Diplomacy & Crisis News

最近中国发生的种种事情都令人不安。 几十万的维吾尔族穆斯林被关入新疆的奥威尔式的“再教育营”。香港的一个政党被取缔，尽管香港在中国享有特殊地位和长期的言论自由。 [Read the English version of this article here.] 一位南部港口城市的教师被要求交出护照，以便他的学校能够密切关注他的行动。 诺贝尔奖获得者刘晓波——一位身患疾病的异见者——被禁止出国寻求医疗。旨在打击犯罪的国际刑警组织的主席刚回到中国就消失了，再次出现时竟已被政府拘留，面临腐败的指控。这样的例子不胜枚举。 类似事件的报道一个个浮出水面，每个报道本身都令人震惊，但又很容易被当作积极的大方向中无须重视的小插曲。然而，把这些散落的事件组合在一起，我们就会看清习近平主席掌控下的中国的真实方向，这是一幅令人感到压抑的画面。 中国正在大谈进步，但很多方面都正在回到过去，中国的领导干部在镇压上愈发不顾颜面了。 新疆政府把维吾尔族百分之五到百分之十的人口集体关押起来，这种手段似乎属于上个世纪，而非二十一世纪。 但这些严厉措施并非简单地收回过去几十年的改革和开放。北京方面正在将这些措施扩大到更大的地理范畴，将它们从西部边境地区扩展到相比之下似乎相对自由的地区，并采用高科技服务于老式的的极权主义野心。简而言之，我们目睹的不是中国压迫现状的延续，而是一种令人震惊的新事物的开始。 镇压的前沿- 新疆 在中国西部土地辽阔的新疆，本地人反抗中国统治已有多年历史。相对而言，中国通过控制当地人的外出、言论和文化表达来镇压这种反对也行之有年。但在过去的两年里，当局采取了前所未有的措施，向该地区的维吾尔族和其他少数民族强制灌输汉族文化。中国建立了一个由180多个“教育转化”营组成的网络，在没在有任何刑事指控的情况下，关押了多达一百万维吾尔族和其他少数民族。当局声称这些中心是用于“职业培训”和“法制教育”。一些曾经的囚犯描述了一种由军事化训练和普遍虐待构成的体制，他们说在那里，囚犯们大喊党的口号，学习习近平思想。与此同时，当局招募了大批汉族公民入住维吾尔族家庭，监视这些家庭，挑选需要再教育的人。...

The Spanish government's plans to exhume the country's former dictator Francisco Franco from the Valley of the Fallen has caused a fierce debate over the dictator's legacy and the politics of memory. 

Earlier this month, Geir Pedersen, Norway’s ambassador to China and a former permanent representative to the United Nations, was appointed special envoy on the Syria conflict. The task Pedersen inherits is gargantuan, even for one of the better-respected diplomats in the UN biosphere, and one with a long history of work on seemingly intractable conflicts. Syria has been brutalized for nearly eight years now. Pedersen inherits a broken opposition and a stubborn, unruly, murderous dictator in Damascus who refuses to leave. At the very heart of any negotiation must be the simple premise that Assad—a man with much blood on his hands, but who retains the support of Putin and Hezbollah—must go. 

Composite picture of a night sky over the African continent in 2030 based on the World Energy Outlook model of affordable, reliable, sustainable and modern energy for all (the International Energy Agency). 

Accessible, reliable and affordable energy is the cornerstone of transformational socio-economic development. For Africa, delivering sustainable development is dependent on meeting the continent’s energy needs in order to lift populations out of poverty, catalyze industrialization, and stimulate economic growth.

Despite the continent’s abundant energy resources, energy poverty is still rife in the continent with close to 600 million people lacking access to electricity. This sets nations back on meeting energy access goals, retards industry progress, and diminishes the continent’s economic growth by 2 to 4 percent every year.

On a positive note, energy access has improved in recent years with the number of people without access in sub-Saharan Africa falling for the first time in absolute terms, and with countries such as Ethiopia, Kenya and Rwanda leading the pace. Africa is at the forefront of distributed energy systems that can increase energy access in rural areas faster, more cheaply, and more widely than conventional grid extension, driven by innovative business models and rapidly decreasing technology costs. At the same time, renewables are on the rise across the continent with significant renewable generation capacities added in countries such as Egypt, Morocco and South Africa.

Renewable energy investments are also on the rise across the continent from Senegal, to Kenya, and Zambia. While this progress is encouraging, the pace of energy access falls far short of meeting the universal energy access target by 2030.

Closing the gap on Africa’s energy challenges presents major opportunities for investors keen on engaging with the continent, especially on helping Africa meet the shortfall in the estimated $90 billion required to achieve universal energy access by 2030.

