Over a development timeline measured in decades, India’s indigenous “Akash” and “Trishul” programs for surface to air missiles have failed to inspire full confidence. Trishul was eventually canceled entirely. Akash had a a long, difficult development period, but seems to have found customer acceptance and a solid niche in the rugged terrain of the northeast. India still needed longer-range advanced SAMs to equip its navy and army, however, and decided to try to duplicate the success of the partnership model that had fielded the excellent Indo-Russian PJ-10 BrahMos supersonic cruise missile.
In February 2006, therefore, Israel and India signed a joint development agreement to create a new Barak-NG medium shipborne air defense missile, as an evolution of the Barak-1 system in service with both navies. In July 2007 the counterpart MR-SAM project began moving forward, aiming to develop a medium range SAM for use with India’s land forces. Both missiles would now be called Barak-8. In between, “India to Buy Israeli “SPYDER” Mobile Air Defense System” covered India’s move to begin buying mobile, short-range surface-to-air missile (SAM) systems for its army, based on the Python and Derby air-to-air missiles in service with its air force and naval aircraft. These projects offer India a way forward to address its critical air defense weaknesses, and upgrade “protection of vital and strategic ground assets and area air defence.” This DID FOCUS article will cover the Barak-8 and closely related programs in India, Israel, and beyond.
Barak is a supersonic, vertically-launched short range air defense system, with an operational range of about 10 km/ 6 miles. That pushes it past the standard ranges of shoulder-launched options with naval counterparts, like the MBDA Mistral/SIMBAD or Saab Boofors’ RBS-70, but short of other small vertical launch options like the RIM-162 Evolved Sea Sparrow. Its closest western competitors on the international market are probably Raytheon’s horizontally-fired Amero-German RIM-116 Rolling Airframe Missile, and MBDA’s flexible Crotale VT-1/NG. Key attributes include a compact 8-cell vertical launching system that weighs just 1,700 kg, coupled with an equally compact 1,300 kg fire control system. This makes it easier to install in small ships, and to retrofit into older vessels.
Barak-1 reportedly in service with at Israel, Chile, India, Singapore, and Venezuela.
Barak launchIndia bought over $300 million worth of these missiles as a substitute for the indigenous but long-delayed Trishul (“Trident”) missile project, and Barak systems now equip India’s lone aircraft carrier INS Viraat, all 6 Project 16/16A Godavari/ Brahmaputra Class 3,850t frigates, 2 of 6 Rajput Class 4,974t destroyers, and the 3 new 6,200t Shivalik Class frigates. Current missile stocks aren’t adequate to cover that, and readiness requires regular training launches against live targets. Barak-1 missiles are also supposed to be part of upgrades to India’s 3 Delhi Class 6,200t destroyers, in order to remove the hole created by the Russian SA-N-7C ‘Gollum’ air defense missile system’s limited firing arc.
Barak-1 missiles are also supposed to be part of upgrades to India’s 3 Delhi Class 6,200t destroyers, in order to fix the SA-N-7C ‘Gollum’ air defense missile’s limited firing arc. The missile’s fast response time, effectiveness against missile threats, and compact size are considerable assets, but they are currently offset somewhat by its short range.
Next-Gen: Barak-8 Barak 8 displayThe Navy’s Barak-NG/ LR-SAM project aimed to give India’s naval defenses a much longer reach, with the intention of eventually making it India’s primary naval SAM. The project was later renamed Barak 8, and aims to deliver 60-70 km/ up to 42 mile range, thanks to a dual-pulse solid rocket motor whose second “pulse” fires as the missile approaches its target. This ensures that the missile isn’t just coasting in the final stages, giving it more than one chance at a fast, maneuvering target.
The missile’s most important feature may be its active seeker. Instead of forcing its ship or land-based radar to “paint”/illuminate its target at all times, the Barak 8 can be left alone once it is close to its target. This is an excellent approach for dealing with saturation attacks using older ship radars, which can track many targets but illuminate just a few. It’s also very useful for land-based systems, which will survive longer against enemy anti-radar missiles (ARMs) if they can turn themselves on and off to confuse enemy seekers, without worrying that they will lose all of their effectiveness.
That kind of performance vaults the Barak 8 past widespread options like the RIM-162 ESSM, or entries like VL-MICA on land. Though the Barak-8 may compete globally with those systems, a better comparison would be naval missiles like Raytheon’s SM-2 Block IIIA and MBDA’s Aster-15, or land-based options like the Patriot. The Barak 8’s active seeker would even give it a performance advantage over the SM-2, and corresponds more closely to the SM-6 currently in development.
The naval Barak-8 reportedly maintains its principle of using compact launchers and systems. Its ancillary capabilities will always depend on the radar and combat system aboard its ship.
One wild card is the Barak’s potential use in a point defense role against ballistic missiles, a role that can be played by some of its more advanced competitors on land or sea. This capability is implied in the land-based system’s name, but hasn’t been discussed publicly, or validated in publicly announced tests.
The land-based Barak 8 Air and Missile Defense (AMD) system includes several components:
In Israel, the Barak-8 is slated to equip its next-generation frigates, and may find its way to other roles. India expects to field the missiles on land and sea.
Beyond those 2 countries, export prospects beckon for a missile that may offer a value-priced naval alternative to Raytheon’s Standard-2 and MBDA’s Aster-15. According to Defense News, the Barak-8 project features funding from American military aid dollars, as well as Indian cooperation and private/governmental funding in Israel. An Israeli source, on the other hand, has told DID that the USA has no claim on the Barak-8’s intellectual property. DID has been unable to verify he exact situation; but if the USA has no IP or significant American-made components in the Barak AMD system, it would have implications for both procurement funding sources and export policy.
India’s Barak Programs The Navy: LR-SAM Engagement profileIndia has 2 different programs that could use the new longer-range Barak missile. The naval Barak-NG, or LR-SAM deal, was the first. Signed in 2006, it’s worth INR 26.06 billion (about $591 million at then-conversion) as of December 2009.
India’s Navy has decided as a matter of policy that it will only mount medium-long range surface-to-air missile systems on future warships, as opposed to depending on short range systems that might protect a ship, but don’t offer layered defense for the rest of the fleet. This was an early sign of its transition to a more of a “blue water” navy that can reach into high-threat areas, and a logical complement to India’s establishment of a serious carrier force beginning with INS Vikramaditya (ex Admiral Gorshkov).
