Diplomacy & Crisis News

Dans l'imaginaire collectif, un film reste associé au Front populaire : La Belle Équipe, sorti sur les écrans en septembre 1936. Cinq ouvriers au chômage, dont un exilé espagnol en instance d'expulsion, gagnent à la loterie nationale et deviennent leurs propres patrons en créant une guinguette en (...) / France, Cinéma, Communisme, Histoire, Parti politique, Socialisme - 2016/09

Suite au sondage réalisé sur ce blog, nous avons le plaisir de vous offrir l’article du numéro d’automne 2016 de Politique étrangère que vous avez choisi : « Brésil : plus dure sera la chute », par Joao Augusto de Castro Neves et Bruno Reis.

Le Brésil subit actuellement l’une des plus graves crises politique et économique de son histoire moderne – et certainement la plus sévère depuis le retour de la démocratie au milieu des années 1980. Enfant chéri de la mondialisation pendant une bonne partie de la dernière décennie, le pays est brutalement tombé de son piédestal. L’accès de pessimisme tient en partie à la tendance des experts en relations internationales et des commentateurs du marché à voir le monde comme inexorablement pris dans un mouvement – toujours plus rapide – de transfert de puissance d’un grand marché à un autre. Hier encore, les BRICS apparaissaient comme la pierre de touche d’un nouvel ordre mondial et un eldorado de l’investissement ; aujourd’hui, les caprices des vents de la finance veulent accorder à un autre acronyme son quart d’heure de célébrité.

Sur le plan économique, le Brésil connaît sa plus sévère dépression depuis de nombreuses décennies. Son produit intérieur brut (PIB) a baissé de près de 10 % en quatre ans, le taux de chômage a explosé et le déficit budgétaire tend à se creuser. Sur le plan politique, le pays est confronté à une procédure de destitution de la présidente, à un gigantesque scandale de corruption touchant la totalité de la classe politique et, dernièrement, à une vague de contestation dans les rues des grandes villes où des millions de citoyens ont dénoncé le manque de réactivité – et parfois de responsabilité – de la classe politique.

Ces événements ont conduit le système politique à une quasi-paralysie et manifesté l’incapacité des dirigeants à répondre aux nombreux défis auxquels le pays doit faire face.

Il y a encore quelques années, le Brésil connaissait une des périodes les plus « dynamiques » de son histoire, avec un taux de croissance « à la chinoise » (7,5 % en 2007), un développement social considérable permettant à des millions d’habitants de sortir de la pauvreté et de rejoindre le marché de la consommation. Luis Inacio « Lula » da Silva était alors le président le plus populaire qu’ait connu le pays, avec un taux d’approbation de 73 % en 2010.

Alors, qu’est-il arrivé au Brésil ? Comment et pourquoi la situation économique et politique s’est-elle détériorée aussi rapidement ? Où va le pays ? Le Brésil a connu plusieurs cycles d’expansion-récession. Pour savoir s’il est affecté aujourd’hui par un nouveau cycle, un examen précis des récents événements politiques et économiques doit être réalisé. La mise au jour de certains des facteurs qui ont influé sur ces événements nous donnera peut-être une vision plus claire de la trajectoire empruntée par le pays. Pour tenter de répondre à nos interrogations, on situera ce qui arrive au Brésil dans le cadre d’un scénario plus large, qu’on pourrait nommer la « grandeur et décadence du supercycle politico-économique de l’Amérique latine ».

[…]

La situation économique du Brésil est incontestablement moins favorable qu’elle ne l’a été, et la croissance devrait y rester faible dans les prochaines années. Pour un pays doté de ressources militaires limitées, et situé dans une région relativement non stratégique (d’un point de vue américain), le niveau de puissance est principalement fonction de l’activité économique de long terme. S’il faut toujours rester prudent lorsqu’on parle de puissances émergentes, on peut raisonnablement penser que le pessimisme actuel concernant le Brésil est excessif. En dépit de tous ses problèmes, ce pays reste une démocratie vivante. Son avenir est prometteur aussi en ce qui concerne les ressources énergétiques – fossiles ou renouvelables. En outre, si la croissance est poussive pour l’instant, la majorité de la population est mieux lotie qu’elle ne l’était il y a une décennie.

