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Stellen Sie sich vor, Sie besitzen ein eigenes Stück Land umgeben von der malerischen Schönheit des europäischen Kontinents. Der Gedanke, eine Insel in Europa zu kaufen, mag wie ein Traum erscheinen, aber es kann Realität werden. Mit einer Vielzahl an atemberaubenden Landschaften, die das Herz Europas prägen, bietet sich Ihnen die einmalige Gelegenheit, ein ganz besonderes Rückzugsgebiet Ihr Eigen zu nennen.

Von den sonnenverwöhnten Küsten im Mittelmeer bis hin zu den rauen Klippen der Nordsee – die Vielfalt ist beeindruckend. Bei diesem spannenden Vorhaben sollten allerdings einige wichtige Aspekte berücksichtigt werden, damit aus Ihrem Traum vom Privatparadies kein Albtraum wird. Dieser Artikel wird Ihnen dabei helfen, Schritt für Schritt den Weg zum eigenen Inselkauf in Europa zu ebnen und Ihnen wertvolle Tipps geben, wie Sie dieses Projekt erfolgreich umsetzen können.

Das Wichtigste in Kürze

• Präzise Standortwahl: Mediterrane oder nordische Insel, klimatische Bedingungen und Nähe zum Festland berücksichtigen.
• Erreichbarkeit und Infrastruktur: Gute Verkehrsverbindungen und Versorgungsdienste erhöhen Lebensqualität und Investitionswert.
• Rechtliche Rahmenbedingungen: Klärung von Eigentumsverhältnissen, Bauvorschriften und rechtliche Beratung sind unerlässlich.
• Kosten und Finanzierung: Alle Gebühren und Finanzierungsmöglichkeiten gründlich prüfen und planen.
• Langfristige Pflege: Regelmäßige Wartung und Einbindung lokaler Experten sichern dauerhafte Schönheit und Nutzbarkeit.

Wahl des idealen Standortes in Europa

Bei der Wahl des idealen Standortes in Europa sollten Sie verschiedene Aspekte berücksichtigen. Zunächst ist es wichtig, Ihre Vorlieben und Prioritäten zu definieren. Möchten Sie eine Insel im Mittelmeer oder bevorzugen Sie die rauen Küstenlinien Nordeuropas? Jede Region hat ihren eigenen Charme und bietet unterschiedliche Erlebnisse.

Eine entscheidende Rolle spielen auch klimatische Bedingungen. Südeuropäische Inseln wie Sardinien oder Kreta bieten mildere Temperaturen und längere Sommer, während nördlichere Inseln kühleres Wetter aufweisen.

Ein weiterer wichtiger Punkt ist die Nähe zum Festland. Wenn Sie planen, regelmäßig zwischen Ihrer Insel und dem Festland zu pendeln, sollte die Distanz nicht allzu groß sein. Denken Sie auch an die Verfügbarkeit von Grundversorgungsdiensten und medizinischer Betreuung, welche in abgelegenen Regionen möglicherweise eingeschränkt sein könnten.

Zusätzliche Ressourcen: Camping Europa Elba: Ihr Naturerlebnis

Berücksichtigung der Erreichbarkeit und Infrastruktur

Insel kaufen in Europa: Ihr PrivatparadiesEs ist wichtig, bei der Entscheidung für den Kauf einer Insel in Europa die Erreichbarkeit und Infrastruktur zu beachten. Überlegen Sie sich, ob es regelmäßige Verkehrsverbindungen wie Fähren oder Flüge gibt, sowie die Verfügbarkeit von Versorgungsdiensten wie Wasser- und Stromanschlüssen. Eine gut ausgebaute Verkehrsanbindung kann nicht nur die Lebensqualität erhöhen, sondern auch den Wert Ihrer Investition langfristig steigern. Jegliche natürlichen und geographischen Gegebenheiten sollten ebenfalls berücksichtigt werden, um sicherzustellen, dass die logistische Umsetzung reibungslos verläuft.

Die Natur kennt keine Grenzen; in ihr ist jedes Land ein Paradies. – Alphonse de Lamartine

Klärung der rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen

Es ist wesentlich, sich genaustens über die rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen zu informieren, bevor Sie eine Insel kaufen in Europa. Dazu gehört erstens die Klärung der Eigentumsverhältnisse, um sicherzustellen, dass das Grundstück frei von rechtlichen Belastungen oder Ansprüchen Dritter ist. Zweitens sollten Sie sich mit den geltenden Bauvorschriften und Nutzungsvorgaben vertraut machen, da diese je nach Land stark variieren können. Es kann hilfreich sein, sich von einem lokalen Anwalt beraten zu lassen, der Ihnen bei der Überprüfung aller erforderlichen Dokumente und Genehmigungen zur Seite steht.