Hence the 2006 Barak-NG naval agreement, which gives India an upgraded version of a familiar system, extends India’s technological capabilities, fosters economic ties and integration at sub-component levels, and helps the Israelis build a new system that meets some of their own emerging requirements. The new system would reportedly have a range of 50-60 km.
Making that happen required some loosening of bureaucratic constraints on India’s defense industry. Based on projections of need and the high cost of air defense systems, India’s Ministry of Defence began initiatives under which Indian state-owned agencies can forge joint co-development and co-production ventures with foreign companies. The rationale is that under these partnerships, much of the underlying technology will remain in India. Israel has risen to become one of India’s largest defense industry partners, and may be on its way to surpassing Russia as India’s largest partner.
That rise, India’s previous positive experiences with Barak, and the opportunity to help develop new technologies instead of buying them, all led India toward Israel for its next-generation naval SAM partnership.
Israel Aerospace Industries will be the key partner, and will contribute most of the applicable technology, just as Russia did for the BrahMos by offering its SS-N-26 Oniks missile as the base platform. 2011 Barak-8 materials show Indian firms contributing the dual-pulse rocket motor, associated motor arming/safing mechanisms, and the pneumatic actuation system. On the other hand, India Defence reports that IAI and its Israeli partners have agreed to transfer all relevant technologies and manufacturing capabilities to India.
The LR-SAM project is now slated for completion by December 2015, which would be about a decade from its 2005 project approval to fielding. Israel will be ahead of that schedule, as they began steps to field Barak-8 in their navy in mid-2013.
Land-Based: MR-SAM SA-3The Barak-8’s follow-on project involves a land-based system, intended to replace old Russian systems. Most reports place MR-SAM’s desired capabilities at 70 km/ 42 mile range effective range, with 360 degree coverage, plus the ability to engage multiple targets simultaneously. As The Times of India put it, in 2007:
“The project is crucial because, as highlighted by TOI earlier, there are still “many gaping holes” in India’s radar network and the armed forces only have near-obsolete air defence units like Russian Pechora [DID: upgraded SA-3], OSA-AK [DID: SA-8B, scheduled for interim upgrades], and Igla [DID: SA-16 shoulder-fired] missile systems.
Sources peg the MR-SAM project as an extension of the ongoing DRDO-Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI) project, launched in January 2006 at a cost of $480 million, to develop a supersonic 60-km Barak-NG (new-generation) missile defence system for Navy.”
India Defence and the Israeli newspaper Ha’aretz also reported that MR-SAM would be an extension of work done on the Barak-NG deal, and this seems to be the general consensus.
SA-8The DRDO Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) will be the ‘prime developer’ for the MR-SAM project, which will reportedly have a Rs 2,300 crore (INR 23 billion, about $445 million at signing in 2009) indigenous component within an estimated Rs 10,075 crore (INR 100.75 billion, about $1.95 billion at signing) total. The 4-5 year project aims to provide India’s military with 9 advanced air defense squadrons, each with 2 MR-SAM firing units. Each MR-SAM unit, in turn, would consist of a command and control center, an acquisition radar, a guidance radar, and 3 launchers with 8 missiles each.
MR-SAM’s total would therefore be 10 C2 centers, 18 acquisition radars, 18 guidance radars, and 54 launchers, armed with 432 ready-to-fire missiles. Some reports have placed total missile orders as high as 2,000, which would add a significant reserve stockpile to replenish missiles in any conflict.
Indian sources estimated a 4-year, $300 million System Design & Development phase to develop unique system elements, and produce an initial tranche of the land-based missiles. As of its approval by the Cabinet Committee on Security in July 2007, MR-SAM surpassed the BrahMos project in size, and may be the largest joint defense development project ever undertaken between India and any other country.
The MR-SAM project reportedly has a “probable date of completion” by August 2016, which would be around 7 years from its 2009 approval.
Contracts & Key Events 2014 – 2018In service in Israel; DRDO challenges; Successful intercept test.
EmptyJuly 4/18: New family member Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI) is adding a new missile to its Barak family. The Barak-MX is a modular and scalable networked air/missile defense system that links various sensors, launchers and Barak effectors in a single architecture that can be scoped and optimized to meet specific customer mission requirements. Barak MX is essentially a building block solution. It enables one to retain the central C2 capability but adds longer-range air defense sensors and Barak effectors to scale up the system. The Barak Battle Management Center (BMC), which creates and manages a unified multi-senor aerial picture, coordinates the force operation networks and manages the launch arrays. Barak BMC is available in mobile, transportable and stationary versions. The interceptors are vertically launched and support 360° coverage, quick reactions, short minimal ranges and active high-end RF seekers for targets with low radar cross sections and high maneuverability.
March 30/18: More missiles please Israel Aerospace Industries and Rafael Advanced Defense Systems have been contracted by the Indian Ministry of Defense to supply additional Barak-1 short-range surface-to-air missiles. The contract is valued at $70.5 million and includes 131 Barak-1 shipborne, point defense missiles to be delivered to the Indian Navy. The Barak-1 is a supersonic, vertically-launched short range air defense system, with an operational range of about 6 miles. That pushes it past the standard ranges of shoulder-launched options with naval counterparts, like the MBDA Mistral/SIMBAD or Saab Boofors’ RBS-70, but short of other small vertical launch options like the RIM-162 Evolved Sea Sparrow. Its closest western competitor on the international market is probably Raytheon’s horizontally-fired Amero-German RIM-116 Rolling Airframe Missile, and MBDA’s flexible Crotale VT-1/NG. Key attributes include a compact 8-cell vertical launching system that weighs just 1,700 kg, coupled with an equally compact 1,300 kg fire control system. This makes it easier to install in small ships, and to retrofit into older vessels.
May 22/17: Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI) has been awarded an additional contract by the Indian government to supply air and defense missile systems for four ships of the Indian navy. Valued at an estimated $630 million, the agreement will include local state-owned firm Bharat Electronics Ltd, who will serve as the main contractor on the project under New Delhi’s “Make in India” initiative. The deal follows a $2 billion one signed with IAI last month to supply India’s army and navy with missile defense systems. The Barak-8 system is a joint development effort between IAI, India’sDefence Research & Development Organisation (DRDO), Israel’s Administration for the Development of Weapons and Technological Infrastructure, Elta Systems, and Rafael, while Bharat produce the system’s missiles.