Dans les années à venir, les dirigeants brésiliens devront rendre le système politique plus efficace et plus réactif aux attentes de la société. La mise en œuvre de réformes structurelles pour lever les obstacles aux investissements constituera une étape cruciale pour remettre le pays sur la voie d’une croissance économique soutenable. Pour cela, un leadership robuste et une stratégie à long terme seront nécessaires. Une fois ces ingrédients réunis, le futur du Brésil pourrait être rayonnant.

Lire l’article en intégralité sur Cairn.info.

This article is also available in english. Please click here to read it.

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(Own report) - To reinforce its position in the Pacific region, Berlin is initiating a regular dialogue with Australia at foreign and defense ministerial levels. Defense Minister Ursula von der Leyen and Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier are participating in the first "German-Australian 2+2 Dialogue" held today in Berlin. The meeting, which will be repeated at regular intervals, is one of the measures initiated in early 2013 to enhance cooperation between Berlin and Canberra, in light of the shift of global policy priority from the Atlantic to the Pacific. In view of its growing economic and political importance, Washington considers China to be its main rival of the future. Therefore US President George W. Bush (2002) and US Foreign Minister Hillary Clinton (2011) explicitly declared this to be "America's Pacific Century," and Washington has begun redeploying its military forces closer to the People's Republic of China. Explicitly claiming to "help shape the global order," Berlin also feels obliged to reinforce its position in that region.

Le nouveau numéro de Politique étrangère (3/2016) vient de paraître ! Il consacre un dossier complet à l’Amérique latine, s’attachant à décrypter pour le Brésil, l’Argentine, la Colombie, le Mexique et le Panama, les raisons principales de l’échec – provisoire ? – de leurs régimes démocratiques. Parallèlement, le Contrechamps de ce numéro propose à travers les articles de Guy Verfhostadt et de Dominique Moïsi une réflexion ouverte sur la crise globale de l’Europe. Enfin, comme à chaque numéro, de nombreux articles viennent éclairer l’actualité, notamment sur l’Iran et la question du nucléaire ou encore sur le rapprochement stratégique indo-australien.

L’Amérique latine incarnait hier une démocratisation politique irrépressible, une tension des sociétés vers la réduction de violentes inégalités, l’insertion croissante dans une économie mondialisée. Le rêve se défait. Au Brésil, l’expérience du Parti des Travailleurs butte sur des inégalités persistantes, une croissance qui marque le pas, un système politique décrédibilisé. L’Argentine a, elle, fait l’expérience de deux mandats « kirchnéristes », difficiles à analyser, et dont la postérité apparaît incertaine. Quant à la Colombie ou au Mexique, les logiques de sortie des violences des rébellions ou du narcotrafic y apparaissent toujours aussi complexes, voire dangereuses. L’Amérique latine témoigne-t-elle désormais d’autre chose que de sa diversité, de son échec provisoire à consolider ses propres choix démocratiques ?

Crise de l’Europe comme continent, crise du processus de construction européenne, crise des institutions de l’Union européenne : l’espérance européenne lutte pour sa survie. Guy Verhofstadt et Dominique Moïsi réfléchissent dans ce numéro sur les chemins qui restent ouverts : faut-il aux Européens un saut fédéraliste, ou un renforcement des Nations ? Faut-il aller de l’avant au risque d’une rupture entre opinions et institutions ? Faut-il écouter plus les Nations au risque des dérapages nationalistes ? Les mois qui viennent et la négociation sur le Brexit nous en diront plus, mais l’heure est sans nul doute aux débats décisifs.

* * *

Découvrez la présentation vidéo de Dominique David :

Découvrez le sommaire complet ici.

Téléchargez le dossier de presse ici.

Lisez gratuitement l’article de Guy Verhofstadt, « Europe : Back to the Future », ici.

Achetez le numéro 3-2016 de Politique étrangère ici.

Achetez la version ePub ici.

Abonnez-vous à Politique étrangère pour les 4 numéros de l’année 2017  ici ou à cette adresse : revues@armand-colin.com.