Ermittlung der Kosten und Finanzierungsmöglichkeiten

Die Kosten können stark variieren, abhängig von Lage, Infrastruktur und Größe der Insel. Es ist wichtig, alle anfallenden Gebühren im Voraus zu berücksichtigen, darunter auch Steuern und Nebenkosten. Bevor Sie eine Insel kaufen Europa, prüfen Sie Ihre finanziellen Möglichkeiten gründlich. Eine Beratung durch einen Finanzexperten kann helfen, die beste ❬i❭Finanzierungsstrategie❬/i❭ zu entwickeln. Überlegen Sie auch, ob ein ❬b❭Bankkredit❬/b❭ oder private Finanzierung arrangiert werden sollen, um den Kauf abzuschließen.

Interessanter Artikel: Gebirge in Europa: Die Höhepunkte

.table-responsiv {width: 100%;padding: 0px;margin-bottom: 0px;overflow-y: hidden;border: 1px solid #DDD;overflow-x: auto;min-height: 0.01%;} Aspekt Beschreibung Wichtiger Hinweis Standortwahl Definition von Vorlieben und Prioritäten; klimatische Bedingungen und Nähe zum Festland berücksichtigen Mediterrane oder nordische Inseln? Erreichbarkeit und Infrastruktur Überprüfung von Verkehrsverbindungen und Verfügbarkeit von Versorgungsdiensten Regelmäßige Fährverbindungen sind wichtig Rechtliche Rahmenbedingungen Prüfung der Eigentumsverhältnisse und lokalen Bauvorschriften Rechtliche Beratung in Anspruch nehmen Verhandlung und Kaufabwicklung

Verhandlung und Kaufabwicklung – Insel kaufen in Europa: Ihr PrivatparadiesDer Prozess, um eine Insel in Europa zu kaufen, kann komplex sein und erfordert sorgfältige Vorbereitung. Wenn Sie sich auf Verhandlungen einlassen, sollten Sie zunächst sicherstellen, dass alle Details klar definiert sind. Es ist empfehlenswert, von Anfang an einen erfahrenen Rechtsberater hinzuzuziehen, der die nötigen Unterlagen prüft und Ihnen hilft, mögliche Fallstricke zu vermeiden.

Während der Verhandlung ist es wichtig, das Angebot ihrerseits sowie das Gegenangebot des Verkäufers genau zu kennen. Klären Sie wesentliche Punkte wie den Kaufpreis, Zahlungsbedingungen und etwaige zusätzliche Kosten. Transparenz ist hier entscheidend, um Missverständnisse zu vermeiden. Eine gute Verhandlungsstrategie berücksichtigt auch versteckte Kosten oder Verpflichtungen, die möglicherweise nicht sofort offensichtlich sind.

Sobald eine bverbindliche Einigungb erzielt wurde, geht es an die Kaufabwicklung. Hier spielen notarielle Beglaubigungen und offizielle Registrierungen eine wesentliche Rolle. Achten Sie darauf, dass alle Dokumente ordnungsgemäß ausgefüllt und eingereicht werden. Dies stellt sicher, dass Ihre neue Insel im Grundbuch korrekt eingetragen und rechtlich gesichert ist.

Empfehlung: Freizeitparks in Europa: Die besten Ziele

Planung der Nutzung und Bebauung

Bei der Planung der Nutzung und Bebauung Ihrer Insel sollten Sie zunächst entscheiden, für welchen Zweck die Insel hauptsächlich genutzt werden soll. Möchten Sie Urlaubsresidenzen, ein privates Refugium oder möglicherweise touristische Einrichtungen schaffen? Diese Entscheidung wird beeinflussen, wie viel Infrastruktur benötigt wird.

Sobald diese Entscheidungen getroffen sind, können Sie mit der detaillierten Planung beginnen. Berücksichtigen Sie dabei landschaftliche Gegebenheiten, um eine ästhetisch ansprechende und funktionale Umgebung zu gestalten. Ein erfahrenes Team aus Architekten und Ingenieuren kann Ihnen helfen, realistische Pläne zu erstellen, die Ihren Visionen gerecht werden.

Einbindung lokaler Experten und Dienstleister

Die Einbindung lokaler Experten und Dienstleister ist ein wichtiger Schritt, um sicherzustellen, dass Ihr Inselkauf in Europa reibungslos verläuft. Lokale Fachleute kennen die rechtlichen und kulturellen Besonderheiten und können Sie bei der Einhaltung aller Vorschriften unterstützen. Zudem verfügen Sie über wertvolle Kontakte zu vertrauenswürdigen Handwerkern, Bauunternehmern und sonstigen relevanten Dienstleistern, die für den Aufbau und den Unterhalt Ihrer Insel notwendig sind.