April 9/17: The Indian government has given the go ahead for the $1.8 billion purchase of the Medium Range Surface-to-Air Missile (MRSAM) from Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI). A land-based version of the Barak-8, the MRSAM was developed by IAI and India’s Defense Research and Development Organization (DRDO) in collaboration with Rafael and IAI/Elta, and worked with various Indian companies including BEL, L&T, BDL and other private vendors, and will be operated by the Indian Army. The company will also supply additional LRSAM air & missile defense systems for the first build in India Indian aircraft carrier.
March 2/17: Israel and India will co-develop and produce a medium-range surface-to-air missile for the Indian Army. Contracts for the deal are expected to be awarded later this month with the value of the project estimated at over $2.5 billion. Known as the MRSAM, development of the missile will be undertaken jointly by India’s DRDO, Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI), and will be produced by state-owned Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL) in partnership with other state-owned and private defense companies. It does, however, remain unclear who will own the Intellectual Property Right (IPR) for the missile as well as the ownership of the data package for the technology.
July 5/16: India successfully tested the land version of its Barak-8 anti-air missile twice on Friday at India’s Integrated Test Range. Conducted by a team from India’s DRDO and Israel’s IAI, naval versions have already been fitted and tested aboard Indian Navy warships. The long-range rocket can identify and hit an air target within a range of 70 kilometers, or some 43.5 miles.
January 4/16: India has completed its first naval test of the Barak-8 long range surface to air missile (LRSAM). Developed jointly between the Indian Defence Research & Development Organization (DRDO) and IAI Israel, the recent test follows November’s successful testing on board an Israeli naval platform. The maiden firing consisted of the missile intercepting aerial targets at extended ranges up to 70km. Apart from the missile, the system includes a Multi Functional Surveillance and Threat Alert Radar (MF STAR) for detection, tracking and guidance of the missile. When completed, the missiles will be fitted on board all Kolkata class destroyers and major warships in the Indian Navy.
November 30/15: The Israeli Navy has announced the successful first test of the Barak-8 air defense system. The interceptor missile was launched from a Sa’ar-5 Corvette against a UAV target representing a threat against a ship at sea. The system has been jointly developed with India and aims to cater for the long range missile defence for both countries with India also planning to test the system before the end of the year. It is hoped that the system will have reached initial operational capability within the next two years.
November 16/15: India’s Barak-8 will be test-fired between now and the end of the year after it was announced that preparations are being made on board the INS Kolkata for the test which the Navy hope to have installed on all future warships and retrofitted on its current Kolkata class destroyers.
Mar 2/15: Indian interest renewed for MRSAM. Defense News reports that an Indian Defence Ministry official confirmed that the medium-range (MRSAM) variant is a go for joint development with Israel, with an initial expected order of $1.5 billion. Rafale and IAI would work with Indian firms Bharat Dynamics Tata Power SED and Larsen & Toubro.
Nov 10/14: Testing. A successful test of the Barak-8 “Air & Missile Defense System” acquires an incoming target drone using the system’s radar, fired the missile to an interception zone, and had the missile successfully acquire and kill the target using its own seeker. Indian officials were there, including DRDO chief Dr. Avinash Chander, and Israeli and Indian releases both pronounced their satisfaction with all aspects of test performance.
The Israelis already have the missile deployed, so they’re happy. What the releases didn’t say, is whether DRDO’s rocket booster was used in the test (Aug 14/14). It’s likely that they did, and the next step is warship trials for India. DRDO hopes to begin deliveries by the end of 2015. Sources: IAI, “IAI Successfully Tested the Barak-8 Air & Missile Defense System” | India MoD, “Successful Flight Testing of LR SAM Missile”.
Aug 14/14: INS Kolkata. Media reports indicate that India’s new 7,500t air defense destroyer INS Kolkata, which is set to be commissioned on Aug 16/14, will be armed with Barak-1 missiles until the Barak-8s arrive. The article doesn’t explain whether the vertical launchers are compatible, or whether the Barak-1 has been integrated yet with the IAI Elta MF-STAR active array radar that equips the new destroyer class. With respect to the Barak-8s:
“The missile is ready, but [DRDO’s] boosters to propel the missile [upon launch]… have failed.”
Hence the importance of the forthcoming tests, if DRDO can get its rocket boosters to Israel (q.v. Aug 11/14). Meanwhile, India is likely to have 3 Kolkata Class destroyers ready to go by the time they’re done testing the Indian LR-SAM. They’ll need to do something in the interim. Sources: oneindia News, “INS Kolkata, the Biggest Naval Destroyer, is the weakest link in Defence”.
Aug 11/14: Force majeure. India’s Business Standard explains how the recent battles in the Gaza Strip are affecting the LR-SAM program, which was already 2 years late:
“The DRDO confirms that the rockets, filled with highly combustible propellant, were despatched [sic] on a commercial airline, Korean Air, for trials in Israel. After the rocket motors reached Seoul – Korean Air’s global hub, from where they were to be routed onwards to Tel Aviv – the launch of Israeli airstrikes on Gaza on July 8 caused Korean Air to cancel all flights to Tel Aviv…. Consequently, a crucial and secret sub-system of the world’s most advanced anti-missile defence system has been languishing in a Korean Air warehouse in Seoul.”
Actually, the cancellation came on July 20/14, after Hamas rockets struck near the airport. Note that Iron Dome is programmed to ignore rockets that don’t threaten its priority areas, and many airlines have already reassessed the situation and resumed flights. Korean Air, on the other hand, won’t begin flights to Tel Aviv again until Aug 28/14. India’s DRDO is “monitoring the situation,” and could choose to request help from India’s Air Force, whose IL-76 heavy jet transports could pick up and deliver the missiles.