Clearly, these financing needs are of such magnitude that no single institution is capable of meeting them in isolation. This is why development finance institutions need a pragmatic shift in how they do business and leverage scarce public resources in order to mobilize private sector financing at scale, “from billions to trillions.”

The African Development Bank is leading by example. For instance, the Bank launched the Facility for Energy Inclusion to close funding gaps in the small-scale energy infrastructure sector and catalyze last-mile energy access. Through a mix of commercial and concessional instruments, the facility provides low cost of capital, and mitigates key credit and currency risks. Additionally, the recently approved Room2Run transaction allows the Bank to effectively transfer the credit risks of selected loan portfolios to investors, which lowers the total risk consumption of the Bank.

This initiative will enable the Bank to recycle capital efficiently in order to boost lending capacity and enhance private sector investments. The transaction has already attracted major support from partners like the European Commission which will provide a $100 million guarantee to be channeled into renewable energy projects in Africa. Ultimately, this will free up around $700 million, which can be re-allocated to new projects.

Multiple barriers hinder investments and private sector participation which could potentially fast-track energy access. These include the lack of an enabling policy environment for investors and other systemic bottlenecks that slow down transactions and escalate project costs. Transforming the energy landscape calls for a multi-faceted approach to unlock private sector capital by resolving these barriers in order to create the ideal conditions for investments in the continent.

The African Development Bank in close collaboration with other development partners is perched on the apex of creating a vibrant marketplace that will deliver the energy transformation necessary to move Africa forward. The Bank is dedicated to eliminating and minimizing barriers for investors, primarily through financial instruments to de-risk transactions, disseminating knowledge and market data, and facilitating peer-to peer learning and networking.  Private sector engagement is on the rise, buoyed by various partnerships such as the New Deal on Energy for Africa and the US-led Power Africa Initiative.

To sustain this momentum, the Bank convened the inaugural Africa Energy Market Place (AEMP) in Abidjan in July 2018. The AEMP is a platform for public private dialogue and is set up to address barriers to mobilizing and scaling-up private investment into the energy sector. Effectively, AEMP reviews and prioritizes transformative energy transactions, and accelerates reforms in order to attract private investments and create a pipeline of bankable projects. Five countries participated in the inaugural edition: Côte d’Ivoire, Egypt, Ethiopia, Nigeria, and Zambia.

The conversations that began at the AEMP are set to continue in November’s Africa Investment Forum (AIF) in South Africa. The Forum convenes project sponsors, borrowers, lenders and investors with a shared interest in closing Africa’s infrastructure gap which is estimated to be anywhere between $130–170 billion per year.

By convening and facilitating mutually beneficial dialogue amongst stakeholders who can dramatically impact Africa’s energy landscape, the Bank is creating the requisite foundation for accelerated private sector investments in Africa’s energy sector in order to achieve universal energy access.

Indisputably, this will put the continent steadily on the path to socio-economic growth and sustainable development.

By: Amadou Hott, the Vice-President of Power, Energy, Climate Change & Green Growth at the African Development Bank

The post Op-Ed: Why Financing Africa’s Energy Infrastructure is a Major Opportunity for Investors appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.

The turmoil in the Catholic Church today reveals yet another front in the populist rebellion against establishment leaders that has roiled the politics of the West.

The United States and key regional allies are finally sharpening their focus on strategic competition with China for influence in the South Pacific.

Focus on liberalizing investment, not trade, at the G-20.

The Sheikh Hasina government recently declared that Bangladesh is an Islamic state and “anyone who pronounces offensive statements against it or against the Prophet Muhammed will be prosecuted according to the law.”

Ahead of next month’s elections, Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has announced that she plans to get the Saudis to build 560 model mosques and an Islamic university. In addition, she declared that Bangladesh is an Islamic state: “Anyone who pronounces offensive statements against it or against the Prophet Muhammed will be prosecuted according to the law.” These actions come after she declared that a degree from an Islamic madrassa will be on par with a university degree within the country. Analysts report that these moves were made in order to pander to radical Islamist voters but the BNP also panders to that same voter base. This means that presently, there is no secular liberal alternative running in the upcoming Bangladeshi elections. The question remains, is Bangladesh becoming the next Pakistan?

Bangladeshi dissident Sazzadul Huq thinks that Bangladesh is well on the road to being the next Pakistan: “It is true that there is no Blasphemy Law in Bangladesh. But, the ICT act (Information and Technology Act) which has turned into the Digital Security Act is just a de facto of blasphemy law. Bloggers, journalists, writers, online activists, human rights activists and LGBT activists have been under the microscope of the government and threats from Islamic fundamentalists for online materials that may have been perceived by some to have hurt their religious beliefs. As a result, peoples’ freedom of thought and expression is being violated. The conscious people of Bangladesh are being restricted from speaking the truth.”