Langfristige Pflege und Instandhaltung

Um Ihre Insel in Europa langfristig schön und nutzbar zu halten, ist eine regelmäßige Pflege unerlässlich. Dies umfasst die Wartung von Gebäuden und Infrastrukturen sowie die Landschaftspflege. Es ist wichtig, dass Sie einen verlässlichen Plan erstellen, um laufende Wartungsarbeiten durchzuführen und dabei auch unvorhergesehene Reparaturen einzuplanen.

Darüber hinaus sollten Sie die Dienste lokaler Experten in Anspruch nehmen, um sicherzustellen, dass alle Arbeiten den örtlichen Bau- und Umweltvorschriften entsprechen. Eine gute Zusammenarbeit mit diesen Spezialisten kann Ihnen helfen, Probleme frühzeitig zu erkennen und zu beheben. Ein dauerhaft gutes Erscheinungsbild der Insel erfordert nicht nur Einsatz, sondern auch ständige Aufmerksamkeit auf Details und Kontinuität in den Pflegemaßnahmen.

FAQ: Antworten auf häufig gestellte Fragen Wie lange dauert es typischerweise, eine Privatinsel in Europa zu kaufen? Die Dauer kann stark variieren, abhängig von Faktoren wie rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen und Verfügbarkeit der Verkäufer. In der Regel sollten Sie mit einem Zeitraum von sechs Monaten bis zu einem Jahr rechnen. Welche zusätzlichen Kosten können beim Kauf einer Insel anfallen? Zusätzliche Kosten können unter anderem Notargebühren, Registrierungsgebühren, Steuern, Kosten für die Erschließung der Infrastruktur (z.B. Wasser- und Stromanschlüsse) und laufende Wartungskosten umfassen. Welche Versicherungen sind für eine Insel empfehlenswert? Es ist ratsam, eine Gebäudeversicherung, eine Haftpflichtversicherung und eventuell eine Versicherung gegen Naturkatastrophen abzuschließen. Eine gute Beratung durch einen Versicherungsexperten ist hierbei hilfreich. Gibt es Einschränkungen bezüglich der Landnutzung auf Privatinseln? Ja, viele Länder haben strenge Vorschriften zur Landnutzung, insbesondere in Bezug auf Umweltschutz und Bebauung. Es ist wichtig, sich vor dem Kauf über die spezifischen Bestimmungen zu informieren. Kann ich auf meiner Insel Gäste empfangen oder kommerzielle Aktivitäten durchführen? Das hängt von den lokalen Vorschriften und Genehmigungen ab. Es kann notwendig sein, spezielle Genehmigungen einzuholen, wenn Sie kommerzielle Aktivitäten wie Tourismus oder Veranstaltungen planen. Wie erfahre ich, ob eine Insel zum Verkauf steht? Sie können spezialisierte Immobilienportale und Makler beauftragen, die sich auf den Verkauf von Inseln konzentrieren. Oftmals erfolgt der Verkauf auch diskret über ein Netzwerk von Kontakten. Kann ich eine Insel als Zweitwohnsitz nutzen? Ja, viele Inselbesitzer nutzen Ihre Inseln als Zweitwohnsitz. Es ist jedoch wichtig, sich über die steuerlichen und rechtlichen Implikationen im Klaren zu sein, die mit einem Zweitwohnsitz im jeweiligen Land verbunden sind.

Der Beitrag Insel kaufen in Europa: Ihr Privatparadies erschien zuerst auf Neurope.eu - News aus Europa.

A pályázat keretében a vállalatok 10 millió és 1 milliárd Ft közötti vissza nem térítendő támogatást igényelhetnek energiatároló létesítmények telepítésére, illetve saját felhasználási célú megújuló energia- és hőtermelő rendszerek kiépítésére. A támogatás mértéke a vállalat méretétől függően 30–50% lehet és elérhető például napelemes rendszerek, hőszivattyúk, szélenergiás megoldások, valamint az ezekhez kapcsolódó energiatárolási, vezérlési és monitoring rendszerek kiépítésére. 

Credit: UN News/Felipe de Carvalho

By Ginger Cassady
BELÉM, Brazil, Nov 21 2025 (IPS)

Belém, at the mouth of the Amazon River, was always going to be a symbolic host for the UN COP30 climate summit, but the mood here has gone far beyond symbolism.

Indigenous Peoples, forest communities, women, workers and youth have set the tone in the streets and in the many grassroots spaces across the city. Their message has been consistent and clear — the Amazon cannot survive under the same financial system that is destroying it.