Once the Premier Explosives Ltd. rocket motors are delivered, they will be integrated with the IAI-built front section, and then undergo full homing trials at an Israeli range. After that, warship trials will begin, and DRDO hopes to begin deliveries by the end of 2015. By then, 3 new Project 15A Kolkata Class destroyers, and the aircraft carrier INS Vikramaditya, will all be waiting to receive their primary air defense weapons. Sources: India’s Business Standard, “Indian missiles languish in South Korea due to Gaza conflict” | Israel’s Globes, “Korean Air cancels all Israel flights until August 28”.
May 13/14: Israel. A Sa’ar 5 Eilat Class corvette has already been outfitted with IAI Elta’s MF-STAR S-Band AESA radar, and Barak-8 air defense missiles. The other 2 are set to follow.
The MF-STAR, or “Adir,” has been bought by India for its new Project 15A Kolkata Class destroyers. They are also expected to employ the Barak-8. Sources: The Jerusalem Post, “The Israel Navy is quietly enhancing its capabilities for precision, long-range missiles”.
2010 – 2013Barak-8 development & testing continues; Azerbaijan sale?; Akash missile expands Indian footprint; Indian RFI for immediate MR-SAM option.
Barak-8 conceptDec 23/13: DAC OK. AK Antony and the Defence Acquisitions Council (DAC) clear the Indian Navy’s intent to buy 262 more Barak-1 missiles, in order to replenish their fast-dwindling stocks. The paper adds:
“The naval LR-SAM, approved in December 2005, is now slated for completion by December 2015. The MR-SAM project, sanctioned in February 2009, in turn, has a “probable date of completion” by August 2016.”
Read “Indian Naval Air Defenses: Another Avoidable Crisis” for full coverage.
Dec 17/13: Update. India’s Ministry of Defense provides updates regarding a number of DRDO projects, including LR-SAM. The development program’s original delivery target was May 2011, but the Probable Date of Completion is now December 2015: 4 1/2 years late, and well after it becomes fully operational in Israel. Sources: India MoD, “DRDO Projects”.
Nov 14/13: Stall. India’s LR-SAM and MR-SAM projects are stalled, even as Israel moves to deploy the Barak-8 at sea. The Barak-8 was supposed to be delivered for LR-SAM by 2012, and is supposed to go to the IAF as MR-SAM by 2017. Unfortunately, drawings for components aren’t enough to let Indian firms produce them properly, and:
“Frankly speaking, right now, not much is going on in the joint venture due to various issues between the two sides. Expecting Israel to share its technology with India is unfair. But such things should have been clarified before the joint venture was entered into,” said an official…. DRDO officials are also attributing the delay to a complicated and long procedure involving shuttling between India and Israel for various stages of development of a system etc… [DRDO] also reportedly found itself helpless on problems in propulsion system and other related issues while a significant number of parts or systems are yet to be tested following a delay in manufacturing.”
So, to sum up: contract terms that didn’t provide clear mechanisms to enable Indian production from the baseline they’re actually at, Indian DRDO bureaucracy sitting in the way of development and not delivering on key items, and manufacturing issues that have created Indian testing delays. While Israel fields the missile. DRDO Director General Avinash Chander wouldn’t comment on LR-SAM, which is already late, but he said MR-SAM remained on schedule for 2017. Sources: Times of India, “India-Israel joint venture to manufacture missiles fails to take off”.
July 31/13: Israeli installation. India may give the Barak-8 LR-SAM’s date of probable completion as 2015, but Israel intends to have the missile installed on its 3 Sa’ar 5 Eilat Class corvettes before the end of 2013.
The move is reportedly being made in response to Syria’s deployment of SS-N-26/ P-800 Yakhont supersonic anti-ship missiles, with a range of up to 180 miles. Some of the missiles reportedly survived a major Israeli strike, and Hezbollah’s leading role in the Syrian Civil War sharpens concerns about a transfer to Iran’s 21st-century Condor Legion. Incoming supersonic missiles will compress the Barak-8’s range, but its 60-70 km base range remains a large improvement over the Barak-1’s base 10-12 km. Arming the Eilat Class with the navy’s first wide-area air defense technology is a good backup move while Israel looks to determine the true state of Syria’s P-800 missiles, and if necessary, to target them for a final strike. Israel HaYom | UPI | China’s Xinhua.
Israel deploying Barak-8
March 18/13: An India MoD release offers a list of late DRDO projects, along with a voluminous list of excuses. Credit of some kind is due for not using “the dog ate our blueprints,” but every other issue one normally expects in projects of this nature can be found. LR-SAM is one of the listed projects, and its Probable Date of Completion has slipped from May 2011 to December 2015.
Dec 18/12: LR-SAM. India’s MoD offers quick year-end reviews for a number of key programs. With respect to LR-SAM, it says that:
“Control and Navigation Tests (CNT) for LRSAM, a joint development Programme between DRDO and Israel Aerospace Industry (IAI), to develop an Advanced Naval Air Defence System for Indian Navy) were conducted on 16th and 18th July 2012. All Planned mission objectives were fully met in both the tests. The missiles showed good navigation and control performance. DRDO is the Prime Development Agency and IAI the design authority for supply, installation and final acceptance.”
Development was pegged at 5 years under the original 2006 LR-SAM deal, so they’re late. MR-SAM isn’t mentioned, but LR-SAM missile tests are also effectively MR-SAM missile tests.
Dec 5/12: LR-SAM MoU. Israel Aerospace Industries and India’s state-owned Bharat Electronics Ltd. sign a memorandum of understanding (MoU), concerning their cooperation on future LR-SAM ship-defence system projects.
IAI already has a number of arrangements in place with Indian firms. Under this MoU, BEL will function as the Lead Integrator, ultimately taking over DRDO’s role once the missile is developed, and will produce major sub-systems. IAI will continue to act as the system’s Design Authority, and to produce sub-systems as a main sub-contractor of BEL. IAI.
Feb 26/12: Azerbaijan. Israel and Azerbaijan sign a government to government deal for a range of military equipment, including UAVs and “missile defense systems.”
The Caspian Sea’s gas and oil resources are increasing tensions in the region, and Russia’s recent hostility with Georgia has also roiled the waters. From 2008 to the present, SIRPI’s database confirms that Israel has become a significant supplier of military equipment to Azerbaijan, including artillery, UAVs, and anti-tank and anti-ship missiles. Russia and Ukraine are even more significant suppliers, transferring attack helicopters, artillery, missiles, armored vehicles – and long-range S-300 air defense missile systems.
