À l'automne 1993, les médias occidentaux célèbrent la mise au pas puis le bombardement du Parlement russe, dominé par des adversaires du néolibéralisme.
« Le coup de force de Boris Eltsine est un acte de salut public. » Charles Lambroschini, Le Figaro, Paris, 23 septembre 1993. « Le président russe, Boris Eltsine, a consulté le gouvernement des États-Unis avant de donner l'ordre de l'assaut du Parlement. (…) Bill Clinton a considéré que l'assaut par la force de la “Maison blanche” de Moscou était “inévitable pour garantir l'ordre”. » El País, Madrid, 5 octobre 1993. « Boris Eltsine se sera finalement résolu, à son corps défendant, à faire donner les chars pour restaurer l'ordre public et sauver son régime. Une décision radicale autant que tardive. » Éditorial du Monde, 5 octobre 1993. « La peste brune-rouge, curieuse épidémie de fin de siècle, s'est révélée, cette fois encore, n'être qu'un coup de sang. Et le sang, justement, n'a été répandu qu'en quantité raisonnablement mesurée (…). Bref, tout va bien. Sauf que l'énigme russe paraît plus redoutable que jamais. » Gérard Dupuis, éditorial de Libération, 5 octobre 1993. « Si Eltsine mérite d'être applaudi, ce n'est pas parce qu'il a remporté la victoire, mais parce qu'il a eu le courage d'employer enfin la force contre ceux qui n'ont jamais caché que les réformes démocratiques, tant politiques qu'économiques, ne convenaient pas à leurs intérêts. » L'Écho, Bruxelles, 5 octobre 1993. « En se débarrassant de ses ennemis, quitte à faire couler un peu de sang, Boris Eltsine rétablit l'ordre et offre aux Russes les chances d'un peu plus de démocratie. » Antoine Bosshard, Le Journal de Genève, 5 octobre 1993.Le 20 février 1909, « Le Figaro » publie à la « une » le « Manifeste du futurisme » rédigé par l'écrivain, juriste et artiste italien Filippo Tommaso Marinetti — une apologie de la violence mécanique et virile qui ne tarderait pas à se déchaîner à l'échelle du monde.
1. Nous voulons chanter l'amour du danger, l'habitude de l'énergie et de la témérité.
2. Les éléments essentiels de notre poésie seront le courage, l'audace et la révolte.
3. La littérature ayant jusqu'ici magnifié l'immobilité pensive, l'extase et le sommeil, nous voulons exalter le mouvement agressif, l'insomnie fiévreuse, le pas gymnastique, le saut périlleux, la gifle et le coup de poing.
4. Nous déclarons que la splendeur du monde s'est enrichie d'une beauté nouvelle : la beauté de la vitesse. Une automobile de course avec son coffre orné de gros tuyaux tels des serpents à l'haleine explosive… Une automobile rugissante, qui a l'air de courir sur de la mitraille, est plus belle que la Victoire de Samothrace.
5. Nous voulons chanter l'homme qui tient le volant, dont la tige idéale traverse la Terre, lancée elle-même sur le circuit de son orbite.
6. Il faut que le poète se dépense avec chaleur, éclat et prodigalité pour augmenter la ferveur enthousiaste des éléments primordiaux.
7. Il n'y a plus de beauté que dans la lutte. Pas de chef-d'œuvre sans un caractère agressif. La poésie doit être un assaut violent contre les forces inconnues, pour les sommer de se coucher devant l'homme.
8. Nous sommes sur le promontoire extrême des siècles !... À quoi bon regarder derrière nous, du moment qu'il nous faut défoncer les vantaux mystérieux de l'Impossible ? Le Temps et l'Espace sont morts hier. Nous vivons déjà dans l'absolu, puisque nous avons déjà créé l'éternelle vitesse omniprésente.
9. Nous voulons glorifier la guerre —seule hygiène du monde—, le militarisme, le patriotisme, le geste destructeur des anarchistes, les belles Idées qui tuent, et le mépris de la femme.
10. Nous voulons démolir les musées, les bibliothèques, combattre le moralisme, le féminisme et toutes les lâchetés opportunistes et utilitaires.
11. Nous chanterons les grandes foules agitées par le travail, le plaisir ou la révolte ; les ressacs multicolores et polyphoniques des révolutions dans les capitales modernes ; la vibration nocturne des arsenaux et des chantiers sous leurs violentes lunes électriques ; les gares gloutonnes avaleuses de serpents qui fument ; les usines suspendues aux nuages par les ficelles de leurs fumées ; les ponts aux bonds de gymnastes lancés sur la coutellerie diabolique des fleuves ensoleillés ; les paquebots aventureux flairant l'horizon ; les locomotives au grand poitrail, qui piaffent sur les rails, tels d'énormes chevaux d'acier bridés de longs tuyaux, et le vol glissant des aéroplanes, dont l'hélice a des claquements de drapeau et des applaudissements de foule enthousiaste.
Mystique catholique, antimoderne, journaliste et romancier, Léon Bloy a porté l'art de l'imprécation à ses limites. En 1885, il édite « Le Pal », un journal pamphlétaire dont la parution cesse au bout de cinq numéros. Il vilipende ici Albert Wolff, critique d'art au « Figaro ».
Il est assez connu des gens du boulevard, ce grand bossu à la tête rentrée dans les épaules, comme une tumeur entre deux excroissances ; au déhanchement de balourd allemand, qu'aucune fréquentation parisienne n'a pu dégrossir depuis vingt-cinq ans — dégaine goujate qui semble appeler les coups de souliers plus impérieusement que l'abîme n'invoque l'abîme. Quand il daigne parler à quelque voisin, l'oscillation dextrale de son horrible chef ouvre un angle pénible de quarante-cinq degrés sur la vertèbre et force l'épaule à remonter un peu plus, ce qui donne l'impression quasi-fantastique d'une gueule de raie émergeant derrière un écueil.