Inside the talks, however, governments are still trying to confront a planetary emergency while operating within a global economic architecture built for extraction. Debt burdens, high borrowing costs, reliance on extractive commodities, volatile currencies and investor-driven pressures all shape what is deemed “possible” long before negotiators put pen to paper.

This is the constraint the UN climate regime cannot escape: countries are expected to deliver climate action within a financial order that makes that action prohibitively expensive.

For wealthier countries, maintaining this structure shields their budgets and geopolitical leverage. For many developing countries, pushing for more ambitious outcomes means navigating the limits imposed by debt service and credit ratings. Emerging economies face their own entanglements, tied to commodity markets and large-scale extractive industries that remain politically powerful.

Overlaying this landscape is the relentless influence of lobbyists from fossil fuel companies, agribusiness conglomerates, commodity traders and major banks. Their presence across delegations and side events narrows the space for solutions that would challenge their business models.

What remains “deliverable” tends to be voluntary measures, market mechanisms and cautious language—steps that do not shift the structural incentives driving deforestation, fossil expansion and land grabs.

The Just Transition Debate Exposes the Real Fault Line

Nowhere is this tension more visible in the final hours of COP30 than in the negotiations over the Just Transition Work Programme. Many industrialized countries continue to frame just transition in narrow domestic terms: retraining workers and adjusting industries. For most of the G77, it is inseparable from land governance, food systems, mineral access, rights protections and—above all—financing that does not reproduce dependency and extraction.

The proposed Belém Action Mechanism reflects this broader vision. It could embed rights, community leadership, implementation support and a mandate to confront the systemic barriers that make unjust transitions the norm. But its language remains heavily bracketed — a sign of both political resistance and the pressure from vested interests uncomfortable with shifting power toward developing countries and frontline communities.

Debt-Based Forest Finance: The TFFF’s Structural Risks

The Tropical Forests Forever Facility (TFFF), launched by Brazil ahead of COP30, has become a flashpoint for these concerns. Despite political appeal, its reliance on long-term bonds and private capital ties forest protection to the expectations of bond markets rather than to the rights and priorities of the Peoples who live in and protect the forests.

Civil society groups have warned that the TFFF risks locking forest countries deeper into market volatility, exposing them to investor-driven conditions, and prioritising investment returns toward creditors over Indigenous Peoples or forest communities.

By treating forests as financial assets within debt markets, the model risks repeating the very dynamics that have fueled deforestation: inequitable power relations, external control and dependence on private capital.

As the talks wind down, negotiators should be frank about the stakes: debt-based climate finance will entrench, not ease, the vulnerabilities that climate action must confront.

Food, Land and the Weight of Finance

The financialization of land and food systems also looms over COP30’s final outcomes. Agribusiness giants, asset managers and commodity traders have reshaped agriculture into a global investment sector, consolidating land, driving forest loss and sidelining small-scale producers.

Draft texts now reference agroecology and Indigenous knowledge, but the political space for transforming these systems remains limited. Without addressing how speculative capital and global supply chains dictate land use, any agreement will fall short of what climate resilience truly requires.

Rights and Human Safety Under Threat

In the closing days of the talks, attempts to dilute gender language, weaken rights protections and sideline environmental defenders have drawn strong backlash from civil society and many governments. These are not isolated disputes; they reflect the political economy of extraction. Where industries rely on weak rights protections to expand, rights language becomes a bargaining chip.

The Indigenous Political Declaration: A Blueprint for Structural Change

As negotiators haggle over bracketed text, the Amazon-wide Indigenous Political Declaration stands out as one of the most coherent and grounded climate agendas to emerge at COP30. It calls for:

• Legal demarcation and protection of Indigenous territories

• as a non-negotiable foundation for climate stability.

• Exclusion of mining, fossil fuels and other extractive industries from Indigenous lands.

• Direct access to finance for Indigenous Peoples — not routed through state or market intermediaries that dilute rights or impose debt.

• Recognition of Indigenous knowledge and governance systems as central to climate solutions.

• Protections for defenders, who face rising threats across Amazonian countries.

This is not simply an agenda for the Amazon; it is a structural map for aligning climate action with ecological reality.

The Divide That Now Matters

As COP30 closes, it is clear the old frame of North versus South cannot explain the choices before us. The more revealing divide is between those defending an extractive financial order and those fighting for a rights-based, equitable and ecologically grounded alternative. Many of the interests blocking climate ambition in the North are aligned with elites in the South who profit from destructive supply chains.

Indigenous Peoples, women, workers and small-scale farmers share more in common with one another across continents than with the financial interests influencing their own governments.