Subsequent reports from SIRPI indicate that this $1.6 billion deal may contain up to 75 Barak-8 missiles, and an EL/M-2080 Green Pine long-range radar. That diversity of long-range systems would complicate planning for an attacker, and offers some insurance. Israel may even get more than just money from this. Depending on that Green Pine radar’s positioning, it should be able to see a long way into Iran’s airspace. Ha’aretz | News.Az.
Azeri deal?
SLAMRAAM testJune 3/11: Industrial. Livefist shows an India DRDO presentation that helps break down technology responsibilities within the Barak-8. Indian firms will contribute the pneumatic actuator, dual-pulse rocket motor, and motor arming/safing technologies.
April 13/11: MR-SAM gap-filler RFI. IANS reports that India’s MoD has issued a request for information (RFI) from global and domestic missile manufacturers, asking them if they could supply the medium range air defense missile within a short time-frame to the Indian Air Force (IAF), for defense of vital installations. Submitted systems must be capable of all-weather, all-terrain, day/night operation with a 3.5 km altitude ceiling, and able to engage multiple targets that include a range of aerial enemies.
The RFI is ahead of a tender for the purchase of medium-range surface-to-air (MRSAM) missiles, and the emergency buy would reportedly be over and above the 18 MR-SAM units that India is buying from Israel in the 2009 deal. The near-term timeline would appear to disqualify the Barak-8, preventing tri-service acceptance. Obvious Air Force contenders would include India’s own Akash, and offerings from MBDA (VL-MICA), Kongsberg/Raytheon (SLAMRAAM/NASAMS, possibly Patriot PAC-3 as well), Russia (TOR-M2E, SA-20/S-300 PMU2 possible), and IAI/RAFAEL (Spyder MR-SAM variant, complementing the SR-SAM variant India has already ordered).
Akash SAM exhibitAug 9/10: Defence Minister Shri AK Antony updates the status of various missile programs, in a Parliamentary reply to Shri SB Wankhede and Shri AP Shivaji. Trishul and Akash aren’t mentioned at all; the former presumably owing to its cancellation, the latter because it may no longer be a development program. LR-SAM’s ballistic flight trials was undertaken in May 2010. MR-SAM’s preliminary design has been carried out, along with “pre-tender briefing to all prospective vendors.”
Feb 2/10: Akash up, opportunity down. India increases its Akash SAM buy to 1,000, and will deploy them in the rugged terrain of the northeast as SA-3 replacements. The INR 42.79 billion (about $925 million) contract will buy 6 squadrons of Akash medium-range surface-to-air missiles (SAMs) from state-run Bharat Electronics Ltd (BEL). This 750 missile order follows an INR 12.21 billion (about $250 million) order for 2 initial squadrons with 250 missiles total, back in January 2009.
Delivery under this order is expected between 2012-2015, stabilizing Akash as a shorter-range complement to the MR-SAM and affirming the IAF’s confidence. That confidence doesn’t endanger the MR-SAM project, but it removes the expansion possibilities that would have been created by full cancellation, or a limited 2-squadron Akash program. The Hindu | Indian Express | Times of India | Times Now | Bloomberg | India’s Business Times.
2006 – 2009LR-SAM and MR-SAM deals signed; Budgets; Competition by the back door?
VL-MICA testDec 14/09: Confirmed. Defence Minister Shri AK Antony offers a program update, in a written Parliamentary reply to Shri Asaduddin Owaisi:
“Defence Research Development Organization (DRDO) has undertaken joint development of missiles, Long Range Surface-to-Air Missile (LRSAM) for Indian navy and Medium Range Surface to Air Missile (MRSAM) for Indian Air Force with M/s Israel Aircraft Industries (IAI), Israel. The cost of project for LRSAM is Rs. 2606.02 crore and cost of project for MRSAM is Rs. 10075 crore. Both the missiles being developed are comparable in performance and cost to missiles available in their class in the world market.”
Given conversion rates at contract time, that means $1.95 billion for MR-SAM, and $560.8 million for LR-SAM.
Indian deals & budgets
Nov 9/09: MR-SAM. Reports surface again that Israel and India have signed a deal for the Barak-8 missile system, which appears to be the Army’s MR-SAM project. Indian reports quote an Israel official, who says that India signed a $1.1 billion contract in April 2009, with delivery expected by 2017.
Islamabad’s The Daily Mail claim that the deal is $1.4 billion, and involves 2,000 Barak-8 missiles for land and naval forces. India has significant industrial offset laws, and The Daily Mail repo
will take place on Wednesday, 11 July, 9:30-12:30 and 14:30-18:30 in Brussels.
Organisations or interest groups who wish to apply for access to the European Parliament will find the relevant information below.
Coverage of the Eid ceasefire mainly focussed on the most spectacular consequence, the mass fraternisation between combatants. AAN researchers wanted to try to understand what civilians thought about the truce and what sort of Eid holiday they had enjoyed – or not. We interviewed ten Afghans, four women and six men, to try to find out. We heard from those who had visited their home villages for the first time in years or who were still too frightened to travel, and those who, witnessing the scenes of Taleban in cities and ANSF and Taleban hugging each other were, variously, bewildered, frightened, joyful, hopeful and sceptical. The interviews were carried out by Ali Mohammad Sabawoon, Ehsan Qaane, Ali Yawar Adili and Rohullah Sorush and edited by Kate Clark.
AAN published a dispatch, “The Eid Ceasefire: Allowing Afghans to imagine their country at peace” on 19 June looking at what happened and the possible consequences for a peace process.
All the interviews were carried out between 19 and 21 June, so just after the mutual ceasefire ended (on 20 June) and while the government’s unilateral ceasefire was maintained.
Leya Jawad, women’s rights activist, lives in Kabul, originally from Logar
Leya Jawad chairs a national civil society organisation and is both a defender of and advocate for female victims of war. Because of her work, she received warning letters and calls from the Taleban in 2016. She believes these warnings were sent by members of the Taleban living in her home village in Logar.