On June On 12, 2018, Bangladeshi secular writer Shahzahan Bachchu was shot dead in the Munshiganj district. Bachchu had previously received threats from extremists groups due to his outspoken support for secularism. Renowned photographer Shahidul Alam criticized the government a few months ago on Al Jazeera in the wake of the student protests against the widespread road accidents within the country. He argued that the students were protesting not only against road accidents but also against the widespread government corruption within the country. Because of that, the Bangladeshi government arrested him. According to Huq, “Many teachers, writers and activists have also been arrested.”

Huq also suffered himself immensely due to the present reality in Bangladesh. On May 27, 2017, dissident Sazzadul Hoque posted on his Facebook: “I wish to live like a human and not a Muslim. Things that I was taught and made to believe are wrong.” As a result of this post, he was suspended from Facebook and got expelled from university. He faced numerous online threats, which proclaimed: “This guy renounced Islam. We are asking the authorities to apprehend this guy as soon as possible for if not, there might be religious riots like there were in the past;” “We don’t need a bastard like yourself. You should be persecuted or even killed. You don’t have a right to live on this land;” “Sisterfucker, you are making the biggest mistake of your life and let Allah cause you all kinds of misery;” “You are not a human. You are the son of a prostitute. You are a dog fucker. If you came in front of me, I would slice you. Your meat would have been distributed to the dogs, you fucking pig;” “If only I could get my hands on you, I would decapitate and slaughter you, you son of a pig.”

Islamist groups were threatening him and his friends. Hundreds of people came to visit his maternal uncle and his mother, threatening to kill him. The government did nothing to protect him. However, some Islamist teachers did attempt to get the police to arrest him. Due to this horrific situation, he left Dhaka and returned to his village but he could not stay there once the locals realized that he was there. He received phone calls stating that he would be killed wherever he was found. He moved from his home to that of his maternal aunt. When they found out where he was, they threatened to burn down her home for sheltering him so he left her home as well. As he fled from place to place, imams were preaching in the local mosques that he should be killed as an apostate. Due to these threats, he moved to India but is only allowed to stay there under his present visa for another two months. He faced numerous cyber threats and media outlets which covered his story in Bangladesh also faced numerous threats until they were forced to delete the news.

If Sheikh Hasina’s legislation comes into fruition, a horrific situation for journalists and bloggers like Huq will become even worse, thus leaving one to ponder whether the country will turn into the next Pakistan. Already, Pakistan is an unfree country where it is unsafe for journalists to openly speak and report the truth. According to dissident Repunzel Baloch, hundreds of journalists have been abducted and killed by Pakistani forces in Balochistan, Pashtunistan, Sindh and Pok. He claimed that in Balochistan alone, over 50 journalists have been abducted, tortured and killed by Pakistani military forces.

“Hamid Mir who was an honest journalist working for Pakistani TV was attacked by ISIS for reporting the truth about the Baloch cause and highlighting the crimes of the government,” Baloch added, emphasizing that Manzoor Bugti was abducted, Javed Naseer disappeared, Razzaq Gul also went missing, Haji Abdul Raqiz Baloch was abducted, and that there are many more cases of journalists who fell victim to the Pakistani government.

While Asia Bibi, a Christian mother who insulted her Muslim neighbors in Pakistan by drinking from a well, won’t be executed for blasphemy in the end and she was recently released from prison, her life is still in danger. There is a bounty that was placed on her head by various radical groups. As a result, she and her family is seeking to flee her country, where the blasphemy law is still in place. Ahmedi Muslims, Christians, Hindus and others can still face the ordeal that Asia Bibi faced in the future. If the Sheikh Hasina government is not put in check, this is what Bangladeshis have to look forward to.

The post Op-Ed: Will Bangladesh be the next Pakistan? appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.

Créée en 1936, Politique étrangère est la plus ancienne revue française dans le domaine des relations internationales. Chaque vendredi, découvrez « l’archive de la semaine ».

* * *

L’article « L’avenir du monde occidental » a été écrit par Robert Strausz-Hupé, ancien diplomate américain, dans le numéro 4-5/1963 de Politique étrangère.

Je dois à un maître sage et éclairé d’avoir été familiarisé dès mon jeune âge avec Thucydide et son Histoire de la Guerre du Péloponèse ainsi qu’avec les Vies de Plutarque. J’en ai retiré un enseignement qui a fortement marqué mon esprit : c’est parce que les cités grecques n’ont pas su s’allier contre le danger commun qu’elles ont péri. Philippe de Macédoine n’eut qu’à les cueillir les unes après les autres.