Belém has forced the world to confront the limits of incremental change within an extractive order. Whether the final decisions reflect that reality will determine not just the legacy of this COP, but the future of the Amazon itself.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Excerpt:

Ginger Cassady is Executive Director, Rainforest Action Network

Source : © Union européenne, 2025 - PE

/ Espagne, Langue, Géographie, Région - Europe / Espagne, Langue, Géographie, Région

BERICHT über die Umsetzung des Abkommens über Handel und Zusammenarbeit zwischen der EU und dem Vereinigten Königreich
Ausschuss für auswärtige Angelegenheiten
Ausschuss für internationalen Handel
Thijs Reuten, Nina Carberry

Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2025 - EP

602352 Opening of the new child-friendly and victim-centred interview room in Bitola

A newly refurbished and fully equipped child-friendly and victim-centered interview room was inaugurated today at the Sector for Internal Affairs in Bitola, providing a safe, private, and trauma-informed space for conducting sensitive interviews with victims and witnesses, including children. This intervention is part of the project Swedish Support to Police Reform in North Macedonia, which aims to enhance the institutional capacity of the Police of the country to adhere to international best practices and human rights standards in the areas of Juvenile Justice and Community Policing.

The opening ceremony was attended by the Head of the OSCE Mission to Skopje, Ambassador Kilian Wahl, the Ambassador of Sweden to North Macedonia, Ola Sohlström, the Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs, Astrit Iseni, and the Head of Sector of Internal Affairs Bitola, Sasho Mircheski.

The new facility is designed in accordance with international standards and best practices and will support police officers and criminal justice professionals in applying a victim-centered approach in cases of domestic violence, violence against women and girls, trafficking in human beings, and juvenile justice.

Speaking at the opening, Ambassador Kilian Wahl underlined that “victims need special protection and a safe space that will prevent re-victimization and not inflict new trauma.”

Ambassador Sohlström reiterated Sweden’s commitment to supporting accountable and people-centered policing practices, both with expertise and funding, and that Sweden, though the Embassy in North Macedonia, is proud to support this important work. The Swedish Ambassador noted that this important step is a demonstration of the Ministry of Interior’s commitment to promoting a justice system that prioritizes the dignity, safety, and best interests of every child.

Deputy Minister Iseni reaffirmed the Ministry’s ownership and commitment to sustainability and focus on making victim-centered approaches standard across all police sections.

The initiative reflects the constructive partnership between the Ministry and the Swedish Police Authority in building a modern, accountable, and community-oriented police service in North Macedonia which is responsive to the needs of all citizens. It also reflects the overarching objective of the Swedish reform support to North Macedonia to assist to the country in its EU integration process also in the areas of rule of law, human rights and gender equality, and it supports the Government’s national reform priorities and the OSCE Mission’s thematic focus on gender equality, police development, and efforts to prevent and respond to violence against women and girls.

Held on the eve of the global 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence campaign, the event also underscores how partnership between institutions and international partners can deliver tangible improvements for victims and survivors throughout North Macedonia.

The initiative is realized under the Swedish Support to Police Reform in North Macedonia, implemented by the Swedish Police Authority, funded by Sweden, and within the framework of the extrabudgetary project “Building a Hybrid Education System in the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of North Macedonia”, led by the OSCE Mission to Skopje. The Republic of Finland has also provided targeted support enabling the implementation of this initiative and demonstrating continued trust in our joint efforts.

BERICHT über die Empfehlung des Europäischen Parlaments an den Rat, die Kommission und die Vizepräsidentin der Kommission und Hohe Vertreterin der Union für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik zu der diplomatischen Strategie und geopolitischen Zusammenarbeit der EU in der Arktis
Ausschuss für auswärtige Angelegenheiten
Urmas Paet

Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2025 - EP

BANJA LUKA, 21 November 2025 – International election observers will hold a press conference to present their findings following the early election of the president of Republika Srpska, Bosnia and Herzegovina.

What:

• A press conference of international observers to the early election of the president of Republika Srpska, Bosnia and Herzegovina
• Those unable to attend in person can follow the livestream here

Who:

• Mátyás Eörsi, Head of the ODIHR Special Election Assessment Mission
• Bernd Vohringer, Head of the Congress of the Council of Europe delegation
• Sérgio Humberto, Head of the EP delegation​

When:

• 15.00 local time (GMT +1) on 24 November 2025

Where:

• Ballroom 1st Floor, Courtyard by Marriott Banja Luka, Prvog krajiškog korpusa 33, Banja Luka

The international election observation is a joint effort of the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), the Council of Europe Congress of Local and Regional Authorities (Congress), and the European Parliament (EP). The mission totals 37 observers, composed of 15 ODIHR experts, 16 members and staff from the Congress, and 6 from the EP.

