European Union

Monday, 16 December

Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

Monday, 16 December

Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

Plenary session, Strasbourg

Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

On Friday, the European Parliament political group leaders have decided on the creation of two new standing committees and two special committees.

Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

Spokespersons for Parliament and for the political groups will hold a briefing on the 16 - 19 December plenary session on Friday at 11.00, in Parliament’s Anna Politkovskaya press room.

Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

Length of video : 66'

Disclaimer : The interpretation of debates serves to facilitate communication and does not constitute an authentic record of proceedings. Only the original speech or the revised written translation is authentic.
Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

Nemzeti Földügyi Központ
Free movement of capital
Rights of usufruct over agricultural land in Hungary: EU law does not preclude the reinstatement of such rights in accordance with a judgment of the Court of Justice, even where their initial registration was unlawful

Getin Holding
Freedom of establishment
The Court clarifies the rules concerning the independence of a national resolution authority and actions against its decisions in respect of failing financial institutions

Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

Marina Cino Pagliarello

In the evolving landscape of the global higher education market, higher education institutions (HEIs) have transformed from  ivory towers  into dynamic hubs of innovation and societal engagement. Influenced by technological advancements and the growing complexity of global issues – such as pandemics and climate change – universities now play a crucial role in integrating scientific knowledge into policy-making processes. Beyond the traditional use of higher education in science diplomacy as soft power tool for governments, universities now play a more dynamic and independent role as actors of “informal” diplomacy. They engage in addressing global issues not only through the application of knowledge but also through activities and initiatives such as the establishment of joint universities, multi-disciplinary research networks, new universities alliances, and partnerships with industries. This shift prompts intriguing questions: what is informal diplomacy in the context of higher education? Are universities simply extensions of state-centric actions, or do they possess autonomy and agency in their own right?

 

Universities in traditional (science) diplomacy

The use of higher education as a tool of soft power is not a new concept. Soft power, defined as the ability to influence others through attraction and persuasion rather than coercion, has long been associated with science and technology. These fields are considered crucial sources of soft power, with science contributing to enhance a country’s reputation, building trust, and fostering collaboration. Science diplomacy, defined as leveraging scientific collaboration and engagement to address global issues and foster cooperation, is therefore a means to advance national interests by bolstering influence, promoting a country’s values, and pursuing strategic objectives aligned with national priorities.

In this more traditional understanding of science diplomacy, HEIs serve as channels for state-led soft power initiatives. Notable examples include the Fulbright programme, the British Council and the controversial Confucius Institutes. Similarly, European Union (EU) programmes such as Erasmus+ and Horizon Europe, are important vectors for promoting European values, fostering collaboration, and enhancing mutual understanding. Taken together, these initiatives that promote the exchange of students, faculty, culture, research, knowledge, and expertise, can be regarded as diplomatic activities essential for developing mutual understanding and promoting foreign policy objectives through soft power.

In essence, whereas soft power refers to a country’s ability to influence others through cultural appeal and attraction, science diplomacy focuses on international scientific cooperation to foster mutual understanding and address global challenges. At the same time, among these more traditional science diplomacy initiatives and activities, new trends are also emerging, exemplified by the proliferation of international branch campuses (IBCs) that are overseas extensions of educational institutions, strategically deployed as ‘embassies of knowledge’. The evolution of China’s stance towards IBCs is emblematic of this shift, transitioning from a recipient to a prominent host. Opening Fudan University’s IBC in Hungary amid political tensions and collaborating with Russia on a new IBC, underscores China’s strategic deployment of IBCs for geopolitical influence.

 

Universities as informal diplomatic actors?

In parallel with government-led diplomatic efforts, we are witnessing the emergence of autonomous ‘informal’ diplomacy driven by universities themselves. This form of diplomacy is characterized by a structured and unstructured exchange of knowledge, ideas, and initiatives among academic institutions and stakeholders outside formal diplomatic channels. Unlike traditional diplomacy, which revolves around political and economic negotiations, this type of diplomacy places emphasis on the role of ‘knowledge’ as a key factor in fostering understanding, cooperation, and addressing common global challenges.

