By Jim Yong Kim
The G20 finance ministers met last week in Germany to discuss critical challenges facing the global economy, from climate change to migration to humanitarian emergencies like the unfolding famine in parts of Sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East.
I left the discussions encouraged by the shared commitment to deal with these key issues. I shared how the World Bank Group is working to provide at least $1.6 billion for the famine-affected countries, steering funds to help those most vulnerable.
One of the most important undertakings at the G20 meeting, under Germany's leadership, was the need to place a higher priority on the growth and development of Sub-Saharan Africa. There are many reasons, apart from the famine, why it is important to sharpen our focus on Africa.
The end of the commodity boom hit the region hard. In 2016, Sub-Saharan Africa's growth slowed to an estimated 1.5 percent, the weakest pace in over two decades, as commodity exporters adjusted to low prices. That's well below the annual economic growth the region was seeing before the global crisis. Regional GDP per capita contracted by 1.1 percent in 2016. Capital flows to the region, including FDI, declined in 2016. Overall investment growth dropped to near-zero in 2015 after averaging 5 percent from 2010-2015.
But Africa has shown significant signs of economic resilience, with 41 percent of Africans living in countries that have average GDP growth rates of over 5.5 percent. And in 2017, Sub-Saharan Africa is expected to see a modest rebound in growth, to 2.9 percent, rising above 3.5 percent in 2018 as the region continues to adjust to low commodity prices. This is a great opportunity for the international community to partner with the people of Africa to create conditions for faster growth and more sustainable development.
Last December, a coalition of more than 60 governments—from both developed and developing countries—helped replenish the World Bank Group's International Development Association (IDA), our fund for the poorest, with a record $75 billion. Nearly 60 percent of this will be dedicated to Sub-Saharan Africa over the next three years, doubling IDA support for the region.
As part of the IDA funding, Africa is expected to have access to a significant level of resources through special finance windows to support regional programs and assistance to refugees, and an initiative to de-risk and mobilise private investment, especially in fragile environments.
A key priority is to help African countries invest in much-needed infrastructure by partnering with the private sector. The continent's infrastructure needs are estimated at $93 billion, about 15 percent of the region's gross domestic product. Right now, only $45 billion is invested in infrastructure—more than half of it being funded by the public sector. The financing gap is formidable, yet we know that investment in infrastructure can have a significant multiplier effect on growth for years.
At the same time, there are trillions of dollars of capital in the developed world seeking higher returns. We see tremendous opportunities in developing countries for private sector investment in areas like infrastructure, which is crucial for jobs and growth. To bridge this financing gap, we will work with governments and use our resources to de-risk and leverage more private sector investment.
On March 20, I will begin a visit to Tanzania and Rwanda to see how these countries have achieved results and what we can learn from their innovations. I hope to discuss the need for better coordination with the private sector in our efforts to help client governments improve the business climate and mobilise resources.
In these uncertain times, the World Bank Group will accelerate our support as countries in Sub-Saharan Africa work to reform their economies, diversify, and restore growth. Leaders understand the need for the tough second- and third-generation reforms that will lead to structural transformation. They know they cannot wait for sequential reforms, but need to work in parallel on many different fronts.
This sense of urgency will drive the World Bank Group's work in Africa over the next three years. Working together, we can help African countries achieve the next level of economic transformation and meet the aspirations of the people we serve.
The author is the President of the World Bank Group.
By James Nguen
South Sudan has been at war by itself since 15 of December 2013. This internal strife sent the new country to a new low and finally to a failed state status by all accounts. This failed state status is undeniably tragic development.
So much so, it's a heart-rending confirmation that our peoples' expectations and hopes during independence have been shattered. Sadly, at the moment, the same people who were so jubilant 5 years ago are now running for their dear lives.
Some are disturbingly starving to death in the north part of the country, particularly in Leer and Mayiendit Counties, Unity State because the same failed state's authorities denied them humanitarian aides.
It's even more troubling to report that peoples' hopes for prosperity and prosperous South Sudan were crushed through an ill-conceived tribal hegemony of one tribe led by Salva Kiir and his tribal group –the Jieng Council of Elders (JCE).