N’ayant à cet âge aucune expérience des hommes et de la politique, je m’interrogeais sur l’incapacité manifeste des Grecs à discerner un danger si évident pour tous et une solution à leur problème qui sautait aux yeux. C’est peut-être la même angoisse avec laquelle je suivais dans les pages de mon livre la désintégration, par une défaite commune, d’une Grèce divisée, qui m’étreint de nouveau aujourd’hui lorsque je contemple le désarroi de l’Alliance atlantique.

Par un artifice aussi vieux que le monde, il est facile, dans un débat politique, de compliquer ce qui est simple et de rendre simple tout ce qui est compliqué. Il ne devrait échapper à aucun membre de l’Alliance atlantique que l’essentiel de la puissance militaire soviétique est toujours stationné en Europe et fait face à l’Occident. Aucun changement politique, économique et social ayant pu se produire en Union soviétique depuis la mort de Staline y compris la proclamation, par M. Khrouchtchev de la politique de coexistence, ne peut changer ces faits, pas plus que ne peuvent le faire les controverses qui ont surgi entre les membres du bloc communiste, en particulier entre l’Union soviétique et la République populaire de Chine.

Au cours de ces dernières années, la plupart des débats de politique étrangère à l’intérieur des pays de l’Alliance atlantique ont été centrés sur ces changements supposés et ces controverses au sein du monde soviétique. Le monde communiste peut difficilement échapper à la loi universelle du mouvement ; une pratique communiste bien établie veut que la bataille doctrinale ait toujours fait rage parmi ceux qui briguaient la direction du parti, depuis Marx, en passant par Lénine, Staline, Trotsky et Boukarine ; et ce serait un phénomène historique sans précédent qu’aucun conflit ne surgisse entre les aspirations nationales des divers membres du bloc communiste.

En vérité, depuis la fin de la deuxième guerre mondiale, il y a eu des changements notables dans la structure du pouvoir en URSS, dans les relations entre pays communistes, dans la politique stratégique de Moscou vis-à-vis du reste du monde. La nature de ces changements est l’objet de recherches qui peuvent être passionnantes pour des professeurs de sciences politiques : d’un point de vue pratique, s’il s’agit de politique étrangère, nous devons nous demander si ces changements diminuent pour l’Occident les dangers de l’expansion communiste, et s’ils atténuent la sérieuse menace soviétique qui vise les membres européens de l’Alliance.

En politique étrangère, il faut, dans les rapports avec les États, savoir sonder leurs intentions. C’est une tâche difficile, car il n’est jamais facile et souvent impossible de jauger la profondeur des sentiments qui font agir autrui ni de faire correctement la distinction entre ce qui est dit dans l’intention de faire connaître sa pensée et ce qui est dit de façon à mieux dissimuler ses motifs véritables.

Les communistes ont toujours cherché à tromper les « capitalistes » et les « impérialistes » sur leurs intentions. Le langage dialectique marxiste que les communistes utilisent pour se comprendre entre eux, pose bien des problèmes de sémantique ; c’est pourquoi il nous appartient d’examiner ce que nous pensons être les buts communistes à la lumière de leurs possibilités. Dans le cas de la confrontation de l’Alliance atlantique avec les puissances de ce qu’on appelle le Pacte de Varsovie, il appartient à l’alliance occidentale de mener son jeu d’après les possibilités militaires de l’alliance orientale.

En disant ceci, je n’ai pas ajouté grand chose à ce qu’un enfant ignorant des subtilités de la haute politique aurait pu trouver de lui-même. Cependant, il semble que tous les hommes d’État occidentaux ne soient pas guidés par cet instinct logique et je l’admets, simpliste.

M. Khrouchtchev, lorsqu’il commente les vertus de la coexistence pacifique, est très persuasif. Les démocraties occidentales se laissent mieux convaincre encore par des solutions de facilité et des formules alléchantes qui leur promettent, en matière de sécurité militaire, la paix au plus bas prix.

Je suis assez vieux pour me souvenir de cette aube d’espoir qui s’était levée au moment du pacte Briand-Kellog, il y a trente-cinq ans de cela. Une vague d’optimisme semblable à celle qui, avant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, avait balayé les capitales occidentales, avait semblé surgir, ces derniers temps, dans les mêmes capitales, à Londres et à Washington surtout. Si nous insistons sur le fait que les péroraisons de M. Khrouchtchev sont destinées avant tout aux oreilles de ses camarades du parti et non à l’opinion publique occidentale, et que la politique étrangère soviétique continue à se durcir dans la pratique, on nous accuse d’un scepticisme grincheux — à moins qu’on ne nous attribue des arrière-pensées plus ténébreuses encore.

