ELIAMEP

You can read here the article on the new role of NATO in the Aegean, which was written by Director General of ELIAMEP Dr Thanos Dokos. This commentary was published on capital.gr on 12 February 2016.

The mood in the EU since the New Year has shifted from trying to find a European solution to the refugee crisis to seeking a scapegoat. The convenient target has been Greece, the country where the great majority of refugees and migrants have been arriving. After a number of European countries closed their borders, the Commission has now warned Greece to address a number of problems in its refugee registration system or face suspension from the Schengen Agreement.

German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s decision to open Germany’s doors to refugees was commendable but extremely hard to implement because of the sheer numbers involved. Following on from the terrorists attacks in Paris last November, and with pre-existing Islamophobia in Europe reinforced by the sexual assaults in Cologne, this policy has gradually brought a strong negativity to Europe’s response to the refugee crisis. Disagreements have been especially pronounced in some of the eastern European countries, which have challenged European Council decisions for burden sharing in the re-allocation of refugees arriving in Italy and Greece. Some of these leaders seem to have conveniently forgotten that western Europe did not close its borders to them in 1956 or 1968.

There have no doubt been delays and omissions on the Greek side, caused by the large number of arrivals, the lack of sufficient personnel and equipment, and also by the economic crisis and current weakness of Greek public administration. But there is also a significant lack of trust from Greece due to the fact that out of a pledged 160,000 refugees that were to be relocated in other EU countries, only a few hundred have actually been transferred. Greece obviously cannot host, for longer than a few days, a number of people that could eventually reach 5% or even 10% of its population at a time when there are absolutely no jobs nor the capacity to offer these people even limited social benefits.

Furthermore, it wasn’t Greek policies that caused the conflicts in Syria or in Libya. Instead, it was the policy choices of certain other EU countries that did contribute to the deterioration of the security situation and have led to an increase in the flow of refugees. But this blame game leads nowhere. The priority should be dispersing such dangerous myths and presenting realistic policy recommendations for resolving the problems.

Our policies should be based on the following assumptions:

• The preservation of Schengen, without unjustifiably and unfairly sacrificing any of its members, is very important
• We need to deal with jihadist terrorism and radicalisation in our societies
• Europe has a moral duty to offer asylum to a substantial number of refugees. Unlimited access, however, is impossible, as the EU’s absorption capacity is finite.

What, therefore, are our policy options?

Greece should fulfil its commitments regarding hotspots and the full registration of all incoming refugees and migrants – with the provision of European economic support as well as manpower and equipment. At the same time, it should be crystal clear to all that maritime borders cannot be fully protected without cooperation from neighbours or without the use of force. “Push back” policies applied to small rubber boats filled well beyond capacity will only result to substantially increase the number of people – mostly women and children – drowning in the Aegean. Such policies would be both inhuman and illegal under international law. Greece cannot become a prison for several hundred-thousand irregular migrants, as recently suggested by a senior official from a founding member of the EU. The political, economic, security and, last but not least, human and moral costs involved would be enormous.

A quick end to the fighting in Syria through diplomatic means should be an obvious priority. Including Russia and, if possible, Iran in the process would considerably increase the prospects for an agreement. A well-organised and financially-supported reconstruction and reconciliation process may convince significant numbers of refugees that it’s safe to return home. In the meantime, increased support to Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey should be another important priority. Access to the labour market and the education system would be critical factors in a refugee’s decision on whether to stay in those countries or try to get to Europe. Increasing repatriation rates through agreements between the EU and important countries of origin should be another priority, although such an objective would be extremely difficult to achieve.

We also need various filters to decrease the attractiveness of the “Greek road”. The cooperation of Turkey – not yet visible – is of critical importance. But Ankara needs incentives as well, such as a visa-free regime, which is not expected to cause any significant flow of Turks to EU countries, and economic support. Turkey should also clamp down on traffickers and suspend its own visa-free regime for Moroccans and some other nationalities. The key element, though, would be to establish hotspots on Turkish soil for the direct resettlement of refugees in various EU countries. This would alleviate the pressure on Greece and save many lives in the Aegean.

Though an end to the Syrian drama will reduce the current numbers of asylum-seekers, migration flows caused by economic, environmental or security concerns will remain a major, even critical, challenge for Europe. So for the long term, the creation of a European Coastguard with extensive jurisdiction and better coordination between neighbouring countries, especially in the south, and between security and information agencies (also promoted by the establishment of the European Counter Terrorism Centre) would make an important contribution. Integration policies will also be of critical importance, but substantial challenges should be expected as not all refugees may be capable or even willing to be sufficiently integrated.

Source: Europe’s World

Director General of ELIAMEP Dr Thanos Dokos participated as speaker at the Athens Energy Forum 2016 which took place at Grande Bretagne Hotel on 2 and 3 February 2016. Dr Dokos spoke on geopolitical developments in the Middle East and the Mediterranean. You can find here more information.

The Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP) and the European Stability Initiative (ESI) organised on February 2nd 2016 a roundtable discussion with Mr. Gerald Knaus, Chairman, ESI on the theme of “The Syrian Refugee Crisis – A proposal for a Rational Approach”.

The discussion was held at ELIAMEP’s offices with the participation of researchers, technocrats and journalists.

The report is available here.

Dr Eleni Panagiotarea wrote an article in Kathimerini discussing the status of the Greek economy. The article was published on 2 February 2016 and is available here.