Alors on croirait que toute la carcasse va se désassembler comme un mauvais meuble vendu à crédit par la maison Crépin, et la douce crainte devient une espérance, quand le monstre est secoué de cette hystérique combinaison du hennissement et du gloussement qui remplace pour lui la virilité du rire franc.
Planté sur d'immenses jambes qu'on dirait avoir appartenu à un autre personnage et qui ont l'air de vouloir se débarrasser à chaque pas de la dégoutante boîte à ordure qu'elles ne supportent qu'à regret, maintenu en équilibre par de simiesques appendices latéraux qui semblent implorer la terre du Seigneur — on s'interroge sur son passage pour arriver à comprendre le sot amour-propre qui l'empêche encore, à son âge, de se mettre franchement à quatre pattes sur le macadam.
Le Pal, n° 5, 10 avril 1885.
Tandis qu'en octobre 1924 le décès de l'académicien et Prix Nobel de littérature Anatole France afflige le pays, le groupe surréaliste déclenche un scandale en publiant un violent pamphlet titré « Un cadavre », avec les contributions de Philippe Soupault, Paul Éluard, Pierre Drieu la Rochelle, Joseph Delteil, André Breton et Louis Aragon. Ce dernier proclame :
Il écrivait bien mal, je vous jure, l'homme de l'ironie et du bon sens, le piètre escompteur de la peur du ridicule. Et c'est encore très peu que de bien écrire, que d'écrire, auprès de ce qui mérite un seul regard. Tout le médiocre de l'homme, le limité, le peureux, le conciliateur à tout prix, la spéculation à la manque, la complaisance dans la défaite, le genre satisfait, prudhomme, niais, roseau pensant, se retrouvent, les mains frottées, dans ce Bergeret dont on me fera vainement valoir la douceur. Merci, je n'irai pas finir sous ce climat facile une vie qui ne se soucie pas des excuses et du qu'en dira-t-on. Je tiens tout admirateur d'Anatole France pour un être dégradé. Il me plaît que le littérateur que saluent à la fois aujourd'hui le tapir Maurras et Moscou la gâteuse, et par une incroyable duperie Paul Painlevé lui-même, ait écrit pour battre monnaie d'un instinct tout abject, la plus déshonorante des préfaces à un conte de Sade, lequel a passé sa vie en prison pour recevoir à la fin le coup de pied de cet âne officiel. Ce qui vous flatte en lui, ce qui le rend sacré, qu'on me laisse la paix, ce n'est pas même le talent, si discutable, mais la bassesse, qui permet à la première gouape venue de s'écrier : « Comment n'y avais-je pas pensé plus tôt ! »
Exécrable histrion de l'esprit, fallait-il qu'il répondît vraiment à l'ignominie française pour que ce peuple obscur fût à ce point heureux de lui avoir prêté son nom ! Balbutiez donc à votre aise sur cette chose pourrissante, pour ce ver qu'à son tour les vers vont posséder, raclures de l'humanité, gens de partout, boutiquiers et bavards, domestiques d'état, domestiques du ventre, individus vautrés dans la crasse et l'argent, vous tous, qui venez de perdre un si bon serviteur de la compromission souveraine, déesse de vos foyers et de vos gentils bonheurs. Je me tiens aujourd'hui au centre de cette moisissure, Paris, où le soleil est pâle, où le vent confie aux cheminées une épouvante et sa langueur. Autour de moi, se fait le remuement immonde et misérable, le train de l'univers où toute grandeur est devenue l'objet de la dérision. L'haleine de mon interlocuteur est empoisonnée par l'ignorance.
En France, à ce qu'on dit, tout finit en chansons. Que donc celui qui vient de crever au cœur de la béatitude générale, s'en aille à son tour en fumée ! Il reste peu de choses d'un homme : il est encore révoltant d'imaginer de celui-ci, que de toute façon il a été. Certains jours j'ai rêvé d'une gomme à effacer l'immondice humaine.
Collectif, Un cadavre, Imprimerie spéciale du Cadavre, Paris, 1924.
Les cinéastes Lars von Trier (« Breaking the Waves ») et Thomas Vinterberg (« Festen ») rédigent en 1995 un manifeste d'opposition radicale à l'esthétique tant de Hollywood que des vieilles avant-gardes, et imposent des règles concrètes pour respecter ce qui leur apparaît comme une morale de l'artiste.
En 1960, c'était la fin. Le cinéma était mort, il lui fallait ressusciter. C'était le bon objectif, mais ce n'étaient pas les bons moyens. La Nouvelle Vague s'avéra vaguelette qui sur le rivage tourna en gadoue. Brandir l'individualisme et la liberté a permis un moment de créer des œuvres, mais sans entraîner de transformation. (…)
En 1960, c'était la fin. Le cinéma n'était plus qu'artifice, et en mourait, à ce qui se disait ; le recours à l'artifice n'en a pas moins depuis dépassé ses records.
La fonction « suprême » du fabricant de film est de berner le public. C'est de ça que nous sommes si fiers ? C'est là ce que les 100 ans du cinéma nous ont apporté ? La pratique de l'illusionnisme comme moyen de communiquer des émotions, le libre choix par l'artiste de la tromperie ? La prévisibilité dramaturgique est devenue le veau d'or autour duquel nous dansons. (…)
DOGMA 95 combat le film illusionniste par un ensemble indiscutable de règles connu sous le nom de VŒU DE CHASTETÉ.
1. Le tournage doit être fait sur place. Les accessoires et décors ne doivent pas être apportés (si l'on a besoin d'un accessoire particulier, choisir un endroit où cet accessoire est présent).