D’après une revue très lue aux États-Unis et réputée bénéficier de la confiance de l’Administration américaine, le plus grand problème actuel n’est pas l’expansionisme communiste, mais la réticence que montrent certains alliés européens des États-Unis à suivre les Américains sur le chemin de la détente. La revue fait carrément allusion au désir de l’Administration de conclure un pacte de non-agression entre les puissances atlantiques et les puissances du Pacte de Varsovie. Il en ressort que ce ne sont pas les Soviétiques, mais l’Allemagne et la France qui font obstacle à un règlement européen qui permettrait une co-existence pacifique, écartant ainsi le cauchemar d’une guerre atomique, particulièrement celle qui pourrait être déclenchée par accident ou par erreur. La revue conclut son étude sur la politique étrangère américaine par cette phrase :

« On est d’avis, aux États-Unis, que si les deux super-puissances peuvent s’entendre, les réserves actuelles de la France et de l’Allemagne seront éventuellement surmontées ». (Newsweek, 12 août 1963, p. 30). […]

Lisez l’article en entier ici.

Découvrez en libre accès tous les numéros de Politique étrangère depuis 1936 jusqu’à 2005 sur Persée.

In the moral version of human history – expressed in the Quran, Bible, and Torah – corruption is considered the worst reckless impulse that caused men to fall from grace. It was the betrayal of trust and loyalty for purely selfish gains.

From that perspective, the root cause of corruption is individual moral shutdown, derailment or deficiency. On the other hand, modern-day scrutiny of corruption zooms in on institutions and good governance – professional and technocratic excellence and adherence to policies and procedures.

Much of this article will be dealing with the latter perspective, though no lasting solution to corruption can be found without considering the individual aspect. This could be the reason why corruption is scandalously ever-present in every aspect of the Somali government.

Harmonized Contradictions

Ironically, if a “Corruption Hall of Shame” were inaugurated, the majority of the top 10 list would be Muslim rulers representing nations ranking high in natural resources. Somalia would be leading the list as it has the past decade. This is the direct result of a culture of impunity and a lack of anti-corruption teachings.

However, you would not have heard this from the former UN Secretary General’s Special Representative for Somalia Michael Keating. In his briefing to the Security Council last month, he said that Somalia has “a government with a compelling reform agenda anchored in strong partnership between President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo and Prime Minister Hassan Ali Khayre.” He continued by telling the Council members that “its centerpiece is to make the country creditworthy and accountable as a step to gain full sovereignty, reduce dependency and attract both public and private investments. IMF benchmarks are being met … and debt relief is closer.”

Well, of course. Somalia’s politicians are ready for more loans and dodgy deals such as Soma Oil and Gas, whose former Executive Director for Africa is the country’s current prime minister. Never mind the glaring conflict of interests.

Being instituted a few months after Somalia emerged out of its “transitional period” in 2012, the UN Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) was established as a central bank of the donor funds and to facilitate the reconciliation process. However, UNSOM gradually morphed into the carrot-dangler that lures all across the political spectrum, the gatekeeper of the political process, and the legitimizer of any selected new government through corruption as long as it does not challenge certain dubious deals such as Soma Oil and Gas and the massive IMF and World Bank debts.

Incidentally, the United Kingdom is Somalia’s penholder at the Security Council. In other words, the U.K. has the most powerful role in all Somalia related issues. It has the exclusive authority to draft resolutions and frame any debate on the country. All three UNSOM leaders were British (guerilla) diplomats, though the latest has South African citizenship.

If I was not blunt enough in the past, let me try again. The international apparatus that was set up to “fix Somalia” is the main hoax for keeping it perpetually broken. As long as there are corrupt or pitifully credulous Somali politicians who are eager to legitimize the current system for their personal gains the schizophrenia –journey toward sovereignty– will continue but the nation will remain at the mercy of international and local predators.

On Scale

In a 2013 article titled The Corruption Tango I wrote: “While robust functioning of all governmental institutions and policies of checks and balances are crucial to fighting corruption, the most crucial is the branch that enforces such policies.” Five years later, there is not an iota of improvement towards that end. The courts remain scandalously corrupt. Cash, clan, and connections are still the three most popular currencies in Somalia. Yet the current government audaciously claims it is committed to ending corruption.

Can a government that came to power through a manifestly corrupt process of purchasing votes through dark money “eradicate that sick mentality,” as Prime Minster Khayre said in 2017? Of course not, but it can manage perceptions and put on a good show for public relations.

Selective Enforcement and Co-option

Unlike its predecessor, the current government has a clever plan for distraction. They routinely carry out public prosecutions of petty corruption cases with media fanfare and public trumpet blasts while turning a blind eye to various shady deals that involve top officials within the government.