Perçu comme un enjeu stratégique majeur, le contrôle des anciennes républiques soviétiques d'Asie a entretenu la rivalité entre grandes puissances. Mais la percée américaine ne semble que passagère, tandis qu'il est encore trop tôt pour dire si l'expansion économique chinoise bousculera les intérêts (...) / Afghanistan, Asie centrale, Chine, États-Unis, États-Unis (affaires extérieures), Kirghizstan, Ouzbékistan, Russie, Tadjikistan, Économie, Géopolitique, Pétrole, Transports, Kazakhstan, Turkménistan, Guerre d'Afghanistan 2001 -, Gaz naturel - 2014/12

Les cinq pays d'Asie centrale connaissent des évolutions économiques et politiques fort divergentes depuis leur indépendance en 1991. Ces peuples parlant des langues turques (à l'exception des Tadjiks iranophones) ont pourtant un long passé commun, en particulier depuis leur intégration progressive (...) / Asie centrale, Énergie, Histoire, Droits des minorités - Asie

La succession des révélations sur l'évitement de l'impôt à l'échelle internationale fait apparaître l'ampleur de l'impunité fiscale dont jouissent les plus puissants et les plus malins. Loin d'être fatale, celle-ci résulte de choix politiques. Lutter efficacement contre l'évasion des capitaux supposerait (...) / Europe, France, Criminalité financière, Banque, Droit, Entreprise, Fiscalité, Inégalités, Justice, Mondialisation, Islande, Crise financière - 2016/06

Selon le résultat obtenu ou espéré, l'opinion des commentateurs et des dirigeants politiques sur le référendum varie du tout au tout. Si ce type de consultation, longtemps rejeté par la gauche, peut apparaître comme le nec plus ultra dans une démocratie en crise, sa banalisation n'est pas sans danger. (...) / France, Démocratie, Élections, Histoire, Politique, Sondage d'opinion - 2016/08

Photo: PEAS

Nestled in the beautiful Ugandan hills two-hours west of the capital Kampala, sits Pioneer High School. The rural secondary school, set over 10km away from the next senior school, has a thriving student base of 472 student—54% of which are female. Headteacher Francis Kyanja sits on the steps of the staff dormitory at the highest point of the school grounds, looking back over the classrooms blocks to the rolling hills in the distance and, in the foreground, students reading and playing on the grass following a day of study. The school day here is long: lesson prep often begins at 7.30am and by the time the final bell is called at 4.30pm, teachers and students alike are ready for a hearty meal and some well-earned relaxation time.

Headteacher Francis has not only ushered a regionally cutting-edge and rigorous educational program, including history, science, arts, mathematics and religion, he was able to arrange an off-grid solar electricity system installed within the school grounds, providing electricity to the community for the first time.

In Uganda, as everywhere, it is inarguable the importance of education and the need to advance societies.

To that fact, there are bold global goals for universal education access, namely the United Nation’s Sustainable Development Goals. Too often, however, education ends at primary school and millions of students are unable to continue their studies due to financial, gender or regional limitations. To help bridge that gap, UK social enterprise PEAS (Promoting Equality in African Schools) has built and manages sustainable secondary schools to allow African children receive further education that otherwise wouldn’t. The organization attempts to ensure that all of their schools are financially self-sufficient enabling them to run, independent of international aid, for the long-term.

Headteacher Francis has situated himself at an elevated position in order to gain mobile phone signal, intermittent at best in this region. He has agreed to speak with me via Skype, the first time he has ever used the platform, to discuss the impact a power supply brings to student learning.

Pioneer High School is situated in a coffee growing community, not directly in a village, and is about 50 km outside of Kampala and about 7 km away from the main road. Its purpose is to hone their students’ skills and knowledge, along with providing boarding for students. The rural area does not lend easy connection to the national grid, thus there has been no access to electricity to date. In fact the closest power line is near the main road. Francis is unaware of any future plans for extension of the transmission and distribution network, thus localized generation has smartly been turned to through a small-scale solar system. Centralized generation with high-voltage, long distance transmission lines have a place, but for small rural communities, off-grid systems are the most effective option to gain access to electricity.

Electricity is, in many ways, an additional lifeblood of an advancing community. Without electricity there are no lights, refrigeration for vaccines, charging for phones, or using computers, among the myriad of other uses in today’s world. Electricity provides a conduit to open doors instead of being trapped in the cycle of poverty. Francis noted that with the electricity, there is now the ability to connect with the outside world, as our Skype call was testament to, and to relay events domestically and globally.

The Students

As well as speaking with the Headteacher, I had the opportunity to spend time talking to two ambitious, friendly and gracious students who were excited to share their new experience. Naudrine, a confident 17 year old boarding student, wants to become either a doctor or an engineer, and her favorite subject is chemistry. She explained, as I noticed her visible happiness displayed by her facial features, how having the access to electricity and lighting provides her time to complete her studies in the evening and to prepare for class the next day. She also stated that the electricity in the school along with the fenced areas surrounding the school provide an extra sense of security.