As such, the implications of this tribal project are enormous. For example, these implications destroyed our nation's social fabrics, which in turn rendered the new country worthless and then brought profound disgrace to the nation's pioneers and martyrs.
During the Sudan's second civil war, South Sudanese including Salva Kiir blamed northern Sudanese' for their marginalisation policies toward the rest of us in the Sudan. But, ironically, in a reverse satanic devised policy, Salva Kiir followed the similar dogma of marginalisation and neglect against other nationalities in South Sudan for Dinka Community rule.
In this regard, unknowingly, Salva Kiir set up the Dinka community against the rest of South Sudanese which will take years to reverse. Salva Kiir's discriminatory policies allowed him to deny humanitarian aides reach those in need simply because they are not from the Dinka Community.
Salva Kiir has effectively used this card of starving innocent civilians from other tribes in South Sudan as a weapon of war, while on the other hand undeniably advocating for humanitarian aides to Dinka.
By all measures, this is dreadfully appalling and it must be condemned morally and on the ground that all South Sudanese are one and that South Sudan shall ever be one nation, where everyone ought to be treated with respect and dignity irrespective of their tribes.
In an attempt to achieve stability in South Sudan, the agreement aimed to address its internal strife was signed in August 2015. Internationally, it was an agreement on the resolution of the conflict in the Republic South Sudan broker by the IGAD and the international community.
Unfortunately, this agreement formally collapsed on July 8th, 2016, ten (10) months after signature for reasons beyond the scope of this commentary.
After that brief cessation of hostilities in most part of the country, when the agreement was signed, all armed oppositions' leaderships converged in juba to implement the peace. However on July 8th, 2016, South Sudanese' common men were once again forced to take up arms against Kiir's regime in order to reduce another ethnic -driven killing of innocent civilians, raping women and girls, looting of properties, arbitrary arrest and burning down of villages, mostly in non-Dinka areas in South Sudan.
While Salva Kiir was progressively pursuing ethnic cleansing, another policy took a centre stage. For example, military officers of non-Dinka nationalities, who sided with Salva Kiir's regime all along fighting for Salva's tribal agenda were now rendered irrelevant and sometimes openly harass and told that their services no longer needed after Kiir consolidated and emboldened his grip on power.
Recently, this new policy forced some military officers divorced the regime. For example, LT. Gen. Thomas Cirillo Swaka defected and called for a removal of Salva Kiir by force while citing abuse and Dinkanization of South Sudan. On March 7th, 2017, Mr. Cirillo formed a new movement called “National Salvation Front/Army (NAS).
The NAS's aim is to depose Salva Kiir from power militarily. Many applauded Mr Cirillo's defection citing that it was a right step in removing the dictator. For some, it was a good decision because it further explained and justified the Dinkanization of South Sudan led by Salva Kiir and the JCE.
Above all else, I should say, Mr Cirillo's defection declaration statement was a serious indictment of Kiir's regime. The document speaks to the truth why other oppositions took arms against Kiir in the first place.
Despite these positive underpins, there are worrying signs of mistakes on Gen. Cirillo's move. Therefore, if these worrying mistakes are not dealt with carefully and with care, they may undermine the whole badly needed possible alliance of convenience among the armed oppositions in the Republic of South Sudan.
These mistakes which I will note shortly were more or less due to lack of political foresight and experiences on Gen. Thomas Cirillo Swaka part. Precisely, Gen. Cirillo is full of himself and clearly not thinking.
Therefore, the best thing he should do now, if I may suggest, is to take a leap backwards and rethink strategically of what he really wanted to do to achieving the NAS's goal. Frankly speaking, recent Gen. Cirillo's statements and that of his supporters are not in any way helping the NAS.
Since Gen. Thomas Cirillo declared his movement, the NAS, the move was welcomed by many including the SPLM/A (IO) as I mentioned earlier. For example, the Governors of Greater Equatoria in the SPLM/A (IO) wrote a well thought-out letter of appreciation to Gen. Cirillo. In the letter, the Governors called for an alliance of convenience among the armed opposition and with Gen. Cirillo. By all standards, that letter was welcomed the news and a great way to start moving forward.