2. Le son doit être produit en même temps que les images, et inversement (aucune musique ne doit être utilisée à moins qu'elle ne soit jouée pendant que la scène est filmée).
3. La caméra doit être portée à la main. Tout mouvement, ou non-mouvement, possible avec la main est autorisé. (Le film ne doit pas se dérouler là où la caméra se trouve ; le tournage doit se faire là où le film se déroule).
4. Le film doit être en couleurs. Un éclairage spécial n'est pas acceptable. (S'il n'y a pas assez de lumière, la scène doit être coupée, ou une simple lampe attachée à la caméra).
5. Tout traitement optique ou filtre est interdit.
6. Le film ne doit pas contenir d'action superficielle. (Les meurtres, les armes, etc., ne doivent pas apparaître).
7. Les détournements temporels et géographiques sont interdits : le film se déroule ici et maintenant.
8. Les films de genre ne sont pas acceptables.
9. Le format de la pellicule doit être le format académique 35 mm.
10. Le réalisateur ne doit pas être crédité.
De plus, je jure en tant que réalisateur de m'abstenir de tout goût personnel. Je ne suis plus un artiste. Je jure de m'abstenir de créer une « œuvre », car je vois l'instant comme plus important que la totalité. Mon but suprême est de faire sortir la vérité de mes personnages et de mes scènes. Je jure de m'y employer par tous les moyens disponibles et au détriment même de tout « bon goût » et considération esthétique.
Et ainsi je fais mon Vœu de Chasteté.
Copenhague, lundi 13 mars 1995. « Au nom du Dogma 95 » (traduction d'Evelyne Pieiller).
Paru en juin 1970 dans le « New York Magazine » sous le titre « Radical chic », ce reportage du romancier Tom Wolfe décrit une soirée organisée, le 14 janvier précédent, par le compositeur Leonard Bernstein dans son duplex new-yorkais de treize pièces avec terrasse. La fête avait pour objet de lever des fonds en faveur des Black Panthers…
Miam-miammmmmm. Ceux-là sont fameux. Petits fragments de roquefort roulés dans des noix pilées. Très savoureux. Très ingénieux. C'est cette façon dont la sécheresse un peu rude des noix frémit au contact de la saveur obstinée du fromage qui est si délicieuse, si subtile. Vous vous demandez ce que choisissent les Black Panthers ici, sur le plateau de sandwiches ? Les Panthers aiment-ils les petits fragments de roquefort ainsi roulés dans les noix pilées, les pointes d'asperge présentées sur des médaillons de mayonnaise et les petites boulettes « au Coq Hardi », toutes ces petites choses qui, en ce moment même, leur sont offertes sur des plateaux d'argent guillochés par des femmes de chambre en uniformes noirs et tabliers blancs repassés à la main... Le maître d'hôtel va leur apporter à boire… Croyez-le ou ne le croyez pas, mais telles sont les pensées métaphysiques qui vous passent par la tête, ici, à New York, au cours de ces réceptions qui ont le chic gauchiste. Par exemple, est-ce que cet énorme Black Panther qui est là dans l'entrée, celui qui serre la main de Felicia Bernstein en personne, celui à la veste de cuir noir et aux lunettes de soleil, qui a cette coiffure absolument incroyable, dressée dans tous les sens — est-ce que ce type, ce Black Panther, va prendre un fragment de roquefort roulé dans des noix pilées sur le plateau (…) ?
Mais tout est pour le mieux. Les domestiques sont des Blanches, ce ne sont ni Claude, ni Maude, mais des Sud-Américaines blanches. Lenny et Felicia sont des génies. En fin de compte, tout est une question de domestiques. C'est là qu'est la pierre de touche du chic gauchiste. Il est bien évident, en effet, que si vous donnez une party pour les Black Panthers, comme Lenny et Felicia le font ce soir, ou comme Sydney et Gail Lumet l'ont fait la semaine dernière (…) — eh bien ! évidemment, vous ne pouvez pas avoir un maître d'hôtel noir et des femmes de chambre comme Claude et Maude en train de circuler en uniforme à travers le salon, la bibliothèque et l'entrée, avec des plateaux couverts de verres pleins et de canapés. Beaucoup de gens se sont appliqués à faire le tour de la question. Ils ont essayé de se représenter les Panthers ou n'importe lequel des autres entrant tout hérissés, avec leurs cheveux électrisés, leurs lunettes cubaines, leurs vestes en cuir et tout, et d'imaginer Claude et Maude dans leurs uniformes noirs s'approchant pour dire : « Voulez-vous boire quelque chose, monsieur ? » Ils ont fermé les yeux et essayé de se représenter la scène d'une façon quelconque, mais on ne peut pas se la représenter. Elle est tout simplement inimaginable. C'est pourquoi la vogue actuelle du chic gauchiste a donné le signal de départ à une chasse éperdue au domestique blanc.
Le Gauchisme de Park Avenue, traduit de l'anglais (États-Unis) par Alexandra Giraud et Georges Magnane, © Éditions Gallimard, Paris, 1972.
Cette recension a été publiée dans le numéro de printemps de Politique étrangère (n°1/2017). Thomas Gomart, directeur de l’Ifri, propose une analyse croisée de l’ouvrage de James G. McGann, The Fifth Estate: Think Tanks, Public Policy, and Governance (Brookings Institution Press, 2016, 230 pages), et de l’ouvrage dirigé par Donald E. Abelson, Stephen Brooks et Xin Hua, Think Tanks, Foreign Policy and Geo-Politics: Pathways to Influence (Routledge, 2016, 208 pages).