Peter, a smiley faced 16 year old, told me his favorite subject is mathematics and desires to become a businessman. He too echoed the opening the electricity provides for night time studying, thus being able to advance his studies. He continued that the solar electric system was a living science experiment to learn from.

Both Naudrine and Peter, who have faced various challenged in their youth, were unequivocal that education and electricity have transformed their daily lives.

The System and Its Benefits

The system power house is about 10 meters from the school and near the solar arrays, which houses the batteries, electric box, invertors, and other technical system materials, with the conduit running to the school. The system has been designed to be expanded in the future and to reach the local area to provide new development opportunities, which students—including some members’ children—currently benefit from. The electricity would be sold to provide income to further sustain the school or offset school fees.

Currently, though, a very important additional benefit of the current electricity system is the ability to have better security, which is extremely comforting to the students who attend only day classes. There is 24 hour security for the compound and there are plans to continue the security efforts to build lights down the path from the school.

The system installed consists of advanced technology, thus onsite maintenance was necessary to be learned before the installers departed. New Age Solar Technologies (NAST), located in Kampala, designed, installed and does assist with the system when problems arise. However, NAST educated students on maintenance procedures so they now assist in keeping the system functioning to avoid any system disruptions.

Outside of Pioneer School

Away for the school, the region is poor and households are reliant on firewood for cooking, heating and light, without access to electricity or cookstoves. Unlike other regions, charcoal is not frequently used as well.

Gathering the firewood, almost exclusively by women—young and old, takes away from time that could be used more productively. Much of the economy is agrarian based— specializing in coffee—and the flow of money is sparse and access to markets in not readily available. Moving beyond firewood collection, more time in the day could provide, for example, the ability to start a small business and bring coffee to market. Increased income can help pay school fees and sustain attaining solar lanterns and keeping them charged, enabling openings of other aspects of socio-economic growth.

Amazing Results

As we come to the end of our discussion, Headteacher Francis talks a little about his own experience. He has worked with PEAS for 5 years and his passion for the project is clear. He has acquired various additional skills such as: leadership and administrative skills and feels touched to work with the organization that has such a great mission and vision. He says solar has given them a great opportunity to improve the community’s outlook.

Francis stated the area is thankful for PEAS providing the opportunity, for the students and himself, to have the chance to deliver secondary education and for the school to have an off-grid solar system to provide electricity to bring the associated benefits. He knows the combination will enable great benefits to the region.

After the inspiring chat, I was left with the impression that Francis, Naudrine and Peter will be able to attain their goals thanks to their ability to attend Pioneer School and having new access to electricity.

The post Pioneer School Providing An Amazing Opportunity appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.

Former Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff talks with  President Michel Temer at the Planalto presidential palace in Brasilia, March 2, 2016.

In Canada, a country considered one of the least corrupt in the world, there are several scandals taking place involving government funds going to special interest groups. The offense felt by the general public over a pay-for-play system is very apparent. A system where those with influence and money have excessive power in choosing government policies that benefits them or their organization runs against basic democratic values.

It is unacceptable that the wealthy should have special access to political leaders, when average people end up with the bill and years of burdens from bad policies. In many countries there are similar issues, and the public sentiment likely mirrors that of those in my own community. One of the worst cases of this type of corruption is currently taking place in Brazil, and their President will likely be impeached because of it.

There is not a clear legal case for the impeachment of elected Workers Party (PT) leader and Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff, as the main charge over breaking budget rules is a meek accusation. The Senate hearing is using the budget rules issue as a catalyst for her impeachment, placing the responsibility of an entire corruption scandal involving mostly her PT party as well as other professional political agents on her Presidency.

With mass protests taking place against her government for the last two years and low approval numbers, the Senate seems to be making a political decision on her personally by way of scandals in her PT party. It has been predicted that her ouster as President will be successful, and the rest of her mandate will be taken up by the leader of an opposition party, Mr Temer.

President Rousseff has been fighting for her political career, claiming that this move by the other branches of government is tantamount to a coup. While the separation of powers in democracies does allow for other branches of government to check the power of the executive branch, a clear legal case might not be present in judging Rousseff’s actions personally. While there is no doubt her party is deeply involved in an atrocious corruption scandal, removing the President by means of a weak legal case may cause more political divisions than are required in this type of political scenario.