However, some shortsighted opportunists and more so Mr Cirillo himself sees this as a weakness on the SPLM/A - IO part. Evidently and wrongly so, Gen. Cirillo and others sees the NAS as an opportunity to springboard the Equatorians' “cause”.
Frankly, this is a wrong thinking and it must be discouraged strongly. As matter of fact, there is no Equatorians' “cause” without the cause of the people of South Sudan, Equatorians included.
For example, those who jumped ship or switched sides from the other oppositions and joined the NAS, notably from the SPLM/A (IO) attacked the SPLM/A –IO and accused its leadership falsely.
These attacks on other armed oppositions, particularly the SPLM/A –IO were somehow endorsed by Gen. Cirillo himself as he detailed some of these claims on his letter to Hon. Moussa Faki, the newly elected chairman of Africa Union asking for recognition.
In my view, these kinds of thinking and action are genuinely a cause of concern. As a result, Gen. Cirillo and supporters must be call out.
They must be warned and reminded that there is no Equatorians' “cause” without the rest of us in South Sudan. Also, it must be made crystal clear that all armed oppositions are in this together, and must work as a team if Gen. Cirillo's intention is indeed to remove Salva Kiir from power.
Hence, as far as this commentary is a concern, the above narrative was a “cause” of this pierce. It was basically intended to warn all armed oppositions in South Sudan that the prevailing undertaking is a mistake and “NO GO ZONE” or cannot be repeated whatsoever.
More importantly, I must point out that recent Gen. Cirillo and supporters' rhetoric serves no moral and military interest to any armed opposition but the common enemy. It must be made categorically clear that all armed oppositions are victims of misrule. All took arms to oppose the Dinkanization of South Sudan spearheaded by Salva Kiir and the JCE, nothing else.
Similarly so, I like to remind Gen. Cirillo about previous mistakes along the same vein and I would like to draw his full attention particularly to the G10 and Dr. Lam Akol's faction.
First, the G10.This group is headed by Gen. Pagan Amum and has committed the same mistake that Gen. Cirillo is about to commit or has committed. To recap this point further, when G10 were detained, the other armed oppositions particularly the SPLM/A (IO) advocated for their release.
However, when the G10 were released, Mr Pagan Amum and his group took the high road and betrayed the other armed oppositions by declaring neutrality in the war.
It was even reported that Mr Pagan Amum went as far as saying that the killing of 20, 000 innocent Nuer civilians shouldn't be the “cause” for war in South Sudan. This was a serious mistake on their part.
Since 2014, the G10's position didn't only failed but prolong the war and in reverse has emboldened Salva Kiir's grip on power. In this light, I would think, Gen. Cirillo and supporters would take note and are smart enough to do the math.
Similarly, Dr Lam Akol's action was another mistake. Around November 2016, Dr Akol's forces attacked SPLM/A (IO)'s positions in Upper Nile State. The consequences of this miscalculated manoeuvre were not good simply because it resulted to unnecessary loss of lives of two brave Generals from Dr Akol's faction.
Such death was uncalled for and would have been avoided if Dr Lam was indeed thinking at the time. More importantly, these unnecessary loss of lives were not only detrimental to Dr Akol's faction but more so to all armed oppositions. As such, Lt. Gen. Thomas Cirillo Swaka and supporters must be warned that they MUST not repeat the same mistake.
Logically, I surely believe that as much as other armed oppositions needed this supposed holy coalition of convenience with Gen. Cirillo, Mr Cirillo himself needed this alliance the most to prove that he is indeed genuine and not just a poor soul sent to distract brave Equatorians who are fully committed to toppling Salva Kiir's regime by all necessary means .
However, given Gen. Cirillo's moves in the past few weeks, the question of trust has emerged and is in everyone's mind. At this point, I should point out that no one is certainly sure of Gen. Cirillo's serious allegiance.
To bring this issue of trust closer to home, Gen. Cirillo has served in Salva Kiir's regime in many capacities and for many years. Most of all, he has helped Salva Kiir's regime in the Dinkanization of South Sudan than any other person in the country.
For example, Lt. Gen. Thomas Cirillo Swaka was a point man for Salva Kiir's arms sale and logistics for many years. Hence, all the sophisticated weapons used by Salva Kiir's regime today against civilians in South Sudan were approved and purchased by Gen. Cirillo himself.