For more information, please contact:

Katya Andrusz, ODIHR: +48 609 522 266 or katya.andrusz@odihr.pl

Stéphanie Poirel, Congress: + 33 6 63 55 07 10  or  Stephanie.POIREL@coe.int

Raffaele Luise, EP: +32 470 952199  or raffaele.luise@europarl.europa.eu

Plenary session, Strasbourg

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

As the 7th AU-EU Summit convenes in Luanda, marking 25 years of partnership, the AU-EU relationship faces a critical juncture. This Policy Brief, “From Cairo to Luanda: A 25-Year Parliamentary Stocktake of AU-EU Relations” argues that the partnership must evolve from symbolic engagement toward a genuinely equitable relationship. The brief examines persistent challenges and opportunities across four areas: geopolitical shifts and the pursuit of a partnership of equals; reframing peace and security cooperation around equity and conflict prevention; ensuring the Global Gateway fosters local prosperity, particularly in Critical Raw Materials; and addressing human capital, mobility, and debt as interconnected priorities. It underscores the essential role of the Pan-African and European Parliaments in translating high-level commitments into tangible benefits for citizens.

As the 7th AU-EU Summit convenes in Luanda, marking 25 years of partnership, the AU-EU relationship faces a critical juncture. This Policy Brief, “From Cairo to Luanda: A 25-Year Parliamentary Stocktake of AU-EU Relations” argues that the partnership must evolve from symbolic engagement toward a genuinely equitable relationship. The brief examines persistent challenges and opportunities across four areas: geopolitical shifts and the pursuit of a partnership of equals; reframing peace and security cooperation around equity and conflict prevention; ensuring the Global Gateway fosters local prosperity, particularly in Critical Raw Materials; and addressing human capital, mobility, and debt as interconnected priorities. It underscores the essential role of the Pan-African and European Parliaments in translating high-level commitments into tangible benefits for citizens.

As the 7th AU-EU Summit convenes in Luanda, marking 25 years of partnership, the AU-EU relationship faces a critical juncture. This Policy Brief, “From Cairo to Luanda: A 25-Year Parliamentary Stocktake of AU-EU Relations” argues that the partnership must evolve from symbolic engagement toward a genuinely equitable relationship. The brief examines persistent challenges and opportunities across four areas: geopolitical shifts and the pursuit of a partnership of equals; reframing peace and security cooperation around equity and conflict prevention; ensuring the Global Gateway fosters local prosperity, particularly in Critical Raw Materials; and addressing human capital, mobility, and debt as interconnected priorities. It underscores the essential role of the Pan-African and European Parliaments in translating high-level commitments into tangible benefits for citizens.

On Wednesday, 5 November 2025, the Special Committee on the European Democracy Shield (EUDS) and the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET) will organise a joint public hearing on "China’s influence in the EU and globally".

This hearing will bring together experts to discuss the impact of China's global ambitions on European democratic resilience and offer guidance on building a coherent, principled response to these evolving challenges.

As China's strategic efforts to expand its political, economic and technological influence raise serious questions for democratic governance, strategic autonomy, and human rights, this discussion aims to pinpoint its impact and the next steps in the EU and beyond.
This hearing will explore how China exerts its influence ­̶ through infrastructure investments, academic and technology partnerships, media ownership, and pressure on diaspora communities ­̶ affecting European business sectors, security, and technological independence.

Poster
Programme
Presentation on China’s technological influence, EU digital & technological dependencies and vulnerability
Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

On Wednesday, 5 November 2025, the Special Committee on the European Democracy Shield (EUDS) and the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET) will organise a joint public hearing on "China’s influence in the EU and globally".

This hearing will bring together experts to discuss the impact of China's global ambitions on European democratic resilience and offer guidance on building a coherent, principled response to these evolving challenges.

As China's strategic efforts to expand its political, economic and technological influence raise serious questions for democratic governance, strategic autonomy, and human rights, this discussion aims to pinpoint its impact and the next steps in the EU and beyond.
This hearing will explore how China exerts its influence ­̶ through infrastructure investments, academic and technology partnerships, media ownership, and pressure on diaspora communities ­̶ affecting European business sectors, security, and technological independence.

Poster
Programme
Presentation on China’s technological influence, EU digital & technological dependencies and vulnerability
Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Plagued by drought, farming families living within the boundaries of the Dry Corridor in eastern Guatemala have resorted to rainwater harvesting, an effective technique that has allowed them to cope

By Edgardo Ayala
SAN LUIS JILOTEPEQUE, Guatemala, Nov 21 2025 (IPS)

Plagued by drought, farming families living within the boundaries of the Dry Corridor in eastern Guatemala have resorted to rainwater harvesting, an effective technique that has allowed them to cope.