Rousseff should be aware that while the case against her is as much partisan politics as it is an unclear constitutional process, the extreme corruption that took place under the Petrobras scandal and damage to average Brazilian citizens has delegitimized her PT party greatly. Protests for Dilma and against her may take place several times before the end of the 2018 presidential term of office, but keeping her in office would be an awkward move considering many in her PT party may be removed promptly due to scandals.

Michel Temer, the current President was not elected himself, and the question of his party’s legitimacy without an election will give rise to more divisiveness in Brazil when a strong and legitimate government is needed to clean up politics and the economy.

An election is needed to confirm the right to lead in Brazil. While Temer may take advantage of his two years in power to put in austerity measures, whether they are needed or not, legitimacy in taking such actions should be confirmed by the people of Brazil. While the PT may opt for an election as opposed to impeachment, the reality is that many of the political leaders under scandal will not be returned to government.

As those of us outside of Brazil would want our pay-for-play political leaders removed from positions of power, Brazilians should be able to not only have those political leaders removed once a crime is discovered, but be able to replace them with legitimate alternatives chosen via a direct democratic method.

The post Impeachment Should be Legitimized by an Election in Brazil appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.

(Nancy Ohanian / Tribune Media Services)

As the peak of El Niño wanes, it seems to signal the arrival of La Niña, and the impacts are having an extremely serious effect. Average global temperatures for July hit the 15th consecutive record-breaking surge: 0.87 ℃ higher than the average for the 20th century. This trend in global warming has heightened the probability of catastrophic natural disasters, challenging the risk management capability of governments.

In the Southern Hemisphere, one of the worst regional droughts in 35 years swept over southern Africa, leaving 23 million people in urgent need of humanitarian assistance, according to the Southern African Development Community (SADC). The international community, in response, pledged $2 billion worth of contributions to El Niño-affected countries. Yet, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reports that $4 billion more is needed to make up for the total damage.

Meanwhile, the flood-inducing El Niño in North America bombarded Baton Rouge, Louisiana, with 6.9 trillion gallons of rain in just one week, causing 13 deaths and $20.7 billion worth of damage to more than 110,000 homes. Battling with the worst natural disaster since the superstorm Sandy, the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) urged affected residents to register for federal disaster relief funds for which more than 95,000 residents had applied as of 19th of August.

Nevertheless, FEMA’s limited resources, epitomized by the maximum grant of $33,000 per household, barely provide a safety net for the applicants. What is making the picture gloomier is the fact that only 42% of the FEMA-designated high-risk flood areas in Louisiana are insured through the National Flood Insurance Program; the number drops down to 12.5% in the neighboring vicinities.

Governments in the regions exposed to natural hazards are on the verge of failing to cope with the recent natural disasters’ enduring impacts on human life. The burdens, however, could be significantly lessened by action from the private insurance companies, namely their active engagement in the climate and natural disaster insurance industry in terms of workable Public-Private Partnership (PPP)-based arrangements.

The benefits of successful PPP in climate and natural disaster insurance are, in theory, synergetic. It ensures that governments at all levels can be certain of formal risk-transfer mechanisms upon the occurrence of contingent events, allowing for effective management of governmental budgets. In the insurance market, private insurance companies’ locally tailored products not only efficiently provide financial liquidity to insured individuals during the ex-post recovery process but also pre-emptively reduce the risks by altering these individuals’ ex-ante behaviors.

With well-functioning market mechanisms, the price (the rate) is gradually set and stabilized in a more transparent way, which incentivizes governments to set up more fairly priced policies. Partnering private insurance companies also benefit from taking advantages of the scale of PPP; it allows them to reduce operational and premium costs and to competitively enhance their capacity to deal with high volumes of client profiles and large-scale data analysis. In the end, insured individuals best-minimize their exposure to risks.  

Despite the assumed benefits, the engagement of private insurance companies with the climate and natural disaster insurance industry has, overall, been unenthusiastic. Whereas the average global weather-related losses rose by ten times from 1974 to1983 ($10 billion per year) compared with 2004 to 2013 ($131 billion per year), the average percentage for the losses that are insured dropped almost half over the last four decades. Attributing the decline to the increasing chance of being exposed to catastrophic natural disasters under intensifying climate change and urbanization, pundits propose that PPPs in climate and natural disaster insurance should be either reformed (in the case of existing PPPs) or updated to reflect the changes.

In the U.S., the debate over FEMA’s National Flood Insurance Program (NFIP) reform is becoming heated prior to next year’s reauthorization of the program. In the aftermath of post-Sandy, controversies over fraudulent claims as well as partnering private insurance companies’ moral hazards of exploiting marginal profits, both policymakers and pundits are looking for solutions to reduce the program’s $23 billion deficit and to improve its efficiency.

