Donald Tusk, President of the European Council, visits Croatia
“That’s not going to happen.” With these blunt words, Dutch prime minister Mark Rutte shot down the prospect of a coalition with anti-Islam populist Geert Wilders.
It all but shuts off the most likely route to power for Mr Wilders and throws a different light on the crucial elections coming up in the Netherlands, France and Germany.
Read moreI spent the summer of last year in Opatija. Together with my whole family, we visited the areas surrounding Rijeka, we went to Rovinj, to Rab and Krk islands, and it is with joy that I realised that the fascination with Croatia, with its landscapes, culture and history, is handed down in my family from generation to generation. We even call my youngest grandson, not by his Polish name Michał, but divna beba!
Wandering around Opatija, I discovered with satisfaction many Polish traces. Among those who used to visit were the Polish Nobel laureate Henryk Sienkiewicz, and the father of Polish independence - Józef Piłsudski. It is genuinely touching how much devotion you put into preserving those traces. No-one can understand the history of Croatia better than a Pole, no-one can understand Poland better than a Croat. It is no coincidence that your patriotic song written by Ljuderit Gaj begins with the same words of the Polish anthem:
Još Hrvatska ni propala dok mi živimo,
visoko se bude stala kad ju zbudimo....
I know how highly you value your independence. You have paid for it a high price. Twenty-five years ago, Europe and the United Nations recognised your independence in the belief that Croatia would become a part of the political community, for whom freedom, peace, respect for others, observance of international rules and order, are genuine priorities.
And you have not let us down. You have used those twenty-five years well. While carrying the baggage of difficult experiences and healing wounds after a cruel war, you were able to protect your nation against hatred, and you started the great work of building a modern European state. Europe highly values your political maturity, patience and consistency. Thanks to your efforts, the whole region is enjoying an increasingly good reputation, while the reconciliation of feuding nations, although very difficult, is becoming a reality. You are a sign of hope for the change of dreadful fate, which has so harshly, for whole centuries, tested this part of Europe.
I know how difficult this process is, how much sacrifice, and what strategic imagination, it requires. I deeply believe that you will succeed in this work, united internally as well as with the whole of Europe. Independence and democracy do not always have a sweet taste, I know something about this. Conflicts and differences are inherent in the logic of history and in our everyday life. That is why it is so important to continuously search for what connects us, over and over again, tirelessly. You also often argue among each other, also in this building, about your future; that is normal. It is essential, however, that you continue in this great effort for the sake of peace and stability in the region and in the whole of Europe. You have every right to be proud of these twenty-five years, and this pride connects all Croats. Europe is also proud of you and your achievements.
This is why, with full conviction, as your friend, as a Pole, a European and President of the European Council, I would like to recall here, before you, the words of your national anthem:
Lijepa nasa domovino,
Oj junacka zemljo mila,
Stare slave djedovino,
da bi vazda sretna bila!
This is an English translation of the speech, President Donald Tusk delivered the speech in Croatian
Since December, Northern Ireland has been bogged down in a major scandal on an apparently simple policy instrument – the renewable heat incentive scheme. The scheme, closed in early 2016, was set up in 2012 to encourage renewable heat uptake. Since then, it has generated a massive overspend (more than £1bn UK public money, £600 million coming from the Treasury and £490 million over the next 20 years) and precipitated the fall of the Northern Irish government (Sinn Féin Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness stepped down on 9 January). New elections for the Northern Irish assembly are expected to be called for March, with this ‘cash for ash’ scandal and its handling by both civil service and politicians (is it corruption? Is it incompetence?) casting a long shadow over the vote.
The instrument that started it all
The Renewable Heat Incentive scheme was a policy instrument set up to increase uptake in a variety of renewable heat technologies – from biomass boilers to solar thermals, biogas, heat pumps – for use by businesses from 2012 and in homes from 2014. Such a scheme was set up to help contribute toward the UK-wide target to achieve 15% renewable heat by 2020, as part of the UK’s EU commitments to increase its share of renewable energy. The scandal centres on the business part of the scheme, which worked with different tariffs in the form of pence per kilowatt per hour (for different size and type of technologies): “cash for ash”.
Around this apparently simple scheme, a set of issues arose, amongst which three stand out: policy design, ex-post evaluation and compliance, and political reactivity.
Faulty policy design
Issues of policy design made the scheme easy to abuse. As the BBC Stephen Nolan, put it ‘the more you burned, the more you earned’. Two cost-control elements of the RHI scheme in Great Britain were not carried over to the NI scheme. First, tiering of payments – that is, a lower level of payment would apply after the equipment had been in use for some time. Second, degression, a reduced rate of tariff paid in response to high take up.