1 How was this Eid different for you? Why?
The ceasefire was an opportunity for me. I used it to go to my village, together with my husband. I hadn’t been there for two years. I hadn’t trusted the Taleban to the truce, but then, on the first day of the ceasefire and of Eid, my relatives travelled to our village with no trouble from the Taleban. I was also watching TV news showing the Taleban and Afghan National Security Forces [ANSF] praying and celebrating the first day of Eid together. So I decided to travel to my village to see my relatives. My husband and I go there for one day, travelling in our own car. What happened during the ceasefire was unexpected.
Even so, I was afraid going to my village. Whenever I went out, I covered my face with my scarf, remembering those who had sent the threatening letters. Seeing armed men carrying their white flag in my village and on my way back to Kabul only increased my fear. On my way back to Kabul, two things in particular scared me. First, I heard about the explosion during the gathering of ANSF and Taleban militants in Nangrahar. I thought the same thing could happen at any moment during the gatherings I was seeing on my way back to Kabul. Second, I thought if clashes started, it wouldn’t be easy to control all those armed men.
During my stay in the village, I saw a relative of my husband, whose son, Sayed Mujahed, had been assassinated by the Taleban ten days previously, giving Taleban food, water and tea. When I criticised him, he said that if this brought peace, he would forgive the Taleban what they had done to his son. He had been an ALP commander in the village. That day and then two days after the end of the ceasefire, I asked him not to trust the Taleban because neither the war or the peace is in the hands of the armed men fighting on the frontline.
Two days after the end of the ceasefire, the Taleban killed this relative’s second son, Sayed Ismael. He had been 21 years old and had just joined the ALP to replace his dead brother.
Azizullah Wardak, journalist from Wardak province based in Kabul
1) How was Eid different for you? Why?
It wasn’t so different for me, personally, as I’ve been able to travel to my village for previous Eids, as well as for other occasions. I always thought it was a little risky going to these areas before the ceasefire, but this time I went feeling no risk.
Speaking about the nation, it was a totally different Eid, something nobody could have anticipated. On the third day of the holidays, I went along with my family members and brothers and their family members to Sayedabad district, to our village. I even met Taleban commanders there. I talked to them. A Taleban commander told me he had received a message on WhatsApp from his superiors that the ceasefire might be extended to fifteen more days without announcing it officially – although this didn’t happen.
We were in the village until late afternoon. When we were on our way back home, the ceasefire ended. It was eight o’clock when we were passing a police post. All of a sudden, we got a puncture. I was fixing the tyre when the Taleban attacked the post. I escaped the area, driving on that punctured tire, while my children were crying out of fear.
2) Do you remember any exact feelings you experienced when you first heard about the ceasefire? Did it make you sad, happy, pensive or confused?
Like other people throughout the country I was happy, but also kind of sceptical. In the last seventeen years, we have experienced this kind of announcement, but it was never implemented in practice and there was never a good result.
3) Did this ceasefire meet your expectations? Please explain how and why.
I was expecting the ceasefire would just be for three days and the fire would start burning again after three days – this has happened according to my expectations. However, the consequences of the ceasefire was extremely different and more than I had anticipated.
At first, when I saw the white flag of the Taleban in the hands of one man in the Kot-e Sangi area of the city, I thought how stupid the man was. When I reached the Company neighbourhood [on the outskirts of Kabul on the road heading out towards Wardak], I saw the Taleban riding on motorbikes, their flags in their hands. I saw police and civilians waving both the national and Taleban flag, even on police vehicles. I started putting together a report for my radio programme. I talked to the Taleban, police and civilians, but when I was trying to express my feelings on the radio, I couldn’t speak because I was weeping. I tried three times, but failed to get the words out. Then I changed what I was saying so that I could talk. The editor called me afterwards to find out what had happened to me, as for the last 17 years I had always been able to deliver even more sensitive and far sadder reports than this, without showing my emotions. I told him that, when I saw the Taleban, police and civilians, when I saw the poverty in their faces and how they were showing love to each other even though they had been killing each other only two days before, I found it extremely hard to express what this made me feel.
Latifa Frutan, teacher from Malestan working in Khas Uruzgan district of Uruzgan province
Latifa Frutan, a Persian literature graduate, teaches on a special project to get female teachers into insecure areas. She described to AAN how the number of pupils has decreased this year due to fear of the Taleban and because some families have moved to the more secure Malestan and Jaghori districts of Ghazni. She said the girls are frightened going to school as Taleban sometimes stop them on the way if they don’t have a male relative with them. Recently, for example, a girl was on a motorcycle with a boy and Taleban followed and stopped them.
1. How was this Eid different for you? Why?
This Eid was very different. I hadn’t dared travel to Kabul before as I was afraid of being stopped by the Taleban and of fighting. When I heard that the Taleban had abided by the truce, I was very happy and on the second day of Eid, I set off for Kabul. (I had already travelled from Khas Uruzgan to Malestan, a few days before the holidays.)
We were stuck in a car jam in Ghazni city for two hours because the Taleban had gathered in various parts of the city, including Massud Square and Hakim Sanayi Park. The provincial police chief had [reportedly] ordered police forces not to prevent them from assembling. They were chanting slogans: “Death to the enemies” and “Long live the Taleban.” The Taleban had stuck their heads out of the windows of their vehicles chanting “Allahu Akbar.” Pashtun residents from Ghazni also joined the Taleban, wearing white scarves. There were also a few non-Pashtuns. My companions and I were very frightened, because everyone is afraid of the Taleban, given their past deeds, oppressing both men and women. We wondered what would happen and whether they would carry out explosions or suicide attacks.
2. Do you remember an exact feeling you experienced when you first heard about the ceasefire? Did it make you sad, happy, pensive or confused?
I was pensive. I was wondering whether the Taleban, after all these [years of] explosions and suicide attacks, would finally make peace with the government. What would happen after the ceasefire? I’m afraid of the Taleban as there is always fighting in Khas Uruzgan. The district centre is controlled by the government, but the Taleban attack it at night. In fact, the Taleban rule it at night. The wounded Taleban are brought to Palan clinic for treatment. This happened after the Taleban forcibly closed the clinic last year because doctors weren’t treating them.
3. Did this ceasefire meet your expectations? Please explain how and why?
I didn’t expect any explosions or suicide attacks, but we saw there were explosions in Nangrahar. The question is: why did they happen. [There were two attacks, one claimed by ISKP, which wasn’t part of the truce. For detail, see here.] The Taleban failed to prove that they really want peace, as they resumed fighting right after the truce ended. That showed that they only chant slogans of peace.