Some of the suggested reforms are highlighted here: the introduction of risk-based rates, the provision of assistance to socio-economically vulnerable residents in high-risk areas, including the provision of the right to be informed about records held on property, the strengthening of the program’s accountability in monitoring, evaluating, and enforcing the program’s provisions, the modernization of the PPP’s outmoded bureaucratic technology, and, lastly, the sharing (diverting) of the risk through the private insurance market (including reinsurance).

All these options, however, require the market to function effectively. For instance, calibration of current government premium rates in high-risk areas to risk-adequate ones should be well-designed to offer private insurance companies incentives to attenuate their market exit, while encouraging the residents living in high-risk areas to move to safe areas. Also, the ability of the reinsurance market to assume the NFIP’s risks through the purchasing of the primary policy provider’s coverage plans should be carefully assessed.

The successful market-based modernization of some of the world’s mature disaster management PPPs such as the NFIP should bring a positive message about the role of the international insurance market; for example, in helping developing countries to minimize their climate-related risks through the use of innovative financial products like catastrophe bonds.

Although the climate and natural disaster insurance industry is still in the inchoate phase of its development in many developing countries, several pilot programs (involving trials of innovative insurance products) are being administered in areas that are susceptible to natural disasters. Microfinance is one of the products that has been designed to protect people on low incomes in exchange for a premium that is tailored specifically to their needs. Weather index insurance is another that pays out benefits based on a predetermined event index, rather than on loss itself.

The post Time for Public-Private Partnership Innovations in Natural Disaster Insurance? appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.

In this virtual roundtable of six podcasts hosted by Professor Sarwar Kashmeri, the Foreign Policy Association aims to shed some light and serve as a catalyst for developing awareness, understanding and informed opinions on the key issues that face American policymakers as they seek to peer over the horizon to manage the U.S.-China relations.

In the fourth installment of the virtual roundtable, Professor Toshi Yoshihara, John A. van Beuren Chair of Asia-Pacific Studies and professor at the U.S. Naval War College, discusses the U.S.-China relations in the light of the ruling against China’s claims in the South China Sea by the permanent court of arbitration in The Hague.

Asked about the significance of the ruling, Prof. Yoshihara responded “I think the tribunal’s ruling is a big deal because it sets the record straight in terms of the international law’s view of China’s claims which is that […] their historical rights in the South China Sea were superseded by the laws of the sea treaty.”

He went on to elaborate: “On the one hand, this represented a major diplomatic and legal setback for China. On the other hand, China is standing firm and has articulated that it will not back down from its claims, that it does not recognize the jurisdictional authority of the tribunal and that it will do nothing to enforce the court’s ruling.”

http://foreignpolicyblogs.com/wp-content/uploads/T-Yoshihara-WCOPY-081716.mp3

For more analysis on the U.S.-China relations, listen to the other podcasts of the virtual roundtable.

The post Prof. Toshi Yoshihara on the Hague’s Ruling Against China’s Claims appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.

South Sudan&#39s government has accepted the deployment of a 4,000-strong regional protection force recently mandated by the United Nations Security Council, in addition to the roughly 12,000 UN peacekeepers already serving in the African nation.

At a G20 summit in the southeastern city of Hangzhou in China, United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon today welcomed the conference&#39s focus on sustainable development and climate change, urging all countries to take early action on these.

Expressing a serious concern over the ongoing political impasse in Guinea-Bissau, the United Nations Security Council today urged leaders in the West African country to find a solution to the crisis, and ensure a functioning government.

United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon today urged Ali Bongo Ondimba, President of Gabon, and Jean Ping, presidential candidate of the Démocratie Nouvelle party, to help end violence that ensued the recent, closely-contested presidential election in the African country.

United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has condemned Friday&#39s bomb attack on a night market in Davao City in the Philippines that killed at least 12 people and injured dozens, his spokesman said today.

A United Nations report on freedom of expression in Somalia released today describes progress in state-building in Somalia, but shows the very challenging environment that continues to confront journalists, human rights defenders and political leaders, including numerous killings, arrests, intimidation and closure of critical media outlets.

The strange nature of living in a tax haven, where 26 percent GDP growth is accompanied by austerity and a homelessness crisis.

The president's Asia legacy is not worst in recent history. But it's not the best either.