Comparison between RHI NI and RHI GB schemes, showing much higher returns in Northern Ireland, ( Northern Irish Audit Office)
Tiering of payments was not suggested when the scheme was first proposed as, according to the Northern Irish Audit Office, “the proposed rate was less than the cost of wood pellets and therefore there was no incentive to excessively use the boilers just to claim the subsidy.” – but the subsidy rate was increased above the cost of wood pellets ahead of the scheme’s launch, creating a strong incentive to burn more wood pellets with the sole aim of receiving RHI funds. Tiering was only added in November 2015. Degression was also only introduced in November 2015 – when it was introduced in GB in 2013 there had been a very low uptake in the NI scheme and thus no grounds to introduce degression. Considering this lack of two major safeguards, the Northern Irish Audit Office argued in July 2016 that the scheme had “serious systemic weaknesses from the start”, was not adapted promptly when problems arose, leaving it “potentially vulnerable to abuse”.
Faulty governance
Problems with the scheme could have been revealed early-on – but this was prevented by problematic administration. While the level of subsidy was decided by the NI Executive, administration and implementation were not really devolved to Northern Ireland. Instead, Ofgem, which was administrating the GB scheme as well, was in charge, and was to liaise with the NI Executive. Concerns have been raised about how the two entities worked together – no minutes were taken at meetings until 2015 making it difficult to apportion blame, there was a very high rate of acceptance (98%), very small rate of inspections (0.86% in 2015-2016, far below the agreed 3%) and little was done in situations of non-compliance (Ofgem hearing at NI Assembly).
A political scandal
The RHI scandal truly turned ‘political’, and even constitutional, when it came to closing down the scheme. It took more than two years between a first whistle-blower letter (in late 2013) to Arlene Foster MLA (then minister in charge of the scheme, afterwards promoted to First Minister of Northern Ireland) and the closure of the scheme to new applicants in early 2016. In the meantime, applications had spiked, severely increasing costs for taxpayers. The reasons (and responsibilities) for the delay may eventually be determined by a public inquiry (is it due to civil service malfunction? To political interference within one party? To the way the NI assembly functions?). However, the shape and format of such an inquiry is still intensely debated.
A canary in the Brexit coalmine
The RHI scandal raises profound questions about administrative and political capacity in Northern Ireland in general, and about its preparedness for Brexit in particular. Brexit is likely to impact Northern Ireland the most out of the whole UK because of issues such as the border with Ireland and integrated supply chains across the island. However, NI politicians are focusing on RHI instead of debating Brexit. The NI Executive has no clear Brexit plan, and in that respect, stands in sharp contrast with Scotland (which published a 60-page plan in December, as the RHI scandal unravelled). While Brexit dominates recent elections in Great Britain, this is not expected to be the case for the forthcoming NI elections, which will be fought on the traditional ethno-national divide between Unionist and Republican parties. While politicians are needed to feed-in to the Brexit negotiations, the civil service will need to deliver it. And here as well, the RHI scandal raises alarm. How can a system which struggled so much around a single instrument rise to the challenge of delivering new policies on, amongst others, environment, agriculture and fisheries; all of which are devolved matters expected to be led by the NI Executive after Brexit?
The post Too hot to handle? The Renewable Heat Incentive scheme & the Northern Irish meltdown appeared first on Ideas on Europe.
From now on, the new Europa building will host most of the meetings of the Council of the European Union and the European Council. The building is operational and accessible. You will find below some practical information on press arrangements in the Europa building.
For more information on the building itself, please see the Europa press pack
Media representativesholding a valid interinstitutional press card or a summit "6-month badge" can access the Europa building directly from its main entrance (165 Rue de la Loi).
Other media representatives must use the Justus Lipsius entrance (175 Rue de la Loi) and get a day press pass at the security desk in press area - level 00. They must present a valid press card and/or assignment letter and ID.
Accreditation modalities may be different for certain high level events.
Journalists are able to move between buildings using the Justus Lipsius level 10 footbridge leading to the Europa floor 2. A set of lifts, located beside the VIP entrance on floor 0, runs to floors 1 and 2. Floors 1 and 2 are also connected by a staircase.
Opening hoursWeekdays from 7.30 am to 7.00 pm.
Press areas in the Europa buildingThe main Council press centre (press room, national briefing rooms, workspace for media, audiovisual installations, press officers, etc.) remains in the Justus Lipsius building.
In the Europa building, the press areas include:
The Forum (main hall) of the Europa building as well as the cafeteria (floor 00) and restaurant (floor -1) are also accessible to accredited media.
Press eventsThe Wi-Fi Internet service "Consilium" is also available in the Europa building.
Catering servicesMedia have access to the cafeteria on floor 0 and the free flow restaurant on floor 1.
Vending machines for hot beverages, cold beverages and snacks are located in the cafeteria on floor 0.
SmokingThe Europa building is not equipped with smoking booths in the areas accessible to the press.
ContactsEU Foreign Affairs ministers meet in Brussels on 16 January 2017 to examine developments in Syria, and to discuss the Middle East Peace Process and the situation in Egypt as well as in Libya.
UN Secretary General Antonio GUTERRES, European Commission president Jean-Claude JUNCKER, EU Commissioner for Foreign Affairs Federica MOGHERINI, and the foreign ministers of the United Kingdom, Greece, and Turkey, join President Nicos ANASTASIADES and Turkish Cypriot leader Mustafa AKINCI in Geneva for talks on security and guarantees, the so-called ‘international’ aspect of the Cyprus problem.