Wahida Arefi, works in the Ministry of Women’s Affairs in Kabul
1) How was this Eid different for you? Why?
Before Eid, Kabul city faced many security threats and that stopped me from doing my usual Eid shopping. Just a few days before Eid, a huge suicide attack at the Ministry of Rural Rehabilitation and Development killed more than 15 people and injured many more [The attack was claimed by ISKP: more detail here]. An unpleasant scene before Eid was the increasing number of Afghan security forces in Kabul city searching vehicles, following the government’s unilateral ceasefire. The security warnings and notifications from the ministry for interior added to the pressure.
We had planned to spend the Eid holidays in my husband’s village in Jaghori district in Ghazni province. However, we heard about the deteriorating security before Eid in Ghazni. We weren’t sure whether the Taleban would abide by their ceasefire or not. My fear was that the Taleban might use it to come down to the main roads and stop travellers. I could simply not risk what I thought was our likely encounter with the Taleban along the way. A friend of mine also advised me not to travel to Ghazni. So we changed our minds and stayed in Kabul.
2) Do you remember an exact feeling you experienced when you first heard about the ceasefire? Did it make you sad, happy, pensive or confused?
I was happy to hear the Taleban following the government’s suit by announcing a ceasefire for Eid. However, I was quite shocked at first and then sad that terrorists were hanging around freely in the city, making people, particularly women, feel uncomfortable. It reminded me of the bad days for women under the Taleban regime. As a woman, I couldn’t stomach seeing the Taleban return to Kabul. I was also worried about what would happen after the ceasefire. Although I wasn’t in Kabul during their regime, I don’t want to imagine a day when women are kept away from education, work and public life. It would be very difficult to see a small group controlling very personal aspects of people’s lives, like what they wear, as was the case during their regime. When I heard about the ceasefire, I was happy. But when I saw the Taleban coming into the capital without any peace framework or conditions, I was worried that chaos could ensue.
3) Did this ceasefire meet your expectations? Please explain how and why?
No, this ceasefire gave rise to many concerns and questions about peace negotiations, which include whether the government wants to bring in the Taleban based on whatever terms and conditions they dictate, regardless of what different groups of citizens want and expect to see in peace.
After the ceasefire, the Taleban said the reason some people welcomed them and took pictures with them was because they were very popular. The ceasefire provided the Taleban with ample opportunity for unconstrained manoeuvring. I don’t think people have forgotten the war crimes they committed. But since the people aren’t engaged in the peace process, the Taleban will probably be granted immunity by the government during peace negotiations in the same way they were granted immunity during the truce to manoeuvre and in the same way the Hezb-e Islami leader [Gulbuddin Hekmatyar] was granted immunity.
Another concern is that people aren’t optimistic about the unilateral extension of the ceasefire by the government. They’re worried it could provide the Taleban with latitude and breathing space to orchestrate and carry out more deadly and complex attacks.
Saifullah Sadat, from Kabul, originally from Jaghatu district of Wardak province, standing in the 2018 parliamentary elections
1) How was Eid different for you? Why?
It was a unique celebration. This Eid was an opportunity for opposing groups to meet each other. They congratulated on the Eid and embraced each other. People who work for the government, NGOs and other organisations haven’t been able to return to their villages to see their relatives in the past. They feared they would either be harmed directly or caught up in fighting between the Taleban and the government along the way. This year, people who hadn’t seen their relatives for Eid over the last 17 years were able to go to their villages, and villagers came to Kabul to see their relatives. On the third day of Eid, I had guests at my home, but I had gone to my province, Wardak, before then. I met the Taleban, along with my relatives and the police who were all wishing each other a happy Eid. They were very happy, their eyes were tearing up and they were telling each other that we are all brothers. The Taleban and police were asking each other: why are we fighting?
2) Do you remember any exact feelings you experienced when you first heard about the ceasefire? Did it make you sad, happy, pensive or confused?
I was both really surprised and happy when I heard about the ceasefire and thought I’d go to Wardak province, to my village. But I was still not satisfied that the ceasefire would be implemented. So I couldn’t make my mind up as to whether to travel to Wardak province or not. But when I saw both the Taleban and police embracing each other and when our relatives were calling us to come to the village, saying the people were celebrating not only Eid but the ceasefire as well, I decided to make the journey.
3) Did this ceasefire meet your expectations? Please explain how and why.
The ceasefire exceeded my expectations. When two opposing groups don’t fight each other based on an agreement for a limited time, we call that a ceasefire. But to me and to all the people, it meant more. It was like a peace agreement where people could happily meet and celebrate Eid. I thought the opposing groups wouldn’t be able to observe a ceasefire for three days, that it wasn’t practical. But when I saw the Taleban in Kabul city, as well as in the provinces and districts, then I thought peace could happen. Both sides did not recognise each other as enemies. They were taking selfies and eating meals together. Taleban were offered food in people’s homes.
Ahmad Zia, school teacher in Bamyan province, central district
1) How was this Eid different for you? Why?
This Eid was different because both warring parties announced a ceasefire. Both Taleban and Afghan security forces behaved well with the people. Both sides hugged each other and said Happy Eid. I could see and feel that both sides are tired of war. Eid was celebrated in a peaceful situation. In the past, Eid hasn’t been like this – people are usually wary of the security situation.
2) Do you remember an exact feeling you experienced when you first heard about the ceasefire? Did it make you happy, sad, pensive or confused?
When I first heard about the ceasefire, I guessed something might have happened in secret, behind the curtain, as we say, ie both sides had agreed to it and now one side was announcing it. I was concerned about whether there was a consensus for the ceasefire and that, if other government stakeholders weren’t in the picture, this could lead to a crisis. Then I saw that some people weren’t very happy about it. They weren’t positive about the ceasefire.
3) Did the ceasefire meet your expectations? Please explain how and why.
My expectations were met to some extent because it made us hopeful for a permanent peace, but unfortunately, we heard that the Taleban violated the ceasefire in [Andar district of] Ghazni and detained seven ANA soldiers, taking them with them [see news report here]. The Taleban didn’t extend the ceasefire and on the fourth day of Eid, began their attacks again in nine provinces.