This enables them to obtain food from plots of land that would otherwise be difficult to farm.

Funded by the Swedish government and implemented by international organizations, some 7,000 families benefit from a program that seeks to provide them with the necessary technologies and tools to set up rainwater catchment tanks, alleviating water scarcity in this region of the country.

These families live around micro-watersheds in seven municipalities in the departments of Chiquimula and Jalapa, in eastern Guatemala. These towns are Jocotán, Camotán, Olopa, San Juan Ermita, Chiquimula, San Luis Jilotepeque, and San Pedro Pinula.

“We are in the Dry Corridor, and it’s hard to grow plants here. Even if you try to grow them, due to the lack of water, (the fruits) don’t reach their proper weight,” Merlyn Sandoval, head of one of the beneficiary families, told IPS in the village of San José Las Pilas, in the municipality of San Luis Jilotepeque, Jalapa department.

The Central American Dry Corridor, 1,600 kilometers long, covers 35% of Central America and is home to more than 10.5 million people. Here, over 73% of the rural population lives in poverty, and 7.1 million people suffer from severe food insecurity, according to FAO data.

As part of the project, the young Sandoval has taken action to harvest rainwater on her plot, in the backyard of her house. She has installed a circular tank, whose base is lined with an impermeable polyethylene geomembrane, with a capacity of 16 cubic meters.

When it rains, water runs off the roof and, through a PVC pipe, reaches the tank they call a “harvester,” which collects the resource to irrigate the small garden and fruit trees, and to provide water during the dry season, from November to May.

In the garden, Sandoval and her family of 10 harvest celery, cucumber, cilantro, chives, tomatoes, and green chili. For fruits, they have bananas, mangoes, and jocotes, among others.

They also have a fish pond where 500 tilapia fingerlings are growing. The structure, also with a polyethylene geomembrane at its base, is eight meters long, six meters wide, and one meter deep.

Another beneficiary is Ricardo Ramírez. From the rainwater collector installed on his plot, he manages to irrigate, by drip, the crops in the macro-tunnel: a small greenhouse next to the tank, where he grows cucumbers, tomatoes, and green chili, among other vegetables.

“From one furrow I got 950 cucumbers, and 450 pounds of tomatoes (204 kilos). And the chili, it just keeps producing. But it was because there was water in the harvester, and I just opened the little valve for just half an hour, by drip, and the soil got well moistened,” Ramírez told IPS with satisfaction.

En español: Video: La sequía en el este de Guatemala se alivia con la cosecha de agua de lluvia

 

Ukrainian Made, Russian privately owned, Antonov AN-124 cargo plane grounded and ceased in Toronto, Canada since Feb 2022 after bringing in Covid supplies for the Canadian Government.

The united front in support of Ukraine solidified itself when the new US Administration’s efforts to bring a rapid end to the conflict was met with drone incursions outside of Ukraine’s territory, into the airspace of NATO countries. While efforts continue to negotiate an end to the conflict, support of Ukraine by all NATO allies continues, with advanced weapons from the US, France, Sweden and others in support of Ukraine’s Armed Forces. With a new funding arrangement since 2024, the importance of a united NATO is likely the only method to end the madness of the death machine that is the War in Ukraine.

One ally of the West, Canada, has taken its own approach in challenging the norm in US and NATO relations. Canada is unique in that is lies at the geographical centre of many world conflicts, and is a key ally that could help bring an end to conflict, or enable a long grind for its allies in this war. Canada is a microcosm of the West in its economy, location and values, but has chosen its trade relationship as the focus of its economy and security. The three pressures Canada face are China in the East, to Russia in the North, and Europe in the West. Canada’s response to the US and these three challenges will define Canada’s next generation of progress, whether they like it or not.

Canada seems to have taken an opposite track with their allies on China, doing little to challenge influences from their regime. Canada is considering increased trade with China to counter trade limits placed on it by the US, while similar limits are currently burdening Canada-China trade relations. Canada has been reticent to share intelligence information requested by the US on many occasions, done so despite the fact that the US-Canada border was at one point the most lucrative trading relationship in the world, and could easily regain that title in a year or two if needed. Canadian elections have been influenced from China on a few occasions, making running as a democratic candidate in Canada something that could hold risk from abroad. The reality is that many foreign actors infiltrate common allies like the UK for its financial industry and Australia for its role as a strong Western ally in the East, but Canada’s close proximity to the US with a largest undefended border is a strategic asset for any regime targeting the United States. While Canadian interests not being American interests may win elections, developing Canada into a hub for the interests of non-NATO allies hurts all Canadians.