L’élection de Donald Trump à la Maison-Blanche soulève bien des questions sur la production, le positionnement et l’avenir des think tanks, non seulement aux États-Unis mais aussi en Europe. La très grande majorité d’entre eux n’a pas anticipé sa victoire, remportée en dépit – ou plutôt à cause – du peu d’attention portée aux faits. Donald Trump a construit sa victoire sur une dénonciation systématique des élites politiques, médiatiques et intellectuelles traditionnelles et donc, indirectement, des think tanks. À Washington, la traditionnelle revolving door entre l’Administration et les think tanks est complètement perturbée. Plus profondément, le rôle des think tanks est directement remis en cause dans un environnement post-truth où les fake news et les déclarations mensongères semblent ouvertement assumées par le 45e président des États-Unis d’Amérique, pays qui a érigé la liberté d’expression individuelle en principe constitutionnel. À la veille de son investiture, The Washington Post publiait une tribune résumant bien les interrogations en la matière : « Trump pourrait causer la disparition des think tanks tels que nous les connaissons. »
Parallèlement, et de manière sans doute trop discrète, les think tanks se réunissent régulièrement dans différents formats internationaux pour réfléchir à leurs missions et envisager les évolutions de leur métier, pratiqué très différemment selon les pays ou les modèles d’organisation. Leurs activités suscitent fréquemment la curiosité de journalistes souvent intéressés par la notion d’influence, ou d’universitaires, intéressés quant à eux par le positionnement hybride des think tanks. Cette curiosité alimente une production régulière d’articles ou d’ouvrages qui, en raison du point de vue de leurs auteurs, restent souvent descriptifs ou, au contraire, attachés à déconstruire le phénomène. Rares sont ceux qui témoignent d’une proximité suffisante pour embrasser sa totalité, tout en ayant un minimum d’ambition conceptuelle. Parmi les ouvrages récents consacrés aux think tanks, les travaux de Thomas Medvetz avaient marqué une avancée, alors que ceux de Laurence Shoup relevaient plus d’une approche idéologique. L’ouvrage de James McGann et celui dirigé par Donald Abelson, Stephen Brooks et Xin Hua ont été élaborés dans ce cadre historiographique, mais vont être lus dans le contexte de l’arrivée au pouvoir de Donald Trump, au risque de laisser au lecteur l’impression qu’ils ratent leur cible principale. Ce décalage chronologique rend en réalité leur lecture plus éclairante. Ces deux ouvrages apportent, de manières différentes, des éléments utiles au débat sur les think tanks.
Senior Lecturer à l’université de Pennsylvanie, James McGann y dirige le Think Tank and Civil Societies Program, qui publie tous les ans un classement mondial des think tanks, et contribue à l’organisation de rencontres régulières entre eux à travers le monde. Depuis longtemps convaincu de leur importance croissante, James McGann considère qu’ils représentent désormais aux États-Unis un cinquième pouvoir. Partant d’une définition volontairement large – les think tanks sont des institutions qui produisent de la recherche, de l’analyse et des conseils sur les politiques publiques –, il considère que leur facteur différenciant est moins leur affiliation ou leur indépendance que leur caractère temporaire ou pérenne. Selon lui, il existerait sept types de think tanks : autonome et indépendant, presque indépendant, affilié à une université, affilié à un parti politique, affilié à un gouvernement, presque gouvernemental et, pour finir, à but lucratif. L’histoire et le paysage des think tanks sont décrits à grands traits, avant que soient abordées les contraintes qui leur sont communes. Toutes ces structures sont confrontées au même défi : comment tenir un langage de vérité aux autorités publiques (truth to power) ou, a minima, alimenter les mécanismes de décision par leur expertise ? Afin d’évaluer leur impact, James McGann consacre un chapitre à des études de cas relevant de la politique intérieure, et un chapitre à des études de cas relevant de la politique étrangère. Ce dernier examine les dossiers suivants : prolifération nucléaire en Corée du Nord, stratégie du surge en Irak, redéploiement stratégique global des États-Unis, conséquences du 11 Septembre, Darfour, politique de relance en 2009 et, pour finir, sortie d’Irak. Sur chaque dossier, le rôle joué par un ou deux think tanks est analysé, en mettant en avant l’exploitation médiatique des travaux ou les contacts au plus haut niveau qu’ils ont permis.
Pour lire la recension dans son intégralité, cliquez ici.
Pour vous abonner à Politique étrangère, cliquez ici.
Somalia is headed in the right direction. But ‘right direction’ doesn’t mean a path free of pitfalls and clear of landmines. A new President who inspired renewed sense of optimism within the Somali people has been elected by the parliament.
In his inauguration speech, the new President—Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed (Farmaajo)—has highlighted the direction that he wants to take his country. He underscored how the supremacy of the law is the central pillar of any viable State. “Sareynta sharcigu waa udub dhexaadka dowladnimada.” He also asserted that his government will be committed to strengthening the supremacy of the law as stipulated in the Somali constitution “(In xukuumadeydu ay) si dastuuri ah u xoojindoonto awoodda sharciga.”
These words don’t just highlight what the Somali people should expect from their new leader, they underscore the litmus test by which the new President should be assessed. There is no “supremacy of law” without respect for the constitution, regardless of its shortcomings.
Belligerence of Predatory Exploitation“Somalia is open for business” was the last government’s motto or rather corrupted officials dog-whistle to usher in predatory capitalists and make certain corrupt officials and their international brokers very rich. The previous government has ignored the serious warnings that: such haphazard invitation without having institutions of checks and balances would prove economic suicide. Now Somalia’s natural resources is wholly entrusted with a shadowy firm to explore, market and be granted exclusive rights to a number of lots. Never mind the fact that the constitution does not specify the demarcation of the federal-states or the distribution of natural resources. Somalia owes over $5 billion mostly to IMF and World Bank. And Kenya is claiming a legal right to part of Somalia waters.
These three deals have one thing in common: They were all secured away from the lampposts of transparency.
