European Union

Informal Competitiveness Ministers meeting, on 18 and 19 July in Bratislava, Slovakia.

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Informal Competitiveness Ministers meeting, on 18 and 19 July in Bratislava, Slovakia.

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There is something numbing about watching the events buffeting Europe this month. A bloody botched coup in Turkey, shocking barbarism in Nice and of course the small matter of Brexit. These are times of extraordinary upheaval, and we are still only beginning to grasp the long term implications.

Mongolia hosts the 11th ASEM Summit of Heads of State and Government (ASEM11) in July 2016 in Ulaanbaatar. The Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) is an informal process of dialogue and cooperation bringing together the 28 European Union member states, 2 other European countries, and the European Union with 21 Asian countries and the ASEAN Secretariat. The ASEM dialogue addresses political, economic and cultural issues, with the objective of strengthening the relationship between the two regions, in a spirit of mutual respect and equal partnership.

Download this video here.

Mongolia hosts the 11th ASEM Summit of Heads of State and Government (ASEM11) in July 2016 in Ulaanbaatar. The Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) is an informal process of dialogue and cooperation bringing together the 28 European Union member states, 2 other European countries, and the European Union with 21 Asian countries and the ASEAN Secretariat. The ASEM dialogue addresses political, economic and cultural issues, with the objective of strengthening the relationship between the two regions, in a spirit of mutual respect and equal partnership.

Download this video here.

Today (16 July 2016), the EU training mission of the Central African Army (EUTM RCA) was launched, with a two-year mandate.
The mission is to provide advice and training but also to bring its military expertise to the EU Delegation, in particular to set up more general projects. Its role is defined according to three priorities:
1.) strategic advice to the Ministry of Defense, military personnel and the armed forces of the CAR;
2.) Lessons for FACA officers and non-commissioned officers and FACA training.
3.) It also brings "expertise in the military field, in the field of security and the rule of law" to the EU delegation in the Central African Republic "within the limits of its means and capabilities".

Friday 15 July 2016
Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia (local time)
11th ASEM SUMMIT
ttbc Official welcome by Mongolia President Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj
09.00 Opening ceremony of the summit
09.15 Session with Stakeholders (ASEP, AEPF, AEBF, model ASEM)
09.30 First plenary session "Two decades of partnership: taking stock and looking ahead"
11.30 Second plenary session "promoting ASEM partnership for Greater Connectivity"
13.40 Family photo
14.00 Social lunch
16.00 Celebration of the 20th anniversary of ASEM
18.30 Dinner hosted by President Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj  

Saturday 16 July 2016
Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia (local time)
11th ASEM SUMMIT
08.30 Family photo
08.40 Retreat session
11.50 Closing ceremony
12.40 Press conference  

Tuesday 19 July 2016
15.45 Meeting with Prime Minister of Ukraine Volodymyr Groysman (photo opportunity)

Iran is at an important juncture in its post-revolutionary development. The signing and implementation of the so-called Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) signifies the consolidation of a new direction in Iran’s international positioning – an opportunity that should be seized by the European Union to forge a more constructive relationship through which a number of regional and international issues could be addressed.

Experts agree that post-revolutionary Iran has always been the scene for competition between two main schools of thought in foreign policy. The first, the confrontational approach, frames Iran’s relations with the West within an enmity in which the West opposes Iran’s progress, and Iran in turn ‘stands up’ to secure its rights and independence. This attitude has been consolidated through past actions, especially Western animosity and sanctions, to produce a security-minded and repressive domestic politics, which were witnessed clearly during the Ahmadinejad years.

The conciliatory approach, now sometimes referred to as the ‘positive-sum approach’, attaches importance to ‘easing tensions’ and finding ways for Iran to cooperate with the West, despite ongoing competition and disagreement over regional and international issues. This attitude prevailed in the reformist government of President Mohammad Khatami to produce a close collaboration with the US on Afghanistan in 2001 as well as a Grand Bargain proposal in 2003.

“Western animosity and sanctions produce a security-minded and repressive domestic politics”

There is no doubt that President Hassan Rouhani’s election in 2013, as well as the February 2016 twin polls that elected a new Majles and a new Assembly of Experts, moved the political pendulum back to the conciliatory approach – the 2015 nuclear agreement being perhaps the clearest consequence of its revival among Iran’s executive branch. But its sustainability will depend on the success of Iran’s moderate forces in showing the benefits of this policy orientation. A clear reason for the emergence of confrontation in 2005 through the election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was the failed US strategy under President George W Bush in the invasion of Iraq’s aftermath. As such, there is no doubt that external dynamics can influence the internal developments of Iran.