A few mega “corporations” practically own the entire country. Over the past two decades, these companies, especially those in the telecommunication business who are granted exclusive right to use the official gateway and country code without paying licensing fees or taxes, have been investing in keeping business as usual. It is an open secret how these mega companies co-opt key political actors by bringing them on board as stakeholders or through kickbacks to ensure their silence. Meanwhile, the old lady selling tomatoes under the scorching sun is routinely harassed by the municipality to pay her “public service” dues.

This widely accepted, flagrantly unjust clan-based system, known as the 4.5 system, remains the most potent force that maintains the culture of corruption and impunity in Somalia. Certain clans are guaranteed high ministerial positions. Once inside, these ministers are expected to suck as much as they can for their respective clans, themselves or both. Nepotism continues to be the most common practice in all branches of the government.

Defusing Scrutiny

Like the previous governments, the current administration facilitates key Members of Parliament and their family members with foreign medical services, scholarships for their children, and armored vehicles for protection.

Certain elements within the international community not only tolerate this corruption but also cultivate the right environment for it. Selected Somalian ministers may be granted easy access to funds for this or that project, or may be invited to some of those never-ending conferences in foreign cities. In return, these key individuals give those in the international community priceless cover, a patronage system, and a code of silence that sustains a two-way system of corruption.

Most of the Somalian ministers are members of the parliament, and the government is aggressively using whatever is in its disposal to co-opt the parliament. Only days after President Farmajo returned from his Qatar state visit in May, his office or the executive branch offered the Somali parliamentarians a deal none of them could refuse: an early vacation or recess and $5,000 cash per MP – so much for checks and balances.

These actions are to neutralize a restless parliament bent on advancing a “no confidence” motion to oust the current prime minister, whose long affiliation with the predatory Soma Oil and Gas and his draconian policies to silence opposition groups reached a breaking point.

• Originally published by The Globe Post

The post Somalia and the Houdinis of Corruption appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.

Aider le Sud en se prélassant au soleil… Alléchante, la démarche promue par l'Organisation mondiale du tourisme sera-t-elle vraiment couronnée de succès ? / Europe, France, Maroc, Tunisie, Développement, Économie, Entreprise, Industrie, Loisirs, Mondialisation, Relations Nord-Sud, Tourisme - (...) / Europe, France, Maroc, Tunisie, Développement, Économie, Entreprise, Industrie, Loisirs, Mondialisation, Relations Nord-Sud, Tourisme - 2012/07

Dans la recherche scientifique, la langue française est en train de mourir. Le colloque qui s'est déroulé le 6 juin 1980 à la faculté des sciences d'Orsay avait pour titre : « L'anglais, langue scientifique française ? » La confrontation des données et des expériences laisse présager qu'on supprimera (...) / Langue, Science - 1980/08

                                                                 (Photo from the Enough Project)

 

The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has historically been the focal point of devastating internal conflict since colonial times, and this has persisted to the present day. King Leopold II’s reign was one of the most brutal in history. Following independence in 1960, the conflict has continued to worsen. Since 1998, upwards of 5.4 million lives have been claimed, the largest death toll due to one cause since World War II. Unfortunately, the United States contributes each day to policies that mirror those of the colonialist era.

Overview

The fundamental reason why these human rights abuses are able to continue is a culture of resource extraction and exploitation that has been perpetuated in the DRC. Instead of this culture occurring only during colonial times, it is happening at this very moment. According to most estimates, the region comprising the DRC contains upwards of 24 trillion dollars-worth of natural resources, rendering it the richest country on earth. These minerals are critical for the United States because they are involved in the manufacturing process of consumer technology goods. Tungsten, tin, tantalum and gold, which are found in every laptop, tablet, and phone, have been deemed by the international community to be “conflict minerals”.

Each of these minerals plays a foundational role in the consumer electronic production process. Tin is a vital component in the process of coating other metals to create alloys and prevent corrosion. In combination with tungsten, this generates durability to withstand high-temperature situations. Gold, prized for its malleability, and tantalum are both instrumental in conductivity. These minerals are also used in car production, jewelry and industrial machinery. Therefore, the demand is extremely high, and the United States and other countries give hundreds of millions of dollars for the acquisition of these minerals.