In business, as in politics ‘perception is reality’. That is why businesses spend significant amount of their revenues on building their public perception, therefore image. However, when the negativity associated with the business is so deeply rooted, it is almost impossible to change that perception. In that context let me say this: Since its genesis, Soma Oil and Gas has been wreaking the foul smell of corruption. Conducting shady dealings in a dark room might deceive the eyes, but not the nose.
Anyone who is, or has been, directly associated with said tainted firm has a lot to answer for. Was he or she the Somali John Doe who made the theft of the century possible? Did he or she play a role in facilitating or brokering former President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s approval?
Nature Of The ControversyImmediately following his inauguration, President Farmaajo has nominated the only Somali who is known in being part of Soma Oil and Gas, one of its top officials (Executive Director) and one of its major shareholders- Hassan Ali Khaire—as his Prime Minister.
I don’t personally know the nominee. However, it is fair to say a number of people who know him say that he is a professional and a good natured person.
While these are good qualities, they hardly address the nominee’s history with the aforementioned shady business. As a private citizen, he had the prerogative to engage in any business, but as a man being entrusted with the executive power of a nation victimized by the company that he was officially representing, it is a public interest and moral duty to scrutinize him thoroughly.
The Dash FactorExperiences and lives are often exclusively commemorated by calendar moments with a starting and ending dates that are separated by small dashes. In the employment history as well the life of the individual, more attention is given to one particular period or another. When a person’s employment or life may’ve started or it may’ve ended when the most important aspect of that record is the dash. That little dash encapsulates the real record and offers a more reliable portrait of a person.
The Hijacking ProcessAs soon as the nomination became public, a well-coordinated, relentless PR campaign has been launched to bypass the constitutional process.
Before being vetted by Somali parliament, without getting vote of confidence, and without being sworn-in, the nominee became Somalia’s Prime Minster upon his nomination. The timing coincides with while the newly elected President was out of country and the Speaker of the Parliament, who like the nominee is Somali-Norwegian, was the acting President. And just by sheer coincidence certain Guerrilla diplomats, namely from UK and Sweden, meet with “the new Prime Minister” to discuss “bilateral issues”. The strategic objective seems to establish enough facts on the ground that would make reversal of the nomination almost impossible.
Had a cordial and productive meeting with the UK Amb Mr. Concar @DConcar , we discussed bilateral issues pic.twitter.com/IWnOKA0cI3
— @SomaliPM (@SomaliPM) February 24, 2017
Proud to hand over congratulatory letter from Sweden's king to President @M_Farmaajo . New PM Khaire there, too. @SweMFA @TheVillaSomalia pic.twitter.com/1Wm7RRHhr0
— Mikael Lindvall (@MikaelLindvall) February 23, 2017
Though this seamless hijacking profoundly undermines the legislative authority of the Parliament as enshrined in the constitution, neither the Speaker of the Parliament nor the UNSGR expressed concern.
Soma Oil and Gas may have been cleared politically as this economic highway robbery has implicated some high level British politicians. It may have been cleared criminally as the UK Serious Fraud Office could not find enough evidence to put some people behind bars. You may remember the Mafia legend Al Capone whom the FBI could not bust him red-handed till he was finally busted on tax related crime. Soma Oil and Gas is ethically as shady as ever. And that should raise a red flag.
Raising The BarThere are more than one third of members of the new parliament who are from the diaspora and hold dual-citizenships. President Farmaajo should raise the bar for all officials who are dual-citizens who see themselves as people on vocation or, at best, on short-term tour of duty. He should voluntarily—indeed graciously—relinquish his US citizenship. In doing so, he would underscore that he is duty-bound to represent and serve his native nation and make it a country where his grandchildren could thrive peacefully. He and other dual-citizen officials and MPs have taken oath to put Somalia’s interest above all others, fairly, and justly.
The Foreign Secretary of U.K., Boris Johnson, the current President of Afghanistan, Ashraf Ghani, and his predecessor, Hamid Karzai, have renounced their citizenships to pursue political careers in their native countries.
Currently, as those before them, Ministers as well as MPs routinely visit foreign embassies on private invitations, private meetings, etc.
So What Is The Alternative?It is no secret that President Farmaajo is faced with multiple problems that demand his attention. Realistically speaking, he will not be able to solve all of them within his four year mandate.
This is not to set off the alarm for political or paranoiac moral urgency. This simply is an attempt to amplify the fact that unless Somalia ends its ever-present culture of impunity, reconstituting a viable Somali state would remain a figment of imagination.
There is a difference between political pragmatism which compels leaders to make certain undesirable deals as necessary compromises and gulping down the very toxic cocktail mixed to suck the life out of you.
As one of the majority of Somalis who would like to see the new President succeed, we cannot remain forever intoxicated with the post-election euphoria. So President Farmaajo must employ the ER approach to governance. in which life-threatening injuries are given more urgent attention than broken bones. Corruption presents an existential danger to this ailing nation. It is the main reason why Somalia is condemned into perpetual dependency.
This scandalous controversy marks a dark spot on his reputation as the desperately awaited people’s hero who came to crackdown on corruption. How fast he washes it off will determine how deep the stain may penetrate.
The nominee, by virtue of being a man who lived in the West long enough, and a civilian friend with extraordinary political influence of the previous president, one would think he should know better. In the past four years, the current nominee has witnessed three different Prime Ministers undergoing through the constitutional process before assuming their responsibilities.
President Farmaajo will either disassociate himself with this group by recanting his nomination for the egregious constitutional violation or risk being seen as an accomplice. Securing Soma Oil and Gas a direct access to the national executive power is tantamount to putting Dracula in charge of the blood bank of this ailing nation. [A couple of days after this piece was published on HuffPost, Somalia’s new parliament has granted Hassan Khaire unanimous vote of confidence to become the new Prime Minister]
The post Circling The Square In Somalia appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.