A high degree of distrust towards western countries, especially the United States, already prevails, as was showcased during the 20th March speech by Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei, in which he accused the US of not respecting the nuclear deal. The allegation was linked to the fact that bank transactions haven’t yet normalised in the post-sanction era.

As such, at the core of the EU’s policy towards Iran should be a focus on regaining the confidence of the country’s political elite. To disprove the narrative that the West is against Iran’s progress, the EU needs to invest in what could be termed a new version of ‘Ostpolitik’ a la Willy Brandt – a policy designed to increase mutual understanding and  steer away from conflict. Key components of such a policy would include agreeing that the rapprochement with Iran be a long-term process rather than a short-term deal, and acknowledging that the Islamic Republic should be respected as a responsible regional power. Iran is in fact proactively participating in the Syria talks as well as in the fight against Daesh. This is also seen in the positive role Iranian culture can play in containing the jihadist views that have been promoted by the Wahhabi brand of Islamic extremism.

Beyond the political and cultural advantages of a closer relationship, the EU needs to pay greater attention to the socioeconomic dimensions of more intense ties with Iran. It would be a mistake to view Iran as a consumer market and try to promote European exports to Iran. The country needs to be seen as a partner on multiple levels, as a key player in the international energy market, as a source of economic and technological innovation and a potential partner for co-investments in the entire region. Top Iranian leaders have left no ambiguity that creating employment opportunities is their top priority. This means creating value in the Iranian economy, which can then be a backbone for the greater regional development that is so needed to induce a degree of stability into an otherwise challenging region.

“Iranian leaders have left no ambiguity that creating employment opportunities is their top priority”

The EU should therefore communicate to Iranian and international stakeholders that it is in favour of technological and economic progress in Iran. Such a step would also be in line with the stated goals of the so-called ‘20-Year Economic Perspective’ document, which calls for Iran to become the region’s top economic and technological power by 2025.

EU policies have to be designed and implemented in a way that doesn’t lead to additional tensions among key regional powers. The EU can achieve this by connecting to a discourse that the current Iranian administration uses extensively: the belief in developing win-win formulas, and the understanding that no country will benefit from causing insecurity in another country. This guiding theory contributed strongly to the success of the nuclear negotiations, and could also be the formula for resolving the Syria crisis. The EU will have to look proactively for scenarios that will create win-win solutions for regional players, and by extending the benefits to the EU, one can even achieve win-win-win scenarios. These could emerge in creative regional investment schemes, platforms for security cooperation, promoting a Middle East free of weapons of mass destruction, investing in regional energy interconnectivity, and so on.

The EU should look at Iran as a regional partner for peace. This doesn’t mean that the EU and Iran will see eye-to-eye on all key issues, but it would mean a more respectful strategy underpinning dialogue and engagement, and one in which both sides won’t allow areas of disagreement such as human rights to dominate the debate. These themes can be included in a comprehensive relationship, but the first goal is for both sides to regain a certain degree of confidence in the value of future cooperation.

IMAGE CREDIT: CC / FLICKR – Globovisión

The post Don’t take a peaceful Iran for granted appeared first on Europe’s World.

The Fourth Industrial Revolution is rapidly changing our society and our economy. No sector is exempt from the disruption driven by increased connectivity and ‘networkisation’. For Europe to lead in this new era, it needs to foster innovations and investments by creating an open, flexible and digital single market with a regulatory framework reflecting the dynamics of the digital economy. Let me put forward four necessary building blocks for Europe’s leadership in the Fourth Industrial Revolution: strong and solid networks, a true digital single market that boosts the digital economy for businesses and consumers, the promotion of digital skills and jobs and, finally, the importance of data-driven innovation.

The ‘Internet of Things’ will soon be the ‘Internet of Everything’, connecting all humans and things. Smart refrigerators or connected supply chains are just early examples. In the years to come, we will see innovative breakthroughs in a number of areas that have a direct and important impact on people’s lives such as cars, health, education and energy. Without state-of-the-art broadband networks capable of transferring huge amounts of data in no time, Europe will be unfit to unleash the full potential of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. An estimated €80bn of private-sector investments will be needed to make sure these networks reach everywhere in Europe. The EU should stimulate this process by stepping up efforts for a single market that encourages investments, competition and innovation in the fields of infrastructure and service delivery. In this regard, an in-depth review of the European framework for electronic communication and audio-visual media services should be undertaken.

