appliquant le principe de la nation cadre et premier exemple d’op\u00e9ration “relais”, men\u00e9e en coop\u00e9ration entre l’UE et les Nations unies…<\/p>

<\/a> <\/a><\/p>

L’OTAN en Afrique – Plus d’engagement en Afrique = plus de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 en Europe?<\/strong>
par Andr\u00e1s Istv\u00e1n T\u00fcrke<\/em>
CERPESC 06\/AF\/01\/2007 – 16 novembre 2007<\/p>

Suite aux \u00e9v\u00e9nements du 11\/9, l’OTAN tendit \u00e0 d\u00e9velopper, sous l’impulsion des \u00c9tats-Unis, une approche plus globale de la s\u00e9curit\u00e9. Quelle est la place de l’Afrique dans cette aproche? En 2005, l’Union africaine a demand\u00e9 un soutien logistique de l’OTAN concernant les violences au Soudan dans la r\u00e9gion de Darfour. \u00c0 Riga, le 29 novembre 2006, les pays membres de l\u2019OTAN ont manifest\u00e9 leurs inqui\u00e9tudes concernant les incidences du conflit au niveau r\u00e9gional en Afrique. Apr\u00e8s avoir condamn\u00e9 la poursuite des combats au Darfour ils ont d\u00e9cid\u00e9 de continuer d\u2019apporter un soutien \u00e0 la mission men\u00e9e par l\u2019Union africaine dans la r\u00e9gion…<\/p>

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Les premi\u00e8res missions de la PESD dans les Balkans (2003-2007)<\/strong>
par Andr\u00e1s Istv\u00e1n T\u00fcrke<\/em>
CERPESC 05\/B\/04\/2007 – 15 d\u00e9cembre 2007<\/p>

Nous savons comment la crise de Kosovo a influ\u00e9 la mise en place de la PESD, le plan de l\u2019Objectif Global d\u2019Helsinki (en 1999, 60.000 personnes) et le PAEC (100.000 personnes.). Nous pouvons prendre en compte le fait que la PESD \u00e9tait op\u00e9rationnelle depuis 2001. Les facteurs de blocage qui ont frein\u00e9 le lancement des premi\u00e8res op\u00e9rations de la PESD jusqu\u2019au d\u00e9blocage lors de la conf\u00e9rence de Copenhague en novembre 2002 sont \u00e9galement connus : Les \u00e9v\u00e9nements du 9\/11 ont rendu la lutte contre le terrorisme international au c\u0153ur des d\u00e9bats, et les veto turc et grec concernant le processus de Berlin Plus, ont annihil\u00e9 le recours aux capacit\u00e9s de l\u2019OTAN. Dans notre analyse, nous essayons de focaliser sur les op\u00e9rations dans les Balkans : \u00e0 conclure les op\u00e9rations, trouver un bilan, souligner les enjeux et les d\u00e9fis. Les deux territoires choisis qui seront pr\u00e9sent\u00e9s plus en d\u00e9tail vont \u00eatre la Bosnie-Herz\u00e9govine et la Mac\u00e9doine.<\/p>

Rapport financ\u00e9 par l’Institut Hongrois des Affaires Etrang\u00e8res (HIIA<\/a>)<\/em><\/p>

<\/a><\/p>

L’UEO, l’UE et la crise albanaise en 1997 (La mission ALBA)<\/strong>
par Andr\u00e1s Istv\u00e1n T\u00fcrke<\/em>
CERPESC 04\/B\/03\/2007 – 23 mai 2007<\/p>

Apr\u00e8s 45 ans sous le r\u00e9gime communiste, l’Albanie, le seul pays ath\u00e9e du monde, a repris son ind\u00e9pendance (pour la deuxi\u00e8me fois dans son histoire) en 1990. Tirana a pos\u00e9 sa candidature pour adh\u00e9rer \u00e0 l’OTAN d\u00e8s d\u00e9cembre 1992. Au d\u00e9but de l’ann\u00e9e 1997, cons\u00e9quence de l’effondrement brusque de la pyramide, les investisseurs se retrouvaient seuls et sans aide face \u00e0 la subite disparition de leur \u00e9pargne. Une s\u00e9rie de manifestations ont commenc\u00e9 contre le gouvernement, accus\u00e9 d’entretenir des relations avec les compagnies pyramidales…<\/p>

<\/a><\/p>

Les missions de l’UEO dans les Balkans (1991-2002)<\/strong>
par Andr\u00e1s Istv\u00e1n T\u00fcrke<\/em>
CERPESC 03\/B\/02\/2006 – 20 d\u00e9cembre 2006<\/p>