Rather than going toward promoting self-determinism and economic vitality for artisanal miners, these minerals have been monopolized by armed rebel groups as a means of securing profit, analogous to the sale of illicit drugs in other conflict zones throughout the world. Unlike illicit drugs, however, the exchange of these minerals is recognized as a legitimate business activity by the international community, and therefore has not attracted the same level of scrutiny. To make matters worse, the United States lacks incentive to ameliorate the situation due to a deeply rooted interest in obtaining these minerals and has historically maintained a primarily passive stance. These minerals serve as the fundamental source for funding for armed rebel groups equating to anywhere from $300 million to $1.4 billion per annum. This money fuels the procurement of weapons and enables the perpetuatuation of conflict, leading to the rapid militarization of the country. Armed rebel groups function by maintaining their presence in artisanal mines and engaging directly with miners, who are often stolen from their homes and enslaved. Armed groups actively participate in illegal taxation efforts and forced labor as a means of procuring and selling minerals, thereby supplementing income. From the mines, these groups transport minerals through highly decentralized trade networks which interweave between local and foreign actors.  These trade networks often leave violent trails, as armed groups frequently employ brutal intimidation tactics.

 

(Photo from Jewish World Watch)

Responses

Despite the lack of international attention, there has been some progress in the United States related to the trade of conflict minerals. The most comprehensive effort occurred in 2010 when the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act was passed into law. Section 1502 of the law requires publicly traded companies to annually disclose to the Securities and Exchange Commission the details of their supply chains, which creates pressure for conflict-free sourcing. Any association with conflict mines in the DRC must be documented, and the information made available to the public. While the law does not require companies to source conflict-free minerals, the public nature of the reporting has sparked companies to take action to trace, audit and certify their supply chains. Major brand companies like Intel have taken admirable strides to ensure that their operations and the resulting products do not promote and support violence. In 2014, Intel innovated the first certifiably conflict-free microprocessor and has since been dedicated to become completely conflict-free. Since the enactment of Dodd-Frank, more companies have elected to comply with the rules, and consumers have advocated for companies to ensure their supply chains are not contaminated by unverified materials. Since April of 2017, “420 mines in eastern Congo had been validated as conflict-free by multi-stakeholder teams made up of U.N. officials and Congolese civil society, business, and government representatives”. While Section 1502 of Dodd Frank has yielded substantial effects, there is still much work to be done. There has been an increase in the smuggling of conflict gold as crackdowns on the tungsten, tin and tantalum trade have yielded results.  Gold is relatively easier to smuggle, since small quantities have high value. Though strides have been taken to increase transparency, armed groups are still profiting.

Colonialist Policies

Many of the practices occuring in the DRC are a mirror image of the policies instituted by King Leopold pre-1960. Colonialist tendencies are still manifesting themselves in our everyday lives. Congolese women and children are often subjected to the worst trauma – experiencing sexual assault and physical torture. Almost every person in the United States owns a cellphone, computer or tablet. Yet, few are aware that these devices are serving as a sustainable flow of funds to armed groups in the DRC. Our consumer electronic devices are fabricated at the expense of millions of Congolese lives, and this is enabled by the deep rooted colonialist policies that have not disappeared despite independence.

The post Conflict Minerals: A Manifestation of Modern-Day Colonialism appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.

Le procès de M. Anders Behring Breivik s'est achevé le 22 juin à Oslo. Un tel déchaînement de violence ne révèle-t-il pas les failles d'une société réputée apaisée ? / Extrême droite, Identité culturelle, Immigrés, Inégalités, Islam, Migrations, Parti politique, Racisme, Religion, Violence, Norvège, (...) / Extrême droite, Identité culturelle, Immigrés, Inégalités, Islam, Migrations, Parti politique, Racisme, Religion, Violence, Norvège, Néolibéralisme - 2012/07

Cette recension a été publiée dans le numéro de printemps de Politique étrangère (n°3/2018). Norbert Gaillard propose une analyse de l’ouvrage de Stefano Ugolini, The Evolution of Central Banking: Theory and History (Palgrave Macmillan, 2017, 328 pages).

Stefano Ugolini, professeur à l’université de Toulouse, nous présente une étude remarquable sur les banques centrales, qui s’inscrit dans la lignée des travaux de recherche publiés ces trois dernières décennies par Charles Goodhart, Curzio Giannini et Charles Calomiris. S’affranchissant de l’approche institutionnelle, le livre approfondit les quatre fonctions principales d’une banque centrale : l’entretien du système de paiement, la supervision des établissements de crédit, l’émission de monnaie et la conduite de la politique monétaire.

La mise en place d’un système de paiement est loin d’être élémentaire. En théorie, un tel système devrait avoir toutes les caractéristiques d’un monopole naturel, c’est-à-dire d’un marché où l’ensemble de la demande peut être satisfaite au plus faible coût par une seule entreprise plutôt que par plusieurs. En pratique, il en va tout autrement puisque de nombreuses économies ont été longtemps réticentes à l’avènement d’un tel monopole. Le même problème se pose quant à l’instauration d’un système de paiement international. Il faudra attendre la faillite retentissante de la banque Herstatt en 1974 pour qu’une coordination transnationale s’organise sous l’égide du Comité de Bâle sur le contrôle bancaire.