Taxi driver from Jaghori district, Ghazni (asked not to be named)
The driver has been carrying travellers back and forth between Jaghori and Kabul for the last seven years,. He says that over the years, he has encountered the Taleban several times and was stopped two to three times last year, mainly in the Nani area between Ghazni’s provincial centre and Qarabagh district. He says the Taleban searched him and his passengers for any documents indicating they might be working for the government or NGOs or that they might be studying. The Taleban took some passengers whom they thought suspicious to a nearby compound for further interrogation. They never found any suspicious documents on him and always let him and his passengers go, eventually. He says that each time he was checked by the Taleban, he was struck dumb with terror. He asked not to be name in the report, referring to the risks of his profession.
1 How was this Eid different for you? Why?
This Eid wasn’t different for me, personally. The only difference was that I, like other people, felt a trace of hope that the Taleban might finally make peace with the government and the people, but that was dashed after the war started up again after Eid.
2) Do you remember an exact feeling you experienced when you first heard about the ceasefire? Did it make you sad, happy, pensive or confused?
I was a little happy, but I was also sure that the truce was just ‘empty talk’ (gap-e muft), because the Taleban have always deceived the people and the government. The more the government trusts the Taleban, the more it’s cheated.
3) Did this ceasefire meet your expectations? Please explain how and why.
I didn’t have any specific expectations. The Afghan government doesn’t have the capacity to ensure people’s safety. The Taleban don’t stop ordinary people, only government employees and students. Before Eid, the Taleban attacked several places in Ghazni, which didn’t leave us any room – mentally – to have any expectations as to how the ceasefire might turn out.
Reza, ALP commander, Jalrez district, Maidan Wardak province
Reza was serving in this capacity in 2015 when the Taleban attacked a checkpoint killing 24 ALP.
1) How was this Eid different for you? Why?
Even though there was no incident during Eid, I was always thinking about what would happen after the ceasefire ended. I said to my men, “There is a quiet before a heavy storm,” and asked them to be prepared for any kind of attack. I was bewildered when I saw large numbers of Taleban militants marching in Jalrez during the ceasefire. There were many more than I had expected. I think Taleban sympathisers encouraged ordinary people to also go out hold and carry Taleban flags. It was a kind of [propaganda] manoeuvre for the Taleban, showing off their power and men. Seeing Taleban marching in areas under ANSF control was disconcerting.
During Eid, many tourists passed through Jalrez on their way to Bamyan. Our work [providing security for them] was much easier than at any time in the past few years. It was the only good thing, that made us happy, during this time. We don’t trust the Taleban so we were all conscious of everything that could go wrong.
The end of the ceasefire left me indifferent. For me, it is a return to normal life. Although I’m still waiting for the storm, I’m satisfied that no major incident has taken place since the end of the ceasefire, especially given the many tourists returning to Kabul from Bamyan.
Atifa Qudsi, principle of a private school in Kabul
1) How was this Eid different for you? Why?
People were really happy, this Eid, and sure that, at least during this holiday, there would be no suicide attacks or explosions and people would be able to visit relatives and friends peacefully and without fear. But from another point of view I believe this was the calm before the storm. I was concerned the day after Eid due to the weakness of the government. In the past, you could rely on the government to provide security, but not anymore.
2) Do you remember any exact feelings you experienced when you first heard about the ceasefire? Did it make you sad, happy, pensive or confused?
When I heard about the ceasefire, I was very happy. You know our people have suffered so much in the past 40 years of war. Our people are psychologically affected, so when you hear about a ceasefire after a lot of violence, of course, you get excited and happy. I made a wish as soon as I found out about the ceasefire. I wanted it to be permanent. What was interesting to me was that Afghan security forces and the Taleban hugged each other happily, which showed that both sides are tired of war and want a ceasefire, a permanent ceasefire.
3) Did the ceasefire meet your expectations? Please explain how and why.
I was expecting the ceasefire to continue so that our people, who have suffered so much, could be hopeful and live happily and that those Afghans who live hard lives outside Afghanistan could return to their country.
Farhad, government employee, Ghazni city
1) How was this Eid different for you? Why?
During previous Eids, I was very afraid of the Taleban and it was difficult to move around freely. I couldn’t go to see my parents who live in Jaghatu district. This year, Eid was different because of the government and Taleban ceasefire. So this time, Eid was calm and I returned to my village after a long time to see my parents. Some of my colleagues had the same experience. They could go to their villages without having to worry about security.
2) Do you remember an exact feeling you experienced when you first heard about the ceasefire? Did it make you happy, sad, pensive or confused?
When I heard about the ceasefire, I was very happy because it meant we could return to our villages to see our families and relatives. I thought, if the ceasefire really happens, people for the first time would be able to celebrate Eid safely and fortunately this did happen.
3) Did the ceasefire meet your expectations? Please explain how and why.
The ceasefire met not only my expectations, but also a lot of other people’s. People are thirsty for peace. We’ve experienced fighting and violence for such a long time and everyone is tired of this situation. Everyone wants peace. People were happy as they could celebrate Eid in a friendly and calm atmosphere. I know people want the ceasefire to continue, and while the government announced its extension unilaterally, the Taleban didn’t accept it. We expected both sides to agree to the continuation of the ceasefire, but it didn’t happen.
Employee at the Ministry of Energy and Water in Kabul (who asked to not to be named)
1) How was this Eid different for you? Why?
The difference this year was the ceasefire which meant the Taleban could come to the cities to be among the people and celebrate Eid. I wanted to go to Bamyan to visit my family and relatives, but I was sceptical that the Taleban would keep their promise [of not fighting]. I was afraid they would disrupt my journey as I don’t think they’re united or have just one leader.
2) Do you remember any exact feelings you experienced when you first heard about the ceasefire? Did it make you sad, happy, pensive or confused?
When I first heard about the ceasefire on the radio, I was happy and said that people might be able to celebrate Eid peacefully. But I was still concerned about its outcome as I thought the Taleban might enter the city and remain there, causing trouble in the future. I heard on the news that some of the Taleban didn’t return home after Eid.
3) Did the ceasefire meet your expectations? Please explain how and why.
To some extent the ceasefire met my expectations, although only for the three days of Eid. I wasn’t expecting them to extend the ceasefire.