En 1991, l’Europe a \u00e9t\u00e9 surprise par le processus de d\u00e9sint\u00e9gration de la Yougoslavie, elle n’a pas reconnu l’importance et le danger de la crise peut-on lire souvent. Mais la dissolution du monde bipolaire, l’unit\u00e9 allemande, la disolution des r\u00e9gimes communistes en Europe de l’Est \u00e9taient tous des surprises pour l’Europe. Les missions de l’UEO pendant cette p\u00e9riode, parfois sous l’\u00e9gide de l’OSCE peuvent \u00eatre caract\u00e9ris\u00e9es par la faiblesse ou des importantes lacunes du c\u00f4t\u00e9 communautaire, “europ\u00e9en”, notamment en ce qui concerne la cha\u00eene de commandement et la capacit\u00e9 de transport…<\/p>

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Enjeux et d\u00e9fis pour la PESC dans les Balkans (1991-2006)<\/strong>
par Elisabeth du R\u00e9au<\/em>
CERPESC 02\/B\/01\/2006 – 10 juillet 2006<\/p>

L\u2019ann\u00e9e 1991 est important tournant dans l\u2019histoire de l\u2019Europe. \u00c0 l\u2019Ouest, une conf\u00e9rence intergouvernementale des douze membres de la Communaut\u00e9 europ\u00e9enne s\u2019ach\u00e8ve par des n\u00e9gociations ultimes \u00e0 Maastricht qui mettent en perspective la cr\u00e9ation de la politique \u00e9trang\u00e8re et de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 commune. \u00c0 l\u2019Est, le processus de dislocation du Pacte de Varsovie est \u00e0 l\u2019oeuvre et l\u2019URSS vit ses derniers jours. Au Sud-Est de l\u2019Europe, un grave conflit surgit en Yougoslavie o\u00f9 des R\u00e9publiques, la Croatie et la Slov\u00e9nie demandent \u00e0 faire s\u00e9cession et proclament leur ind\u00e9pendance en juin 1991 : les Balkans s\u2019embrasent. Dix-sept ans apr\u00e8s ces \u00e9v\u00e8nements est-il possible d\u2019\u00e9tudier le comportement des acteurs europ\u00e9ens occidentaux?<\/p>

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Questions d’armements au sein de l’Union europ\u00e9enne<\/strong>
par Benoit Duffort<\/em>
CERPESC 01\/AR\/01\/2005 – 02 avril 2005<\/p>

Questions d’armements au sein de l’Union europ\u00e9enne par Benoit Duffort Depuis le d\u00e9but des ann\u00e9es 1990, les gouvernements europ\u00e9ens ont lanc\u00e9 de nombreuses initiatives afin de renforcer leur coop\u00e9ration dans le domaine de l\u2019armement. Cependant toutes ces initiatives se sont longtemps d\u00e9velopp\u00e9es en dehors du cadre de l\u2019UE. N\u00e9anmoins, dans le sillage des avanc\u00e9es r\u00e9alis\u00e9es depuis 1998 par la PESD, les Etats membres, \u00e9galement incit\u00e9s par la situation difficile de leurs industries de d\u00e9fense, ont r\u00e9cemment introduit ces questions traditionnellement exclues du processus europ\u00e9en d\u2019int\u00e9gration. En effet, dans l\u2019optique de saisir l\u2019occasion du renouvellement des divers mat\u00e9riels et \u00e9quipements en service dans les forces arm\u00e9es europ\u00e9ennes les Etats membres ont r\u00e9cemment entrepris le lancement d\u2019une Agence europ\u00e9enne de d\u00e9fense apte \u00e0 lancer des programmes men\u00e9s en coop\u00e9ration…<\/p>

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Strategic analyzes from a historical perspective. Understand the crises, the objectives of the actors, the politico-military challenges and the geopolitical issues. Papers written in cooperation with EUISS, AWEU Defense Committee, Hungarian Institute of Foreign Affairs (MKI\/HIIA), Institute for Strategic Defense Research (SVKI) (etc.) . Analyses strat\u00e9giques d’une perspective historique. Comprendre les crises, les objectifs des…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-47","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry","category-cerpesc"],"yoast_head":"\nAnalyses - CERPESC<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/europavarietas.org\/csdp_new\/index.php\/publications\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_GB\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Analyses - CERPESC\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Strategic analyzes from a historical perspective. Understand the crises, the objectives of the actors, the politico-military challenges and the geopolitical issues. 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