Le chapitre sur la supervision éclaire les différences de culture qui prévalent des deux côtés de l’Atlantique. Les États-Unis ont souvent privilégié les outils d’intervention ex ante (exigence de fonds propres et réserves obligatoires), tandis que l’Europe a préféré les outils d’intervention ex post (renflouements, garanties des dépôts et rôle de prêteur en dernier ressort de la banque centrale). Toutefois, l’auteur souligne que ces grands modèles de supervision ont tous deux échoué à endiguer le phénomène d’aléa moral depuis les années 1990. La taille excessive et la forte « interconnection » des grandes institutions financières expliquent cet échec.

La capacité d’une banque centrale à émettre de la monnaie est évidemment liée à sa crédibilité, qui requiert la préservation des droits et intérêts des créanciers. Au fil du XXe siècle, cette crédibilité a été renforcée avec l’indépendance des banques centrales, facteur clé de la stabilité monétaire. À cet égard, une divergence perdure entre Européens et Américains. Chez les premiers, les banquiers centraux sont en charge de la stabilité interne (faible inflation) et externe (faible fluctuation de la monnaie vis-à-vis des autres devises). Chez les seconds, la Federal Reserve se consacre exclusivement à la maîtrise de l’inflation, laissant au Trésor le soin de veiller à la stabilité monétaire externe. L’histoire récente a cependant montré que cette dernière demeure une préoccupation mineure de l’administration américaine : « Le dollar, c’est notre monnaie mais c’est votre problème », comme l’avait claironné en 1971 le secrétaire au Trésor John Connally.

Cet ouvrage s’adresse aux lecteurs qui souhaitent mieux comprendre le champ d’action et l’étendue des pouvoirs des banques centrales. La légitimité de ces dernières dépend fondamentalement de leur capacité à maximiser leur utilité sociale. Elles doivent donc demeurer pragmatiques et s’adapter en permanence aux chocs économiques et politiques. Tout un programme pour la Banque centrale européenne !

Norbert Gaillard

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Au centre de la mondialisation La Chine est au cœur d'une machine économique et financière qui lui donne une influence mondiale inédite. Si ses échanges commerciaux se font, majoritairement (53 %), avec les pays asiatiques, les excédents se réalisent principalement avec les pays riches (Europe et (...) / Afrique, Asie, Chine, Europe, Économie, Énergie, Finance, Mondialisation, Amérique du Nord, Matières premières - Asie

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The post A note to American voters… appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.

Refusant la condition de consommateur passif de gadgets manufacturés, le mouvement des « fab labs » entend, à l'instar de celui des logiciels libres, rendre la main aux utilisateurs. / Éducation, Entreprise, Industrie, Informatique, Mutation, Technologies de l'information, Technologie, Électronique (...) / Éducation, Entreprise, Industrie, Informatique, Mutation, Technologies de l'information, Technologie, Électronique - 2012/06

« Que reste-t-il de l’État dans le monde d’aujourd’hui ? »
Cette année, les trois premiers numéros de Politique étrangère ont abordé, chacun à leur façon, la question de l’État et de son efficacité dans le monde actuel.

Pour approfondir cette réflexion, l’Ifri et Diploweb vous invitent à assister à la rencontre-débat organisée à la Sorbonne le mercredi 21 novembre, de 19h à 20h30 :
« L’État est-il has been ? »

Cette rencontre sera animée par Pierre Verluise, directeur de Diploweb et Marc Hecker, rédacteur en chef de Politique étrangère, avec :

•  François Gaulme, chercheur associé au programme Afrique subsaharienne de l’Ifri et auteur de l’article « Les conflits d’Afrique subsaharienne, l’éternel retour ? » (Politique étrangère, n° 3/2018)
•  Julien Nocetti, chercheur au Centre Russie/NEI de l’Ifri et auteur de l’article
  « Géopolitique de la cyber-conflictualité » (Politique étrangère, n° 2/2018).
•  Frédéric Ramel, professeur des universités en science politique et auteur de l’article  « Les débats contemporains sur la fin des États » (Politique étrangère, n° 1/2018).

* * *

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Accès par le 14 rue Cujas, 75005 Paris.

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La réélection de M. Daniel Ortega à la tête du Nicaragua a confirmé l'ancrage à gauche d'une grande partie de l'Amérique latine. La récente évolution du pouvoir sandiniste, notamment sur la question des droits des femmes, éclaire cependant les écueils d'une logique conduisant parfois les forces de gauche (...) / Christianisme, Élections, Logement, Parti politique, Pauvreté, Politique, Religion, Santé, Amérique centrale, Nicaragua, Socialisme, Droits des femmes - 2012/05