It is never mentioned in the Canadian narrative that Canada has a Northern border with Russia. As an ally of Ukraine and NATO, Canada is responsible for defending itself from Northern incursions from Russian territory, especially those involving ballistic missiles. While Canada and the US always had a defensive posture via NORAD, the latest developments has Canada planning to move away from the US and purchase a defense radar complex from Australia. While the system from Australia is likely perfectly suited for Canada, the distance and parts to repair it if attacked or damaged leaves logistical issues that would not exist if using a system closer to Northern Canada coming from the US. Shipping parts from Australia to Canada post-attack would leave shipping vessels open to attack from China’s PLAN and Russia’s Navy, with little support ships from Canada existing to protect against an attack at the other end of the Pacific Ocean. Planes to ship such large parts were often contracted out to companies using Antonov aircraft, made in Ukraine, but used by companies incorporated in Russia. The US plan to produce a Golden Dome missile defense shield over North America may remedy many of these issues, but Canada would need to fully choose those tied in systems, likely not using their Australian radars in the infrastructure of the system. While THAAD type systems would make up the bulk of the first iterations of the Golden Dome, Canada would need to choose a path to keep itself safe as well, while supporting the safety of the US to the south. Radar detection means little when you have no missile interceptors to defend your cities, and most of your best equipment was sent to Ukraine’s border. It is unsure what military assets are capable in 2025 to defend Canada’s Northern Border region, and it is likely the case that Canada’s North is so poorly equipped that it is undefended at the moment from anything more than a slow 1950s era TU-95 Bear bomber. At this point, it is unsure what Canadian assets are defending the North from Russia’s mobile Topol missiles.

Canada’s narrative seems to be ignoring the issues above, in favour of the concept of becoming a member of the EU. While the Canadian government claims it has great ties to the EU, Canada’s own coat of arms shows ties to the United Kingdom historically and culturally, a region that has been divorced from the European Union for a few years. Canada’s main ties to the EU comes from their defense agreements via NATO, and NATO is focused on the defense of Western Europe. European powers would not be capable of adjusting to a defense of Canada due to distance and the vastness of Canada’s landmass, being limited themselves in defending from ballistic missile attacks using a lot less sophisticated weapons than a Topol missile system. Europe currently are tied up defending against drone incursions into Western Europe, and Canada would simply not ever be a priority for NATO.

Canada has its own issues making NATO a priority. Canada was asked directly to help ease the energy tensions in Europe from the Ukraine War, and declined the opportunity to help European citizens. After being openly requested to do so by European allies and Japan, Canada’s Government continues to refuse to take any meaningful steps to help send its oil and gas to Europe and Asia to help its Western allies. In the midst of this policy, Europe sought oil relief from using Russian oil bought from third party nations, only now to see it ceased due to the US targeting those nations purchasing Russian oil and gas. Despite all this, Canada has yet to take any serious steps to support its allies with its energy resources, but continues with its narrative for electoral gains.

The reality of Canada joining the EU comes after a generation of limited and failed trade agreements between Canada and the EU and Canada and the UK, the latter never being solidified due to limitations on access to Canada’s dairy sector. The same limit Canada placed on the US, ended up halting the Canada-UK trade agreement over Canadian agro sectors. While there is a Canada-European Union trade agreement, adding Canada to the EU would be counterproductive as Canada would burden the European Union’s agro sector by directly competing with it, something the EU never permits. Even when accepting new members into the EU, countries with large agro sectors like Poland were only admitted when they agreed to be discriminated against via their agro sector in favour of existing members keeping their benefits to those sectors. Canada’s massive agro sector has no value to the EU, and would be a disruption to local political interests. Europe’s need for Canadian oil and gas has already been scuttled by Canadian energy policy, or lack thereof, so Europe doesn’t need Canada, and when it does, Canada refused to give substantial help, even during the War in Ukraine.

The current policy limiting the sale of Russian energy is one of the best tools for winning the war. Canadian energy could be a near perfect remedy against European dependency on Russian oil and gas, helping all Europeans and other allies as a core strategic asset in the Ukraine War. Canadian policy could greatly contribute to ending the war sooner, keep Canadian safer, and produce a more prosperous relationship between Canada and the world. Canada does not seem to be going in that direction unfortunately, despite it being their duty as a NATO and Western ally. Europe will not seek added detriments from an additional member to the EU if that member has no ability to defend itself internally or externally, nor trade with its allies for needed assets. It is a choice for those in Canada to make if they wish to become part of the productive world, or become a victim of their own short term narratives. In Canada’s case, voting truly matters.

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