“It’s unfair and absurd to have price discrimination for parcel deliveries based on country of origin or destination within the EU”

For Europe to lead rather than simply participate in the new era, it will also need to boost the digital economy for businesses and consumers. One of our main ambitions should be to facilitate the emergence and growth of innovative start-ups, both creative SMEs and global digital players, through R&D policies favouring differentiated European project development processes and disruptive innovations. The EU should also unlock the potential of e-commerce by facilitating electronic and mobile payments, promoting online dispute resolution, and removing barriers to cross-border business for instance through a single system for VAT payments. In today’s world of e-commerce, it’s unfair and absurd to have price discrimination for parcel deliveries based on country of origin or destination within the European Union. Cross-border prices are currently an average of four-times more expensive than domestic prices. This is a major problem for European companies, in particular for SMEs and start-ups. The example of roaming charges has shown that, when inclined, the EU can tear down useless and counterproductive borders.

Online platforms are another area that will be critical for the future of Europe’s digital economy. According to the current definition from the European Commission, ‘online platforms’ comprise everything from e-commerce websites to search engines, sharing sites, social media and Internet-based payment systems. Their progressive impact on the economy shouldn’t be underestimated.

Lower prices, improved use of resources and greater access to information benefit all consumers and citizens, especially those with lower incomes or at the margins of society. The prominence of large international – mostly US-based – platforms in the EU has led to calls for specific regulation. Europe’s focus should be on fostering a stimulating environment in which European entrepreneurs can create and grow their own platforms, rather than restricting what non-European ones can do. Europe shouldn’t waste its energy on fixing things that aren’t broken; it should focus on discussions and actions that are constructive.

By 2020, nine out of ten jobs will require basic digital skills, and it’s expected there will be 825,000 unfilled positions for digital jobs. Our start-ups, small companies and large players will all need thousands of front-end and back-end developers, data analysts and web marketers. Hence, leadership in the Fourth Industrial Revolution will require a massive upgrade of Europe’s current workforce. Every European citizen, regardless of age and background, should be able to take advantage of all the digital opportunities that lie ahead.

“By 2020, it’s expected there will be 825,000 unfilled positions for digital jobs”

The EU should take a leading role in making sure all its citizens are schooled in the digitals skills critical to harnessing the digital economy and knowledge society. It must invest massively in education, particularly digital skills. The European Commission has announced that €315bn will be mobilised for strategic investments as part of the so-called ‘Juncker Plan’. These investments should not only concern tangible infrastructure such as airports, broadband connections and wind turbines, but also skills. Education is infrastructure, the most important infrastructure of the future. The EIB and the Commission should therefore consider large-scale digital skills programmes within the plan’s framework.

Data has become a key infrastructure for the Fourth Industrial Revolution; and here, big is beautiful. The world’s production of data grew 2,000-fold between 2000-2012, and 90% of all data circulating on the Internet today was created less than 2 years ago. The EU has recently invested its time in lengthy debates on data privacy and security. These are important issues, but Europe should urgently start to explore the question of how these large amounts of data gathered by the ‘Internet of Things’ could boost competiveness and innovation. The big data revolution requires that we deeply rethink our approach to privacy and data protection in order to keep up with the evolution of technology. We should focus more on the actual use of big data rather than on its collection and analysis. Policies limiting collection and retention are increasingly unlikely to be enforceable by anything other than severe and economically-damaging measures. Rather than privacy authorities, it makes sense to establish data management authorities, which could audit the actual use of data by companies. This would stimulate legal certainty and innovation.

Moreover, data should flow freely within the European Union; data localisation provisions in national legislations have to be removed. We need a coherent governance framework for this new infrastructure and the EU has an important role to play. The risk of underinvesting in data-driven innovation and focusing too heavily on regulation is simply too high. The discussion on data needs a shift from risks to innovation.

IMAGE CREDIT: monsitj/Bigstock.com

The post It’s make-or-break time for Europe’s digital recovery appeared first on Europe’s World.

Place:        Justus Lipsius building, Brussels
Chair(s):    Gabriela Matečná, Minister for Agriculture and Rural Development of Slovakia

All times are approximate and subject to change

+/- 10.00
Doorstep by Minister Gabriela Matečná

+/- 11.00
Beginning of the meeting (Roundtable)
Adoption of the agenda
Adoption of non-legislative A items
Adoption of legislative A items (public session)

+/- 11.15
Presidency Work Programme (public session)

+/- 11.30
Any other business:
Outcome of the conference 'Strengthening the farmers' position in the food suppy chain'

+/- 11.45
Market situation

Any other business:
Drought and its impact on arable crops in Poland

Lunch (break)

+/- 15.15
Any other business:
Fires in Cyprus

+/- 15.25
Any other business:
Phosphonates in organic

+/- 15.45
International trade

Any other businesses:
Rice imports from EBA countries

+/- 17.15
CAP Simplification: review of greening

+/- 18.50
Any other business:
Lumpy skin disease

+/- 19.25     Press conference (live streaming)