Adding more doubts, Gen. Cirillo has declared his defection and formation of the new armed group in the hotel room in Ethiopia. Imagine, a person of his calibre and coupled with his position in the army has defected without a single bodyguard and has not taken to the bush, why? I leave this lingering question for military experts to ponder.
On the question of trust again, I am afraid a seed of mistrust between Gen. Cirillo and other armed oppositions is already planted. In my personal opinion, it's simply unbecoming for any armed opposition to attack other armed oppositions falsely and especially when their ultimate overall goal is to topple the regime of which they oppose, militarily.
To support this point, in the past weeks, Gen. Cirillo and supporters attacked or made grandiose claims about the SPLM/A (IO)'s establishment falsely and this is a cause of concern for me.
Further, against all odds, Gen. Cirillo has requested recognition from the Africa Union' chairperson. Therefore, it's high time for someone to tell Gen. Cirillo that no revolutionary has ever requested recognition either directly or remotely from anyone.
It's rather wrong for Gen. Cirillo or anyone of his calibre to beg for recognition from anyone. Gen. Cirillo must be told that his approach or strategy in this regard is flatly wrong and raised a lot of questions among many moving forward. At least for many like me, it displayed a lack of self-worth and inexperience.
Moving forward, I like Gen. Cirillo to consider the following recommendations:
I. Never again ask anyone to recognise your stand, prove it to them, if indeed your intentions were genuine and for armed opposition.
II. Never attack other armed oppositions on baseless grounds, for they are your best companions in armed. If anything, cherish their successes in defeating the enemy.
III. If your intentions are genuine and for armed opposition, be vigilant and never fall prey or allowed yourself to be manipulated by hovering crooks or never solely believe in any promises. Know that promises are just promises until proven.
IV. Take a leap backwards and immediately change your tone toward other armed oppositions and formally apologise to the SPLM/A (IO) establishment for the inconvenience.
V. Call for armed oppositions' alliances' conference to dispel any misinformation about your loyalties.
VI. Never claim military supports falsely from any other armed opposition, for the reverse rule is you would be their first target to prove that you are not one of them.
J. Nguen is the chairman of Nuer Supreme Council (NSC), South Sudanese advocate, political commentator and analyst. He can be reached at jamesnguen@gmail.com
March 18, 2017 (JUBA) – Dozens of South Sudan army (SPLA) soldiers led by Captain Lam Yuol Jok abandoned their positions and joined the armed opposition Brigadier Gen. Musa Dakumi in Raja area of Western Bhar el Gazal last Friday, a rebel spokesperson told Sudan Tribune Saturday.
Lt. Col. Lam Paul, a deputy rebel spokesperson, said pro-government camp in Raja and Western Bhar el Ghazal state joined ranks with their forces in the area to fight against the government.
He, however, said the soldiers defected after allegedly witnessing several mistreatment of civilians that include rape, tortures and extra-judicial killing of innocent children in Wau.
“They witnessed many atrocities ranging from gang rape of women and underage girls to kidnap and killing of innocent civilians by the untrained government Militias and so, they decided to join the mighty and disciplined SPLA-IO under the leadership of the Commander In Chief Dr. Riek Machar Teny Dhurgon,” Lam told Sudan Tribune.
The rebel official said they have welcomed all steps taken by the former government fighters, adding that their defection to the rebel movement remains a big blow to the Juba regime.
Lam has also disputed earlier reports that Col. Yien Mathew, a former fighter of the armed opposition faction in Upper Nile state defected to the government led by President Salva Kiir.
Yien, according to Lam, joined Lam Akol's National Democratic Movement (NDM) and not a member of the armed opposition movement led by former First Vice President, Riek Machar.
“Late last year he [Yien] became a member of NDM Liberation Council. Yien Mathew was a beneficiary of Dr. Lam Akol's NDM and did not rejoin the SPLA-IO completely, even secretly,” he said.
Sudan Tribune was unable to reach the SPLA spokesperson on the alleged defection.