For instance, the German Jordanian University (GJU) exemplifies informal diplomacy through its collaborative initiatives and partnerships with industry. Through student delegations, research collaborations, and dual studies programs, GJU serves as a dynamic platform for fostering international connections and promoting mutual understanding. Similarly, Brown University’s Humanitarian Relief Initiatives also demonstrate the tangible impact of higher education diplomacy. By working directly with communities in need, particularly in regions like the Philippines, Brown University fosters cross-cultural understanding and collaboration, enhancing the university’s leadership in disaster response.

In addition, the rise of university alliances further illustrates the diplomatic role of HEIs. University alliances are transnational collaborative networks formed by higher education institutions from different countries to address common problems, promote knowledge exchange, and foster international cooperation in various fields. For example, the European Universities Initiative alliance, operating at the EU level and currently comprising 64 Alliances and over 500 universities, serves as an example of universities as informal diplomatic actors coming together around specific ‘missions’ to address global ‘grand challenges’ and promote cross-border collaboration. Finally, universities are also engaged in practical actions that contribute to Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) goals without relying solely on formal diplomatic channels. For instance, Western Sydney University, named the world’s number one university in terms of its contribution to the United Nations SDGs, exemplifies how universities can play a role not only in engaging in education and research projects but also in advancing sustainable development worldwide.

 

Challenges, tension, and the way forward

While universities  increasingly position themselves as autonomous agents of diplomacy, they may face potential challenges and tensions when navigating between being conduits of state action and autonomous agents pursuing their own initiatives seeking to influence policy-making. For instance, they may face constraints on academic freedom and cooperation and encountering obstacles in fostering scientific exchanges across borders. Additionally, ethical considerations are also essential, especially when collaborating with institutions known for questionable research practices or human rights violations.

Moreover, limited funding and resources might make it difficult to sustain international research projects and cover essential expenses, particularly amidst competing budgetary priorities. In striving for equitable partnerships, universities must address power imbalances between institutions from developed and developing nations while also facing severe dilemmas of responding to rising tensions impacting campuses and students’ demands, including the risk of universities being ‘instrumentalised’ or ‘geopoliticised’ by governments. For instance, Pro-Palestinian protests on US university campuses have escalated globally, with students and faculty members demanding academic institutions divest from companies linked to Israel’s military campaign. These protests have led to various demands, including severing financial ties with Israel and its affiliated entities, transparency over financial connections, and amnesty for protesters. The impact has been significant, with Columbia University and California State Polytechnic University Humboldt closing due to the occupations, Portland State University pausing financial ties with Boeing over its links to Israel, and Trinity College Dublin agreeing to end certain investments in Israeli companies.

This underscores the complexities and challenges universities face in addressing geopolitical tensions while upholding their academic mission and values. In this respect, another crucial aspect for universities is managing public perception and trust. Effective science communication and transparent engagement are essential for building public support and understanding for diplomatic efforts, countering scepticism and ensuring the legitimacy of university-led initiatives in the informal diplomacy arena.

As universities continue to evolve into dynamic hubs of global engagement and diplomacy, stakeholders must recognize and embrace the opportunities and challenges presented by this (r)evolution. Key questions arise from this discussion: How can universities maintain their autonomy while navigating geopolitical tensions? What mechanisms ensure equitable partnerships amidst power imbalances and challenges in international collaboration? And how do knowledge activities intersect with diplomatic power? These questions are not merely academic; they are at the heart of redefining diplomatic norms in the 21st century, enabling universities to shape a more interconnected, sustainable, and peaceful world.

 

Marina Cino Pagliarello is Marie Skłodowska-Curie Research Fellow at the Florence School of Transnational Governance, European University Institute (Italy), Visiting Fellow at the London School of Economic and Political Science European Institute, and honorary lecturer at the Department of Political Science, University College London.

 

 

The post A (r)evolution in higher education? Universities in the new age of diplomacy appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

This week’s vote on the Consent motion was unremarkable enough that there was hardly any media coverage in the run-up, even in Northern Ireland itself.

Positions had been long-known and the result (a simple majority) was a given, despite the (sometimes long-winded) efforts of some MLAs to convince others.