Postdoctoral Fellow of ELIAMEP Dr Dimitris Skleparis analysed the refugee crisis in Journal du Dimanche. The article was published on 31 January 2016 and is available here.

In ELIAMEP Briefing Note 43/2016 Mr Eleftherios Mastrotheodoros deals with the crisis in Yemen and the rol of the West. You can find here more information on the Middle East Research Project of ELIAMEP.

The content is available in Greek.

Associate Professor  at the University of Athens and  Senior Research Fellow at ELIAMEP Dimitri A. Sotiropoulos wrote an article on liberal democracy in the Sunday edition of To Vima newspaper. The article was published on 31 January 2016 and is available here (in Greek).

Postdoctoral Fellow of ELIAMEP Dr Dimitris Skleparis spoke on Mediapart on Greece and the Schengen Area. The article was published on 26 January 2016 and is available here.

The content is available in Greek.

You can read here the article on Greece and the challenge of migration, which was written by Director General of ELIAMEP Dr Thanos Dokos. This commentary was published in the Greek daily Kathimerini on 26 January 2016.

Dr Eleni Panagiotarea wrote an article in Kathimerini discussing the Greek economic policy. The article was published on 12 January 2016 and is available here .

The Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP) and the Embassy of Japan in Greece would like to cordially invite you to a public event on the theme of: “Maritime Security – Difference between Europe and Asia”.

Welcoming Remarks:
H.E Amb. Masuo Nishibayashi, Embassy of Japan, Athens

Speaker:
Prof. Satoshi Morimoto, National Security and Defense Policy Specialist & former Minister of Defense, Tokyo

Chair:
Dr. Thanos Dokos, Director General, ELIAMEP, Athens

The event will be held in English, on Friday 15 January 2016, at 11:00, at the Basil and Marina Theocharakis Foundation for the Fine Arts and Music (9, Vassilissis Sofias Avenue & 1, Merlin Street, 106 71 Athens).

You are kindly requested to confirm your participation to Ms. Anastasia Chatzopoulou by 13 January 2016 (Tel. 2107257124, E-mail:activities@eliamep.gr).

The content is available in Greek.

You can read here the article on perspectives for Greek foreign policy in 2016, which was written by Director General of ELIAMEP Dr Thanos Dokos. This commentary was published in the Greek daily Kathimerini on 2 January 2016.

Research Fellow of  ELIAMEP Dr Filippa Chatzistavrou discussed  the Greek crisis and the role of the EU in an interview with RTBF. The interview is available here.

In ELIAMEP Working Paper 69/2015 Research Associate of Migration Programme Ms Eleni Zervos analyses sex trafficking in Greece. In particular, she focuses on structural barriers and vulnerability victims face in seeking protection.

Since the early 2000s in Western Balkans (WBs) powerful groups have misused democracy in numerous ways. Governing elites have tolerated the capture of public policy sectors by business conglomerates and have also invited in selected businessmen to capture such sectors.  Elites have adapted to inherited frail institutions and have created other deficient institutions to serve their changing strategies. To a lesser extent, the same holds for policy capture by relatively privileged occupational groups of insiders, who are less powerful than elites. On their way up to enrichment and reproduction of relatively privileged status, elites and privileged occupational groups have not encountered the obstacles usually found in other European democracies, such as a relatively strong parliament, judiciary, civil society, mass media and a public bureaucracy functioning with a minimum of autonomy from the government. Policy capture would have been impossible without first achieving and consolidating the supremacy of the government over the legislature and the judiciary. This vital for contemporary democracies balance of powers has been destroyed in WBs to an extent larger than in other European democracies. It will not be rectified, as long as civil society and parliamentary opposition remain weak, while media pluralism is restricted in WB democracies.

Working Paper 70/2015: An Inventory of Misuses of Democracy in Western Balkans

Author: Dimitri A. Sotiropoulos

More than any other conflicts globally that of Palestine-Israel remains an enigmatic riddle waiting to be deciphered. After more than seven decades of constant regional instability and many efforts to reach a consensus, few things have changed today. This period has been one of the most fruitful in the diplomatic history of the conflict. It is perhaps the most productive one after the Oslo Accords (1993). As a result of the upgrade of the representation of Palestine to a non-member observer State in UN in November 2012 and the subsequent change of the mission title from “Palestine (represented by PLO)” to State of Palestine, in 2014 there was an intensive political effort by the international community to take the initiative and create the suitable political framework that could revive negotiations and lead to a permanent and viable solution to the conflict.

Cooperation between Greece and Palestine is much needed both in regard to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and in areas of mutual interest. Greek-Palestinian relations are of particular importance for geopolitical stability in the Eastern Mediterranean involving a series of issues including that of Cyprus. Increased cooperation between Palestine and Greece is a positive factor for enhancing geopolitical stability in the region. As a result of bilateral contact and cooperation both countries can be benefited mutually, both in resolving critical issues related to geopolitical stability and security and the geopolitical configuration of a secure environment conducive to the economic development of these areas.

Description: The Palestine News Forum is an online news platform and part of the ELIAMEP Middle East Research Project, focusing on political, economic and cultural news and developments regarding Palestine and Palestinian-Greek relations. These topics aim to provide the reader with an update as a means of shedding more light to this riddle which has a strong impact on future regional developments.

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