(ST)
March 19, 2017 (EL-FASHER) - One person was shot dead and several others injured including an army officer in shooting incident Sunday in Mellit locality, 60 kilometres north of El-Fasher, North Darfur state capital.
Eyewitnesses told Sudan Tribune that a fight broke out when a trader in Mellit market was provoked by a person coming from another locality leading to the intervention of an army soldier.
In statements following the incident, acting governor of North Darfur Mohamed Braima Hassab al-Nabi said the killing resulted from a brawl among a group of people in the market.
“During the fight, some of them seized the rifle magazine from a soldier and the magazine was restored and some bullets were fired into the air and two attackers have been injured,” he said.
He pointed that four people were wounded in the fight, saying one of the attackers was injured and another died.
Hassab al-Nabi added that an army soldier was injured while he was acting in self-defence, saying the situation in the locality is calm.
He described the attackers as outlaws, saying they came from Kabkabiya locality and engaged in an altercation with a trader leading to the intervention of the army soldier.
The acting governor described the incident as “limited”, saying the commissioner and the security committee in the locality are investigating the issue to find out why the attackers came to Mellit.
Last June, North Darfur governor Abdel-Wahid Youssef accused unnamed parties of seeking to keep the “insecurity and instability” situation in Darfur, pointing to “hidden hands that prompt the security chaos in all Darfur's five states not only North Darfur”.
He declared a state of maximum readiness among regular forces to control the lawlessness situation in the state and prevented riding of motorcycles, wearing of Kadamool (a turban which covers the face) and holding arms inside the capital, El-Fasher.
(ST)
March 19, 2017 (KHARTOUM) - Sudan's foreign ministry has instructed the concerned bodies to develop a roadmap to end the Egyptian presence in the disputed area of Halayeb triangle, said border demarcation official.
The Halayeb triangle, which is a 20,580 km area on the Red Sea, has been a contentious issue between Egypt and Sudan since 1958, shortly after Sudan gained its independence from the British-Egyptian rule in January 1956.
The area has been under Cairo's full military control since the mid-1990's following a Sudanese-backed attempt to kill the former Egyptian President Mohamed Hosni Mubarak.
Head of Sudan's Technical Committee for Border Demarcation (TCBD) Abdallah al-Sadiq told Sudan Tribune the foreign ministry has met with several government organs including the justice and interior ministries, National Records Office and the TCBD in order to modify files prepared by previous committees on Halayeb.
He pointed the move indicates that the foreign ministry aims to take some action regarding Halayeb issue.
On Sunday, al-Sadiq told the semi-official Sudan Media Center (SMC) that a committee including all concerned bodies has been formed to decide on Halayeb triangle issue.
“The committee held a preparatory meeting to develop guidelines and a road map to explore ways to evict the Egyptians from the area [Halayeb] through diplomacy,” he said.
Al-Sadiq stressed that Khartoum has documents which clearly proves that Halayeb is a Sudanese territory.
Last October, Sudan once again lodged a complaint to United Nation Security Council (UNSC) over Halayeb triangle.
Last April, Cairo refused a demand by the Sudanese government to hold direct talks on Halayeb and Shalateen or to accept the referral of the dispute to the International Court of Arbitration.
Egypt has used to reject Sudan's repeated calls for referring the dispute to international arbitration.
The international law provides that the agreement of the two parties is needed to arbitrate a dispute by the tribunal.
Also, the Egyptian authorities have imposed restrictions on the entry of Sudanese nationals into the area.
(ST)
March 19, 2017 (JUBA) – The office of South Sudan's President Salva Kiir has dismissed reports claiming the country's leader had allegedly confirmed the "death" of Rebecca Nyandeng Garang, widow of South Sudan's ruling party (SPLM) founder, John Garang.
Ateny Wek Ateny, the presidential spokesman said Kiir's alleged confirmation of Nyandeng's "death" that circulated on social media was “just an evil-wishing spree.”
The presidential spokesman said Nyandeng has immediate and extended family members who would have confirmed or denied such news, if any.
"President Kiir has not spoken to anybody about the passing of John Garang's widow nor did he mention the word ‘dead' of any opposition leader," he said.
Ateny advised members of the public to disregard the news and treat it as a scam.
(ST)