For a mechanism that had raised so much interest back in 2023 in the Windsor Framework, this might be seen as a victory for boring politics.

But to watch the debate unfold – as I did for a few hours – was to be struck by the shallow foundations on which the entire NI Protocol rests. There was scarcely a voice raised that thought the Protocol was a good thing for Northern Ireland.

Instead, those voting in favour of its continuation for another four years spoke of it being a necessary consequence of a decision to leave the EU that had been foisted upon the region by voters in England, and the least bad option among a menu of all bad options.

Likewise, even if Unionist arguments about EU laws being imposed upon Northern Ireland without local agreement were somewhat undercut by others observing that the Unionists had said how wonderful the Windsor Framework would be only 18 months ago, there was still some sympathy for the view that the Protocol wasn’t what Northern Ireland would have chosen for itself.

As we now move into the UK’s own review of the Protocol, perhaps some of these dynamics will come out more properly, to allow for the finding of some common ground. But even if Unionists can reconcile with others about what to do, they still need to convince both London and the EU that this is worth reopening a topic that caused so much grief last time around.

Northern Ireland is thus likely to find itself locked into a system that it barely tolerates and in which there is limited scope to build durable accommodations. A fundamental shift in British policy – towards joining the customs union or single market, say – is far beyond the horizon, so the local arena is likely to remain the primary one.

As attention drifts away from Belfast, the danger of an accidental crisis grows: someone in Brussels forgets to check the implications of a piece of legislation; someone in the Assembly doesn’t realise the effects of some routine directive; someone in London fails to connect broader developments in relations to the Northern Irish case.

While I think we can all agree that a return to the ‘hot Brexit’ period is very much to be avoided, that should not blind us to the perils of more mundane relations.

PDF: https://bit.ly/UshGraphic123

PDF: https://bit.ly/UshGraphic133

The post All quiet on the Protocol front appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

On Monday, 16 December, the Committees on Foreign Affairs and Development and the Subcommittee on Human Rights will hold a joint exchange of views with the 2024 Sakharov Prize laureates María Corina Machado, leader of the democratic forces in Venezuela and President-elect Edmundo González Urrutia, representing all Venezuelans inside and outside the country fighting to restore freedom and democracy.
In 2023, Ms Machado was selected as the opposition's candidate for the 2024 presidential election but was later disqualified by Maduro's regime. Mr González Urrutia, a diplomat and politician who succeeded her as the opposition's candidate, contested Mr Maduro's fraudulent victory. Mr González Urrutia left the country in September after a warrant was issued to arrest him. Facing persecution, Ms Machado went into hiding.
Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

Length of video : 66'

Disclaimer : The interpretation of debates serves to facilitate communication and does not constitute an authentic record of proceedings. Only the original speech or the revised written translation is authentic.
Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

The next meeting of the Subcommittee on Security and Defence (SEDE) is scheduled to take place on Monday, 27 January 2025 from 15:00-18:30 and on Tuesday, 28 January 2025 from 9:00-12:30 and 14:30-18:30 in Brussels (room TBC).

Further information about the meeting can be found here.

_______________________

SEDE missions 2024:

• Ukraine - 25-26 October 2024
• United Kingdom - 28-30 October 2024
  

SEDE missions 2023:

• India - 17-21 December 2023
• Israel and OPT - 8-10 December 2023
  
• Germany and Poland - 24-26 July 2023
  
• Armenia - 19-22 June 2023
  
• Romania and Moldova - 15-18 May 2023
  
• Djibouti and Somalia - 1-4 April 2023
  
• Bosnia and Herzegovina - 20-23 February 2023
  

SEDE meetings' calendar 2025
SEDE meetings' calendar 2nd half of 2024 - 10th legislature
EP calendar 2024
Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

The EU and the Gates Foundation will co-host the 2025 Gavi 6.0 Pledging Summit in Brussels, which will gather global leaders from governments, partner organizations, vaccine manufacturers, civil society, and the private sector to secure essential funding and investments for vaccination programmes.

To reinforce the application of passenger rights across the EU, the Council has adopted its negotiating position (general approach) on two Commission proposals, which form part of the so-called ‘passenger mobility’ legislative package.