Last month, the 27th West 2017 was held in San Diego, California. Considered by many to be the premier maritime related conference, the venue brings together thought leaders and practitioners from the military, industry, and academia to network, discuss problems, and develop potential solutions.
This year’s conference theme was: Ready For Today, Modernize for Tomorrow: How Can We Maintain the Edge?
As the conference began I first was curious to know, from the perspective of the senior military commanders, what were the major threats in the Pacific region. I was particularly interested in anything on China. In the days leading up to the conference there had been reports in the press that China was considering a ban on foreign submarines operating in what it viewed as their territorial waters.
According to one report the proposed law would stipulate: “Foreign submersibles should travel on the surface, display national flags and report to Chinese maritime management administrations when they pass China’s water areas.” If the reports are true this would represent a major increase in tension on the ongoing East China Sea/South China Sea debates. I also wanted to learn about the new efforts and approaches were being developed to deal with the cyber threat.
Second I was concerned about the state of the readiness of the fleet. During testimony before the Senate Armed Services Committee on 8 February, Admiral William F. Moran, Vice Chief of Naval Operations stated: “while our first team on deployment is ready, our bench—the depth of our forces at home—is thin. It has become clear to me that the Navy’s overall readiness has reached its lowest level in many years.” This statement along with gaps in aircraft carrier operational deployments is very concerning.
Finally, I was hoping to simply listen and get informed and educated on other subjects that I might not be aware of but that senior leaders considered important.
What do the senior military leaders consider to be the major threats?I intend to write several blogs on the conference. For this first one, I will concentrate on my first question, what do the senior military leaders consider to be the major threats? There has been much talk about the implications of the new administration reliance on current and former senior military leaders in senior positions such as the head of the Department of Homeland Security, National Security Advisor, and Secretary of Defense.
As I listen to these discussions there seem to be two underlying concerns. I may be wrong but here’s my take. I think the real issue is a fear that the administration will develop solutions on foreign policy that too heavily focus on a military solution and not give enough consideration to other “tools” in our foreign policy kit; and a second related concern that military leaders might not have the intellectual skill set needed to deal with complicated foreign policy issues. I believe this attitude partly comes from the Hollywood image of military types being “lean, mean, killing machines”.
During my time in the military I was exposed to some of the most informed, brilliant, and innovative minds I have ever encountered in the national security/foreign policy arena. What most impressed me was they were the types of men and women who did not just spend lots of time discussing the problems but also spent a significant amount of time working on solutions.
I was also struck by the fact that most senior military leaders did not believe military force was always the best solution; most strongly advocated for a continuing strong role of the State Department. Senior intelligence community leaders have repeatedly stated that this is one of the most challenging and complex periods for national security issues.
In order to solve these problems, I believe you need people with a strong educational background as well as practical experience. The opening speaker for the conference ADM James G. Stavridis, USN (Ret.), Dean, The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, and former Supreme Allied Commander, Europe (2009-2013) is a good example of the type of leader I am talking about.
Admiral Stavridis spoke on the topic of 21st Century Security Challenges and Opportunities. He began by putting today’s problems in a historical context reminding the audience that its been about 100 years since the Battle of Jutland, a sea battle resulting in 10,000 people dying. During the Battle of Verdun in WWI there were over 1 million casualties. In all WWI resulted in over 20 million dead. He asked did we learn anything. In WWII the Battle of Stalingrad resulted in 2 million casualties.
As for today he sees it as a challenging, difficult world but he does not predict the kind of global cataclysmic results we saw in the 20th century. When discussing terrorism he pointed out that violent extremism is not confined to radical Islam. There are political violent extremists and here in the U.S. we have that plus racial extremism. He pointed out Dylan Roof as an example.
He went on to point out terrorism runs across societies and motivations but at the moment we need to focus on the Islamic State. Of all the violent extremists they are the most dangerous. They have been extraordinary at raising money and have a global reach. He believes we will clear up Mosul in the next few months but they have a plan and we need to deal with it.
As for other threats, Admiral Stavridis says Iran is bad news “even without nukes”. They see themselves as an imperial power and will continue to present challenges in Yemen and Beirut. He stated that many will say North Korea is the most dangerous in the world because they are led by an unpredictable leader and he already has nuclear weapons. The Syrian Civil War has caused over 500,000 deaths and waves of refugees from Syria and Libya are destabilizing Europe.
Concerning Russia, so far we have failed to move Putin into a more strategic view of dealing with the West so he will continue to us use Hybrid Warfare possibility against Europe. Admiral Stavridis believes we can avoid a war with China with the use of skillful diplomacy but we may see a series of aggressive moves. What worries him the most is cyber. Cyber is not only big nations attacking small nations but can be small nations attacking big nations. We are relatively unprepared to deal with it. He is also concerned about European unity. These are our greatest pool of partners and they have real challenges. In terms of whom are our best partners, Stavridis said we have many traditional but we need to look at India. He believes the rise of India is more important than the rise of China.
As for what can we do, the Admiral said the most important thing is to listen to each other. We need to have serious policy debates. We need to listen very closely to the Europeans. We need to listen to our opponents. In the case of Russia we need to listen and not stumble into another Cold War. The second thing we need to do is to work on our intellectual capitol and he mentioned the Naval War College and their activities as an example. We also need to educate ourselves through things like reading and learning other languages. The Admiral concluded his remarks by saying we do need a powerful global military force but we need to find the balance between hard and soft power.
I found the Admiral’s talk interesting and thought provoking. The only think I would disagree with are his comments of ISIS. As I have blogged before, ISIS may be getting most of the media coverage in the western media but there are other groups like Boko Haram that operates primarily in Africa that are just as deadly. My mantra is “terrorism is a global problem and requires a global solution.”
I think I will end here. As always my views are my own.
The post AFCEA West 2017 Conference (Pt.1): What are the Major Threats to the U.S.? appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.
Dalai Lama to speak at UC San Diego Commencement (UCSD).
China’s global censorship campaign has reared its ugly head again, this time at the University of California-San Diego (UCSD). There, a nationalistic overseas Chinese students’ organization with ties to the Chinese consulate-general in Los Angeles has attempted to censor a graduation speech by exiled Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama. Meanwhile in Britain, a similar Chinese students’ organization with ties to the Chinese embassy in London tried to censor a debate at Durham University featuring Chinese Canadian human rights activist Anastasia Lin.
These latest efforts at exporting Chinese censorship to Western universities appear to have failed. Similar efforts to impose Chinese censorship abroad have met with greater success, however, and such activities continue to pose a threat to free speech at Western universities. They also risk creating a hostile environment for other Chinese students who do not engage in such activities.
Events at UCSD began on February 2, when the university announced that the Dalai Lama would give the commencement address at its graduation ceremony in June. “We are honored to host His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama at UC San Diego and thankful that he will share messages of global compassion with our graduates and their families, as well as with a broad public audience,” said UCSD chancellor Pradeep K. Khosla in the announcement, “A man of peace, the Dalai Lama promotes global responsibility and service to humanity. These are the ideals we aim to convey and instill in our students and graduates at UC San Diego.”
The next day, a UCSD chapter of the “Chinese Students and Scholars Association” (中国学生学者联合会, CSSA) – a Chinese government-sponsored “united front” organization with chapters at universities around the world – issued a statement condemning the Dalai Lama’s planned appearance and calling on the university to cancel it, citing his unacceptability in the eyes of the Chinese government. CSSA called the Dalai Lama a “separatist” who seeks to “split the motherland,” claimed that his planned appearance “hurt the feelings” of Chinese students at UCSD, and vowed “to take further measures to firmly resist the university’s unreasonable behavior” in coordination with the Chinese consulate (See Campus Reform, China Digital Times, FIRE, Inside Higher Ed, Quartz, Taiwan Sentinel, The Tibet Post, The Triton).
Crudely hijacking the language of diversity and inclusion, CSSA members adopted the hashtag #ChineseStudentsMatter, as though inviting the Dalai Lama to speak at UCSD was tantamount to some form of anti-Chinese racism. Conflating mainland Chinese government policy with Chinese culture, Chinese student Wang Ruixuan wrote in the UCSD Guardian that “The main reason why many Chinese students are upset is that our university shows little consideration about cultural respect, as [the Dalai Lama] is a politically sensitive person in China.” Despite CSSA opposition, the university has no plans to disinvite the Dalai Lama.
Anastasia Lin (The Tab, Durham).
Meanwhile, a CSSA at Durham University in Britain tried to censor a debate appearance by Chinese Canadian human rights activist Anastasia Lin on February 10. Lin, a Falun Gong practitioner, has been particularly outspoken on the subject of religious persecution in China. CSSA claimed that Lin’s planned appearance was “a violation of the belief and feelings of Chinese students,” compared her to an Islamic State terrorist, and lodged a complaint with the Chinese embassy in London. The embassy then warned the university against Lin’s appearance, saying that “Chinese students are not comfortable about Lin because she’s not friendly to the Chinese government.” The Durham Union debating society went ahead with the event as planned (See BuzzFeed, FIRE, Palatinate, The Tab, Taiwan Sentinel).
CSSA is an “unofficial” affiliate of the Chinese Communist Party Central Committee’s United Front Work Department (中共中央统一战线工作部 or 统战部, UFWD), a “shadowy agency” of the one-party state whose mission is “to spread China’s influence by ultimately gaining control over a range of groups not affiliated with the party and that are often outside the mainland.” UFWD seeks to achieve its goals through the use of nominally “non-governmental” front organizations such as the China Council for the Promotion of Peaceful National Reunification (中国和平统一促进会, CCPPNR), which currently boasts some 200 overseas chapters in 90 countries around the world, where it frequently cooperates with overseas CSSA university chapters in pro-Beijing activities. Current UFWD head Ms. Sun Chunlan (孙春兰) is also the executive vice-president of CCPPNR.
In addition to their UFWD and CCPPNR affiliation, overseas CSSA chapters maintain close contact with the Communist Youth League (中国共产主义青年团 or 中国共青团, CYL), the party’s organization for students in China. U.S. national CSSA president Mr. Huang Di (黄迪) has appeared at UFWD and CYL events in China and was featured at an annual CCPPNR meeting at Harvard University in 2015. Leaders of overseas CSSA chapters, like Huang Di, are often students with strong CYL credentials from China. China uses overseas CSSAs to monitor, manage, and “protect” Chinese students from Western political influence while it uses them to “condition the West” according to China’s preferences and China’s methods of control.
According to Chinese Communist Party directives the targets of “overseas patriotic united front work” are Chinese students, professionals, and others living abroad including those who have taken foreign citizenship. Among its main tasks are to struggle against all forms of “separatism” and to unite all Chinese people worldwide “to achieve the complete reunification of the motherland.” Chinese students and CSSA chapters at universities in the United States and elsewhere have been identified as a particular focus of the Communist Party’s overseas “united front work,” frequently orchestrated by Chinese embassies and consulates abroad (See ChinaChange, The China Story, Radio Free Asia, Sydney Morning Herald 2014 & 2016, The Wall Street Journal).
Overseas students a focus of China’s “united front work” (U.S.-China Press).
In January 2017, U.S.-based CSSA and CCPPNR organizations joined in protest against Taiwan president Tsai Ing-wen’s visits to the United States and to demand adherence to the “one-China principle.” Previously, these same groups had joined in protest against a visit by Tsai as Democratic Progressive Party chairperson and co-organized an annual CCPPNR meeting at Harvard featuring national CSSA president Huang Di in 2015. In 2016, New Zealand-based CSSA and CCPPNR organizations joined to issue a “solemn statement” supporting China’s claims on islands in the South China Sea. In 2014, CSSA and CCPPNR organizations based in the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and Western Europe joined in protest against Japan’s “occupation” of the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands.
As the World Organization to Investigate the Persecution of Falun Gong has noted, CSSAs under the direction of and funded by Chinese embassies and consulates abroad have long been involved in the Chinese Communist Party’s efforts to silence its critics including Falun Gong practitioners like Anastasia Lin. In 2015, a CSSA at Columbia University with a history of anti-Falun Gong activities was shut down for violating university financial and organizational policies. CSSA anti-Falun Gong activities have also been observed at the University of Nevada-Las Vegas, at universities in Canada, at Australian National University, and at Magdeburg University in Germany.
CSSAs have likewise previously opposed Tibet human rights activism including visits by the Dalai Lama at Western universities. In 2008, the University of Washington bowed to CSSA demands that an appearance by the Dalai Lama would include no discussion on the political status of Tibet. That same year, a CSSA at Duke University was implicated in death threats against a Chinese student accused of pro-Tibet sympathies; and members of a CSSA at Cornell University targeted a professor with abusive online messages for showing a film on human rights issues in Tibet.
On many campuses, CSSAs have a close working relationship with Chinese government-run Confucius Institutes. Confucius Institutes are a noted part of Beijing’s “overseas propaganda” apparatus, and their presence on Western university campuses has been described as “academic malware” and as an educational “Trojan horse” due to their censorship practices and overtly propagandist character. Universities including the University of Chicago and Pennsylvania State University have severed ties with Confucius Institutes and the American Association of University Professors has called them a threat to academic freedom due to their relationship with the Chinese government.
CSSA’s have frequently been suspected of spying activities, particularly spying on Chinese students by other Chinese students to ensure their continued loyalty to “the motherland” while abroad. Chinese government-funded CSSAs at European universities have additionally been implicated in cases of industrial espionage.
Most Chinese students who go abroad do so simply to study and to enjoy the experience of life in another country. These students should be welcomed with open arms. Some, however, have chosen to function as agents of Chinese government propaganda, censorship, and surveillance at universities abroad. Such activities are a threat to free speech and academic freedom, not only for Chinese students, but for university communities at large.
The post China Attempts to Censor Western Universities appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.
The head of Europe’s delegation to the United Nations describes an ideological battle in the EU between globalism and nationalism.
The United Nations has an important role to play in countering the issues threatening to break up the European Union, according to the head of Europe’s mission to the world governing body.
Ambassador Joao Vale de Almeida said in a speech at the Foreign Policy Association in New York that the EU and UN must serve as pillars of stability against a wave of movements challenging Western Europe’s liberal order.
After decades of attempted continental unity following World War II, Almeida said “politics is back, big time.”
‘Turn of a cycle’“Elements of our model of organizing societies are being challenged,” he added. “We need to have a serious conversation about where the world is going, and I believe the best place to have this serious conversation is the United Nations.”
The world entered a “remarkable” period after the fall of the Berlin Wall, Almeida said, when trade was globalized, technological revolutions created more open societies and developing countries began to lift themselves out of poverty.
However, these trends are also partly to blame for recent surges in nationalism, inequality and authoritarianism forces Almeida described as “fault lines” that could break apart the EU.
“This period is now over,” Almeida said. “We have to acknowledge we are at the turn of a cycle.”
Events from the past few years have accelerated these trends, he explained, pointing to the Great Recession, the ongoing war in Syria, Russia’s annexation of Crimea and the UK’s shock vote to leave the EU.
“We’ve had a few surprises in the last year or so in terms of going to bed with one idea and waking up with another,” Almeida said. “If we lower our degree of awareness and vigilance and attention, we may wake up the following morning with some surprises,” he added.
At the center of all of this is an ideological battle between globalism and nationalism, according to Almeida. He said there are people on both sides of the political spectrum that believe solutions to today’s problems can only be found in “the narrow limits of a nation-state.”
Across Europe, there are populist candidates challenging the political establishment on what they see as an abandonment of traditional values, and one of the biggest flashpoints has been over immigration.
“You have a tension between multiculturalism and nativism,” Almeida said. “This is a major new phenomenon in some of our countries, because populists are getting too powerful.”
CrossroadsHow deeply these fault lines are entrenched will be revealed this year when three of Europe’s strongest democracies—France, Germany and the Netherlands—hold their elections. In each, establishment politicians are facing competition from upstart populists.
The ambassador also pointed to indications of an isolationist US under President Donald Trump as a reason for Europe’s political unrest. He said, “the country that assured that uni-polarity (sic) is clearly not wishing to retain that moving forward.”
“Others are coming up,” he added.
Despite reassurance from White House aides in recent weeks, Trump questioned the value of NATO to US interests during the election, a doubt that stoked fears among European leaders that their strongest ally was pulling back support. Some believe Trump’s government budget will include slashes to foreign aid.
To counter the forces threatening the EU, Almeida said, “we should be more rational and less emotional” in decision-making, and said the United Nations is the best place to have these conversations.
“This is where this crossroads in which we are today, the beginning of 2017,” Almeida concluded. “This is where I believe the European Union and the United Nations come together.”
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FPA Live with Ambassador Joao Vale de Almeida
由 Foreign Policy Association 貼上了 2017年2月28日
The post Europe’s ‘fault lines’ should be discussed at the UN: Ambassador Almeida appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.